HC Deb 07 July 1834 vol 24 cc1254-84

On the Order of the Day being moved for bringing up the Report on the Church Temporalities (Ireland) Act,

The Marquess of Chandos

rose to move as an Amendment, a Resolution on the distressed state of the agricultural interest. He had, he said, a number of petitions from Buckinghamshire on the subject of Agricultural Distress, which he should defer presenting until another opportunity. He should, perhaps, apologise to the House for again occupying their attention upon the subject of agricultural distress. But the importance of the question would, he hoped, be a sufficient justification for again introducing the present subject, and at so late a period of the Session. The smallness of the majority against his Motion upon a former occasion inspired him with confident hopes that the decision upon the present Motion would lead to a result beneficial to the agricultural interests. He was convinced, that the Government would feel themselves called upon to grant some relief—particularly as the subject had been adverted to in his Majesty's Speech at the opening of the Session. In reply to a question asked some time ago, the noble Lend opposite declared, that nothing could be done for the relief of the agricultural classes more than was already done. That declaration, he confessed, excited his regret and his surprise, after the declaration in his Majesty's Speech, and it constituted another reason for his again bringing the subject under the consideration of Parliament. When he last addressed the House upon this subject, he had to congratulate himself on having the assistance of a right hon. Baronet in the Cabinet, whose secession since had left him almost without hope that the agricultural interests had any supporters in the Ministry. When pressed to give relief to the agricultural classes, the noble Lord opposite said, that there were too measures of relief which would be submitted to the Houses in the course of the Session. The noble Lord alluded to the Poor-laws Amendment Bill, and to the Tithe Commutation Act. One of these Bills the noble Lord had certainly passed through the House, and, without at present entering into any discussion as to whether or not that Bill would ultimately afford such relief to the agricultural classes, he should simply observe, that even the relief contemplated by the noble Lord could not be afforded for some years—until after the Bill had come into full and efficient operation. Why, the very first effect of that Bill upon the farmer would be, to call for an additional outlay of money for the purpose of building workhouses. Could that be regarded as a measure of relief? Then with respect to the Tithe Commutation Bill. That Bill had been by some extraordinary arrangement, given up by the noble Lord. When he saw other classes of the people relieved from taxation, he thought it too bad, that the Session should be allowed to come to a close without some relief being afforded to the agricultural classes. The noble Lord said, he had no surplus of revenue to justify him in a reduction of taxes upon the agricultural classes. Had not the noble Lord consented to vote away large sums of money to purposes infinitely less important? Had not the noble Lord consented to grant money to the Poles—to the Danish claimants—to the Irish Church, and to Greenwich Hospital. It would not do, he could assure hon. Members, to pass this subject over as one of any secondary importance. True, a Committee had been appointed to inquire into local taxation, and he did not mean to deny, that relief might be given by the labours of that Committee. But as their report was not as yet before the House, it was obvious that any measure of relief must be distant, if it were afforded at all. He would not then enter into a detail of the distress which existed through the country. These details must be still fresh in the minds of hon. Members—for they were recently submitted to their consideration. He would only ask any hon. Member who heard him to look abroad amongst the agricultural classes, and judge for himself if distress did not exist, and to a very alarming extent, amongst the agricultural classes. Nor was that distress likely to be relieved by the drought of the present season. Relief, he thought, ought to be afforded to the agriculturists, not only from those taxes which pressed upon the farmer, but those which pressed upon the country at large. He had had an opportunity of ascertaining the opinions of many different classes upon this question, and all concurred in hoping, that the Session would not be allowed to pass over without some relief being afforded to the agriculturists. The noble Lord was about to give the farmers and labourers of England a Bill, which by many was regarded as a measure of considerable harshness; and he would implore the noble Lord not to allow the winter to pass without giving some relief to those upon whom the peace and quietness of the country so much depended. He could tell the noble Lord, that it would be impossible to maintain peace under the new Poor Act, unless the farmers were placed in a condition to enable them to employ the labourers. He would submit the case to the House, and he was sure he would have in favour of his Motion, if not a majority, at least such a minority as would show the Noble Lord that before long he would be compelled to afford relief to the agricultural classes. The noble Marquess concluded by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, expressing the deep regret the House felt at the continuance of the distressed state of agriculture, to which the attention of the House had been called by his Majesty's gracious Speech at the opening of the Session, and humbly representing to his Majesty the anxious desire of the House to have the attention of his Majesty's Government particularly directed to the subject, with a view to the removal of some of the pressure as to land by lightening the general and local taxation peculiarly affecting it."

