REDUCTION OF THE MILITIA STAFF. (Hansard, 7 August 1835)

§ Colonel Sibthorp
rose to oppose the Motion. He did so because the Bill had been introduced at a late hour, and at a late period of the Session; it was founded on no justice, no necessity, no economy, no advantage to the public. It had been politically surreptitiously brought in. It was a Bill, a project, a measure which was unconstitutional, uncalled for, unrequired, and unnecessary. The noble Lord might say, it was founded on a point of economy. The noble Lord might be a very entertaining man—an uncommonly entertaining man in private circles; he might be a very clever man at the Home Department; but he (Colonel Sibthorp) would tell that noble Lord that neither he nor his noble Friend the late Secretary at War, in the event of their entering the Militia, would ever get much further than the awkward squad. The Militia was a constitutional body; it had infused a feeling of security and satisfaction into the hearts of our citizens at home—it had struck terror to the hearts of our hardiest foes abroad; and yet the noble Lord proposed to alter the constitution of this constitutional body, and to reduce its numbers in the proportion of one-third of two thirds. The noble Lord, having no ear for music, proposed, in the first instance, by one sweeping, and he would say, revolutionary measure to do away with all the drum-majors. Now, were the people of this country to be told in the nineteenth century, that drum-majors were to be treated in this way? Was it to be borne, or could it be supposed that drum-majors would respect the institutions of their country, if the laws afforded drum-majors no protection. The noble Lord was not aware probably—never having been a drum-major himself—that the office was one of the most difficult to fill up at a moment's warning, and that the course of training for a drum-majorship, was both difficult and expensive. The introduction of this measure was neither more nor less than a consequence of that democratic spirit which was floating about, 177 and which was to be found from beginning to end in all the proceedings of that noble Lord. The noble Lord began his democratic career by destroying what he was pleased to call the rotten boroughs; he then endeavoured to subvert the Corporations—though here he rather expected the noble Lord might be caught; and then looking round for more prey it suddenly struck him—"The Militia—another great constitutional body—I'll have a touch at that." The present Bill was the result—this attack on that great body of men—that efficient force. It was an act of legislative, economical injustice. He would ask the noble Lord, who pretended to feel for the people—but who did not care, as he believed, twopence for the people—whether he sincerely thought this measure would be beneficial to the public. Why did the noble Lord adopt "the eleventh hour," to bring forward an iniquitous measure of such consequence. He protested against this Bill, and also against any measure emanating from the Government; and he should, on a future occasion, take care to tell the noble Lord that the Bill was unbecoming the Treasury Bench, or any persons pretending to act for the benefit of the country.

§ Colonel Perceval
felt bound, as a militia officer, also to protest against the measure, even on the grounds of expediency, still more so on those of injustice. The militia staff had done essential service to the British nation during the war, and had been forbidden from volunteering into the active service, by which they might have attained promotion, and they had remained satisfied under the promise that their appointments were permanent. Now, with two months' notice (for it was now the 8th of August, and the Bill was to take effect on the 10th of October), the very men who had thus sacrificed their chances of promotion and served well their country were to be sent to the right about, at an age when it was impossible for them to turn themselves to any new employment, by which to earn their means of subsistence. The measure was fraught with cruelty and injustice.

§ Mr. Brotherton
protested against a Bill of this importance being discussed at the late hour which had now arrived (half past one o'clock.) He did not wish to stand in the way of the Government by now moving the Adjournment, but he must express a hope, that after this Bill 178 was disposed of, the other Orders of the Day would be read with a view to their postponement.

§ Lord John Russell
defended the Bill, and denied that it was contemplated by he Government to inflict any injustice upon the Militia Staff of the country. The Bill merely went on the principle of that brought in for the reduction of the militia corporals by Sir Henry Hardinge, by a reduction now of the non-efficient serjeants, and would be followed, before the Session ended, by another measure to provide for the pensions of those reduced from the present staff. The Government could therefore not be charged either with cruelty or inhumanity.

§ Lord Granville Somerset
denied the advantage which was supposed to arise from reducing the present Militia Staff so low as to make it wholly inefficient. By the proposed reduction of the drummers, that useful body, not so soon trained, would be wholly unavailing should any emergency arise. He had not heard the Bill defended either on principle, on grounds of economy, or of expediency. He should be glad to know what would be the amount of saving after the Bill for regulating the pensions of the reduced staff had passed. He thought, rather than this measure, it would be better to abolish the Militia Staff altogether.

§ Viscount Howick
Sir, the noble Lord has said, that this Bill is exceedingly inconsistent:—that we should have done one of two things either got rid of it altogether, or not to have reduced it at all: that if we proposed the present reduction on the ground that the Staff is inefficient, it is the grossest possible absurdity to render the Staff still more inefficient by diminishing it to such an extent that it will be utterly impossible to keep it up at all. Now, Sir, if this measure was intended to be final I admit there would be some force in the argument of the noble Lord. But I think it is impossible for any man to look at the Returns upon the Table from the Inspecting Officers, and not see it is the most absurd waste of money that ever was made by any country, to carry on the existing system at all. The expense for what is called the actual service (exclusive of the "dead weight") of the Militia, is no less than 96,000l. per annum. This amount is much swelled by the Dead Weight; and the whole amount, from keeping up the Staff, &c, is no less than 179 243,000l. a-year. The total amount lavished on this service, since the peace, (without, I may venture to say, producing the slightest return, or doing any actual service in any shape whatever)—the total amount lavished on this service, since the peace, and since the disembodying of the Militia is no less than 6,084,000l. This amount was proved in Committee on the Militia Estimates; and it was agreed by that Committee that the Inspecting Officers of the regular Army should be required to ascertain the state of the Militia, and the state of the Body was such that they advised a total change in the system. When the present Government came into office, and came to examine the Reports of those Officers, it was quite impossible for us to say that the system should be kept up in the present situation of the country: it was perfectly obvious that some important change must be introduced. But while we saw the necessity of a change we had no wish altogether to do away with some Establishment for providing the means to discipline a Militia, should it hereafter be necessary to be called into exercise. At the period of the year at which the present Government came into office with numerous important questions pressed on our attention, it was impossible on such an important subject to select and carry out a definite measure for establishing a reduced but an efficient establishment for providing the means of disciplining the Militia whenever it was called for. Then the course we took was this, Sir—that we should at once pension off those included in this Bill at the sums they would probably come upon the country for at some future time, but without filling up their places; and avoid pensioning off those who are yet efficient for any good purpose. In the next Session, these men being still in the receipt of their pay, it will be for the House to determine whether arrangements may not be made by which a small but sufficient Staff may be established. Such Sir, are the grounds on which this measure is proposed. My reasons for doing away with the drummers are very obvious, for, first the opinions of Militia Officers themselves are very contradictory as to the facility of obtaining them in cases of emergency: some saying that they are easily obtained: others the contrary. I think it is clear that you may have a good Militia with very inefficient drummers. 180 I would also beg hon. Members to look at the Reports of the Inspecting officers, and they will see that they Report that many of the present drummers have never been regularly instructed. Such, Sir, are the grounds on which this Measure is proposed, I trust it is one which will receive the support of the House.