Mr. Robert Palmer

seconded the Motion. He felt quite convinced that all who were connected with or friendly to agriculture would be strongly impressed with a sense of deep obligation to the noble Marquess for the untiring perseverance and great ability with which he advocated the just interests of the farmer. Representing, as he did, a large agricultural constituency, he was naturally anxious to second the Motion, and also to support it by his voice as well as he was able. So universal was the admission of the distress under which the agriculturist suffered that it must be unnecessary for him to trouble the House with proofs of that fact. That distress had been for the first time, in as far as his experience went, fairly and fully admitted by the Government in the speech delivered by his Majesty at the commencement of the Session. The declaration contained in that Speech, was regarded by the agricultural body at large as an evidence, a promise that the Government intended to afford some considerable relief to the suffering body. He knew that in many parts of the country meetings had been devised for the purpose of petitioning the Crown and the Parliament for relief, and that those meetings had been foregone in consequence of the impression effected by the King's Speech. When that Speech went abroad it was generally hoped, expected, and believed that the Government would afford some positive and considerable relief to the farmer. He was sorry to say, however, that those hopes had been disappointed, and that in consequence great dissatisfaction had arisen in many parts of the country. The noble Lord had, on a previous occasion, admitted the distress of the farmer, and expressed his regret at not being able to relieve it by any large reduction of taxation. But the noble Lord had added, that he had measures to propose which would afford material relief; and that he considered the farmer must be relieved rather through an abatement of local taxation than through that of general taxation. One of the projected measures alluded to by the noble Lord was the commutation of tithes. He certainly thought, that if the commutation of tithes was arranged upon a fair basis, it would be a great advantage to the agriculturist; and therefore he regretted much that no such settlement had been come to. The subject had now been under discussion for two Sessions, and it was most desirable that it should be settled. Indeed, while left in its present state, it had a very injurious effect, for it was impossible for parties wishing to sell land, or parties wishing to buy, to conduct their transactions with anything like certainty and satisfaction. He hoped, therefore, that in the next Session, at all events, the present state of doubt would be put an end to. Another measure which the noble Lord had alluded to as one of anticipated relief to the agriculturist was the Poor-law Amendment Bill. That measure had now passed that House; and, although he was perfectly ready to give the Government credit for good intentions, he could not help feeling great difficulty and doubt as to the practical working of that measure. He thought so much would depend upon the persons who would have authority to put the machinery into action, that every one must entertain great doubt as to the success of the scheme. The greatest virtue, as the case appeared to him, that those who would have to put the Act into force could practise would be forbearance, for without that, and without they sought assistance and advice at the hands of the local authorities, their interference would be most injurious. Another point to which the noble Lord had adverted as one upon which relief might be afforded to the agriculturist was the county rates. Upon that subject he feared that no satisfactory result could be anticipated from the inquiries of the Committee this Session. There was yet one point to which he wished particularly to advert, and that was the conduct of the Government with respect to the Corn-laws. The cultivators of the soil did not feel any confidence from the course taken by the Government that the Corn-laws would not be assailed, and with the countenance of the Government, in the next Session of Parliament; for, although the Government had voted against the Motion of the hon. member for Middlesex, still the opposition was so slight that it gave reason to believe it promised no very long endurance. He could not say, that if, in the next Session of Parliament the Government should be induced to admit foreign corn, upon the principle which the noble Lord (Lord Althorp) and some others contended for, that it would be a benefit to the agriculturist—it would speedily be found that the complaints of the farmer would be more general and more pressing than ever. He should be most happy to hear from the noble Lord, that his Majesty's Government were prepared at once to afford substantial relief to the agriculturists; but failing that, an assurance that at the earliest practicable period assistance should be afforded would be received with satisfaction and with gratitude.

Lord Althorp

had no intention to complain, admitting as he did that the distress of the landed interest still continued that the subject had upon the present occasion been introduced by the noble Lord to the attention of the House; in making the motion, however, the noble Lord, aware of the difficulty there was of shaping it so as to secure the support of those who on a variety of topics held somewhat conflicting sentiments, had adopted a most prudent course, by submitting it in as general terms as possible; at the same time, that was a mode of procedure to which he, in his experience on the other side of the House, had not unfrequently had recourse, and he was therefore ready to admit its perfect fairness and justice. But it was also easy for him to call upon those who supported this Motion to point out in what way they expected the relief which they demanded could be given. For his own part, he confessed it was extremely difficult, looking at the general taxation of the country, to discover those taxes which peculiarly pressed on the landed interest. He had formerly, as the House was aware stated his intention to apply himself to the examination of all those burthens which peculiarly affected that class; and, having done so, he would state to the House some of those points on which he meant to give relief, although he very much feared it might, in a pecuniary point of view, from the difficulty to which he referred, appear to many of a trifling amount. He was inclined to think, as he had stated more than once, that the severe pressure on the landed interest arose from local more than from general taxation; and that they would obtain relief, not only from the Amendment of the Poor-laws, but also from the commutation of tithes. The noble Marquess complained that he had abandoned the Tithe Commutation Bill; but any hon. Gentleman who looked at the period when he did give it up must be satisfied, that he had been induced to do so only from the extremely slight chance of being able to carry it in the present Session. That was a measure to which he had more applied his individual attention before the sitting of Parliament than to any other subject which had been introduced to the consideration of the House—indeed, if he might be allowed to say so, it was peculiarly his own measure; and if he had thought there was a probability of being able to bring it to a successful issue before the Session terminated, he should have been most unwilling to abandon it. The discussions' in Committee on the Poor-law Amendment Bill had extended to so much greater length than he had anticipated (although he did not complain of the attention which had been thus occupied, having endeavoured to make as much progress as they could), that it was impossible to go on as he wished with the other measures. He did not agree with the noble Lord, or with the hon. Gentleman who had seconded his motion, in thinking that the Poor-law Amendment Bill, if passed into a law, would have little effect in relieving agriculture. He knew that in those parishes where an improved system had been adopted, relief had followed, and therefore he believed that immediate advantage and relief would result from the general adoption of that measure. Allusion had been made to the Committee on County-rates; and he was inclined to think, from what he had seen of its proceedings, that considerable advantage might be derived from some of the suggestions which had been thrown out. The recommendation particularly in relation to criminal prosecutions and the mode of charging their expenses, would be a decided improvement; it was founded in justice; and he believed considerable relief would result from its adoption to the landed interest. At the same time it would be necessary, if that recommendation should be adopted to devise a system of efficient checks in order to carry it into convenient operation, and that he feared was impossible, at this advanced period of the Session. He had been taunted, and he thought not very fairly, with the grants of money which at different times had been made; but the noble Lord was quite aware that they had been forced upon Government, and in several instances in opposition to his expressed inclination and vote. As far as the terms of the Address were concerned, he was quite ready to agree to it; but the speech by which it was introduced, and the criticisms by which it was accompanied, were certainly by no means so friendly, and as the noble Lord considered it as holding out an immediate prospect of considerable relief, he was not prepared to consent to it. The noble Lord had alluded to the surplus revenue likely to be in hand at the end of the present quarter; at the present moment, however, he could not, until the accounts were made up, state any thing very explicitly, beyond holding out a prospect that a surplus at the end of the financial year, in April, would be found. This being only the first quarter, and the accounts not being completed, it would be rash to calculate on a much greater increase. But as far as that surplus extended he hoped the House would do him the justice to believe that he would not scruple to reduce the taxation of the country. When, however, he came to apply himself to those burthens which peculiarly pressed on the agricultural population, he had, as before stated, found considerable difficulty. The first burthen which he proposed to remove was the Window-tax on farm-houses below a certain amount. [The Marquess of Chandos: What amount?] He was not prepared to enter into the details of his financial arrangement, his object at present was only to refer to the principles of the relief which he proposed for the agricultural interest. The details would more conveniently be entered into on another occasion. Another species of relief to rural parishes, and in reality, he thought, to the farmer, was to allow boys under fifteen years of age to be employed as household servants without being taxed as servants. That, as he had stated, would afford great relief to parishes by enabling them to employ those who otherwise would remain out of work, and the advantage would also extend in a considerable degree to the farmer. He should also propose, that husbandry horses occasionally employed in other occupations should be relieved from the tax after a certain time, that farmers below a certain amount should be allowed to use horses employed in agriculture as riding horses, and that they should have the power of occasionally letting for hire their horses, without being subject to the usual tax. He also proposed to take away the taxes on horses employed by shepherds, and on shepherds' dogs. He had stated, that he quite admitted the existence of agricultural distress, and that the duty of Parliament and the Government was to apply themselves to give as much relief as possible, and accordingly he was prepared to face the question of local taxation, to which that distress was principally owing, as liberally as he could without imposing unnecessary burthens on the public purse. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Palmer) had complained of the conduct of the Government with respect to the Corn-laws, but every Cabinet Minister had in fact voted against the Motion for the repeal brought forward by the hon. member for Middlesex, for, looking at the state of the agricultural interest, and considering the consequences which would ensue from such a measure being only carried through that House, he had, notwithstanding his theoretical opinions on the subject, felt himself bound to vote so. He thought after the division which had taken place on that occasion, although it had been said, the object of the Reform Bill would be to entirely destroy all care for the landed interests of the country, the hon. Gentleman had no reason to complain of the state in which the Corn-law Question now stood. At all events, those who held the opinion, that it was for their advantage that the law should continue as it now stood, although he did not think they were altogether right in their opinion, had no ground of complaint against the course which Ministers on the occasion alluded to had adopted. In conclusion, the noble Lord declared his determination to oppose the Motion.

Mr. Heathcote

approved of the recommendations of the County-rate Committee, and trusted, that if the proposed changes were not made this Session, they would be completed next. With respect to the Corn-laws, he did not think the allusions to them judicious. As the subject had been introduced, he must say, that he thought too low a ground had been taken. The Corn-laws were supported by the judgment of a large majority in that House, and by a larger majority out of it. In the county which he had the honour to represent, he knew that Agricultural Associations were generally formed, and that they had come to a determination to maintain the protection now received. As he was anxious to support the agricultural body, he should vote with the noble Marquess.

Mr. Hume

expressed his joy at finding a fixed ground taken for the landed interest, by the hon. Member who had just addressed the House. The hon. Member appeared to think, that the people were favourable to the Corn-laws. That was a question which would soon be tried. The hon. Member too rejoiced in Agricultural Associations, and yet, when the labouring classes formed Unions, they were exclaimed against. The Corn-laws were an odious monopoly. He contended, that the land paid no taxes at all. They made the public pay 6d. for a loaf, which ought to cost only 4d., and out of the surplus, they paid what they called, exclusive taxes. The noble Lord spoke of reducing the local taxation of counties; but he begged on the part of the boroughs and towns of England to put in a claim for some portion of that reduction. Local taxation might not press to an equal extent on the borough population, as on the agricultural community, but still the former was not devoid of all claim on the noble Lord's kindly intentions. The great evil of the county local taxation originated in the gross mismanagement of those to whom its levying was intrusted. At present, he did not hesitate to say, no kind of check, or control over its levy, or indeed in its expenditure, was exercised. The Government some time ago gave hope, that the subject would receive their attention, but as yet no steps were taken to place it on a better or more satisfactory footing. He would recommend the Government not to interfere at all with it, but leave it to the country gentlemen themselves, the parties naturally most interested in the proper management of the local taxes, to make the requisite reduction in the expenditure, and to arrange a proper system of control over the collection. Of one thing, he was sure, if the Government attempted to exonerate the counties from local taxation, they would find it impossible to avoid coming before Parliament for grants of the public money. The noble Lord had been at some trouble to account for his having voted against, and spoken in favour of the Motion which he submitted to the House on the present subject, but he feared, beyond himself, the noble Lord had failed in attaining his object. All he had to say upon the point was, that if in future, instead of speaking for, and voting against him, the noble Lord would vote for, and speak against him, which he might do as often as he pleased, he would never think of upbraiding him with the apparent inconsistency of the proceeding. Upon the subject of the Corn-laws, he did hope the House of Commons would, during the next Session, see the necessity of doing justice to the people. If his Majesty's Ministers would only give him, and those with whom he coincided, fair play, he was confident a majority of that House would be found favourable to a free trade in corn; a measure which would do more for the real advancement of the agricultural interests, than all the financial projects the noble Lord had just announced.

Mr. Cayley

, in commencing his observations, said he was very sorry to differ with his noble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The hon. member for Middlesex had attacked the Agricultural Associations, and had adverted to the Unions. But he would beg leave to ask, whether a great distinction was not to be drawn between those Associations which met for the purpose of petitioning Parliament peaceably on the subject of their distress, and those Unions which paraded the streets in formidable array. The agricultural interest, he maintained, was taxed by low prices. And the hon. Gentleman proceeded to read a Letter which had been written by an operative of Manchester, which said, that the anti-Corn-law men dared not call a meeting in that town, because they knew that if they did, they would be defeated—that the operatives there were not to be gulled; and that they knew, if such tax were taken off, they (the operatives) would derive no benefit, as the money would go into the pockets of the master-manufacturers, instead of their own. To show the animus which directed certain persons, the hon. Member said, that that very morning they had a witness before the Committee on the band-loom weavers, who, having expressed a wish, that the Corn-laws should be done away, was asked, whether, in such an event, he might not be as much prejudiced in respect to his home custom, as he would be benefited by foreign trade in corn? To this, he replied, that certainly the feeling was, that such was the agricultural strength in the House of Commons and the House of Lords, that the operatives confidently expected the result would be, that the agriculturists would complain of the reduction of the interest of the National Debt. He thanked the noble Lord for his intention to take off the duty on shepherds' dogs, because it was a vexatious tax. He believed, that nothing but relief from taxation would be of use, and he hoped that local taxation would be reduced. He would also call the attention of the noble Lord to the tax on memorials for registration, in the counties of York and Middlesex. There was a strong impression abroad, that foreign corn was smuggled into this country through Jersey and Guernsey, and that it was smuggled in through certain channels, from the United States, &c.; and he wished his right hon. friend, the President of the Board of Trade, would look to this matter. It had been urged, as an objection to the Resolution of the noble Lord, that it would lead to no practicable result; but he thought its effect would be, to show that that House were resolved, at all hazards, to protect the agricultural interest, it would give great satisfaction to the country. Low prices, were the cause of the pressure—a fact which was stated in a petition which he had hoped to have presented to the House. The agricultural interest wanted higher prices; and the two alternatives left were, either to elevate prices, or to effect a reduction of taxation. He knew this was an unpopular doctrine—and that there was only one doctrine more so, and that was, political economy. The hon. Gentleman here referred to some of the evidence given before the Agricultural Committee, to show, that that interest required relief. If the labourers expected relief from any other source than that of the capital of their employers, they were mistaken. He thought, that an increased silver currency, and allowing the issue of paper 1l. notes, managed under proper restrictions and safeguards, would be an advantage to the country. He prayed the noble Lord to do something efficient for the landed interest, for otherwise, he believed, that disaffection would rise up in this country, and that the Government would be vested in other hands than those in which it was now placed, because they would lose their seats from disappointing the hopes of the landed interest.

Mr. Baring

thought the agriculturists of the country owed a deep debt of gratitude to the noble Marquess for again bringing under discussion the condition of their interests, endeavouring once more to extract from Government some promise of relief. The distress of the farming population had now continued for a longer period than distress had ever previously been endured, and it became in consequence the more necessary that the attention of the Legislature should be earnestly and forcibly directed to it. Than the degree of relief just promised by the noble Lord, nothing could be more unsatisfactory, nay, nothing could be more insulting. The distressed condition of the agricultural interest at the commencement of the present Session had been deemed of such importance as to be worthy of mention in the Speech from the Throne; and, notwithstanding that circumstance, and notwithstanding the noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) was, up to the present time, unable to say, that the condition of that interest was improved, or improving, it appeared that all which they had to expect from his Majesty's Ministers, was the repeal of the tax on shepherds' dogs. Undoubtedly the relief which the noble Lord proposed giving was something; but it could not for a moment be expected to satisfy the farmers, who, more especially since the recognition of agricultural distress both in the Speech from the Throne, and in the speeches at various times made by Ministers, very naturally expected that some portion of the noble Lord's financial savings would have been appropriated to their relief. The noble Lord repeatedly promised, that as soon as the finances of the country permitted it, the agricultural interests should be relieved, but unfortunately when the proper time for carrying the promise into effect arrived, either from forgetfulness, or from a desire to stop the mouths of some more clamorous claimants, the noble Lord invariably passed over the agriculturists, and turned his savings into different channels. Whether the noble Lord was or was not sensible of this breach of promise, he could not positively say; but it would appear that the noble Lord was sensible of it, for, although the proper period had long since elapsed—up to the present hour the noble Lord had shirked—he (Mr. Baring) could not use a more appropriate term—making any exposition respecting the taxation of the country, and, apparently fearful lest some financial statement should be required of him before the surplus revenue was exhausted, he had commissioned the right hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade, to announce the intended reduction of several taxes. Now, he thought the agricultural interests had great reason to complain of such treatment. Every practicable reduction in taxation, ought, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, to have been applied to those taxes which pressed on the farming population; and when the Bill embodying the Resolution agreed to the other night was brought in, he would certainly give it every opposition in his power. Than the Resolution for the reduction of taxation, to which he alluded, anything more futile in itself—or directed to more useless objects—could not, in his opinion, have been framed; and he confidently expected the public would, ere long, be of the same opinion. When the great mass of the agricultural population were in a state bordering on starvation, the attention of his Majesty's Ministers was directed to the reduction of the duties on the dry fruits imported into the country. When the great interest of agriculture was threatened with a ruin which it could only escape by a speedy, nay, he would say, an immediate reduction of taxation, down came his Majesty's Ministers to Parliament and proposed, that the duties on currants, raisins, and olive oil, should be reduced. If he (Mr. Baring) were called on to select out of the whole list of Customs duties the reduction of which would give the least possible relief to the public, he declared on his honour, he would have named those selected by the right hon. Gentleman, the President of the Board of Trade. With the exception of the duty on oil used in manufactures, not one of those proposed to be reduced would benefit the community. With that sole exception they belonged exclusively to articles of luxury, alone consumed by the wealthier classes. Whenever the Bill came before the House, he repeated he would give it every opposition in his power, and he would, at the same time, attempt to show that the regulation which would allow of the exportation of British coal to countries competing in manufactures with England was not only ill-advised, but extremely dangerous. He would be prepared to contend, that the selection announced by the right hon. Gentleman was, under all the circumstances, the most wanton and absurd that could possibly have been made. To the speech the noble Lord had made that evening, he had listened with the greatest attention. All he would say of it was, that it was perfectly in character with its predecessors on the same subject. Although the noble Lord did not vote against the agricultural interests, he took good care on every possible occasion to do them as much injury as he possibly could by the speeches with which his votes were accompanied. On no occasion did the noble Lord omit to say, how very little the agricultural interest was in his opinion entitled to protection. Taking this circumstance into consideration, and also taking into consideration the fact that it was in the power of the Government by the exercise of its influence in that House to command a majority on any question brought before it, he thought it was not surprising that the landed interest of the country should look with jealousy and mistrust, as well on the Ministry who could so far control the action of the House of Commons, as on the House of Commons which permitted itself to be so blindly led by the Ministry. How far the noble Lord conscientiously discharged his duty in so frequently availing himself of his chance power to meet every question with a prepared majority of two to one he left it to himself to determine. It was undoubtedly true, as stated by the hon. Member who spoke last, that the great difficulty under which the farmer laboured, was insufficiency of prices. He could not, however, agree with him in opinion, that the farmer would be benefited by such a change in the currency as would make him receive for a quarter of corn eighty pieces of silver, each of the value of sixpence, instead of receiving for the same quantity, as at present, forty pieces, value one shilling each. The increase in the supply of corn from Ireland, and the price at which the growers of corn there were able, owing to the cheapness of labour and the absence of poor-rates, to send it into the market, had tended much to increase the distress of the English farmer. The hon. member for Middlesex had complained of the farmers forming associations; but in his humble opinion, nothing could be more harmless than those very associations. The topics discussed at their meetings related exclusively to agricultural pursuits; and if the hon. Member would trust himself at one of them, he would soon be convinced of their superiority in every respect over the meetings of town societies. They had at all events one merit at least in his eyes, on no occasion was treason or doctrines tending to the injury of any other class in the community ever broached among their members. Allusion had been made to the price of French corn in contrast with that of English growth; but he cautioned the House against being led away by the argument which was founded on the difference. The public papers were teeming with articles founded on this comparison; but he knew well from what party such articles sprung. They originated entirely with those who sought to disturb the existing laws; but who, in their eagerness to attain their object, never thought it worth while inquiring how far the arguments they used were based on a solid or defensible foundation. The difference between the prices of French and English corn he took to be very trifling, all things considered. In the northern parts of France—at Rouen and at Havre—the average price of corn was 40s. per quarter, while in England it was 47s. or 48s.; but when it was taken into consideration that the taxation of the latter country was nearly double that of the former, it must appear that prices were not as high in England as in France. In France, moreover, the prices were constantly fluctuating, while in England they remained for the most part constant. The great misfortune attending the taxation of the farmer was, that his taxes were for the most part of a character not immediately reducible by Parliament. Nearly all the high roads of the country, the maintenance of the police, the execution of criminal justice, the support of the Church, were charged upon the farmers. The Parliamentary taxes were small in amount as compared to the local taxes, and yet the farmer contributed quite as much to the State, if not more than his town neighbour. It was urged, that the price of bread ought to be made as low as possible. He thought so too; but still he would caution the House not to reduce its present amount in compliance with the demands of those who, as soon as they obtained their professed object, would turn their combination to secure a participation in luxuries not necessary for their comfort or station. While on the subject of the Corn-laws, he would take the opportunity to observe, there was a subject connected with them well worthy of more attention than his Majesty's Government seemed disposed to afford it: he meant the general belief that foreign corn was surreptitiously imported in large quantities as the produce of Canada and the Channel Islands. Although the right hon. Gentleman denied, that there was any ground for the rumour, he felt called upon to say he believed the fact was as stated. Indeed, if proof were wanting of the fact, at all events as far as the Isle of Man was concerned, it was to be found in the circumstance, that several establishments in that island, which, a few years ago, were worth nothing, had of late years become extremely wealthy. It might be true, that no very great amount of corn found its way surreptitiously into England; but if only a single quarter made its way in such a manner it spoke very much against the system, and demanded the serious attention of the proper authorities. As far, at all events, as the Isle of Man was concerned, he repeated, the case was capable of proof, and he submitted that a restriction should be imposed either on foreign corn imported into that island, or on all corn exported from it to England. He was not just then prepared to say how far the islands of Guernsey and Jersey were chargeable with the surreptitious introduction of foreign corn; but he believed it was an ascertained fact, that both those Islands sent into England the whole amount of their produce, and depended upon the foreign markets for a supply for home consumption. Such a proceeding might not be illegal; but it certainly was in direct contravention of the spirit and intention of the Corn-laws. The intention of the law in sanctioning the introduction of the Channel Island produce was to afford a market for the excess of produce over the home consumption, not that the entire produce should be exported to England, and that the home consumption of those Islands should be supplied by the foreign market. With regard to Canada, a similar cause of complaint existed. In the year 1828, Canada did not send more than 4,000 or 5,000 quarters of corn to Great Britain, while at present it contributed no less than 100,000 quarters. Such an increase could only be accounted for by what in his own mind he was satisfied was the fact; namely, that the United States supplied by far the greatest portion of it. Surely, however, such was not the intention of the Corn-laws in sanctioning the introduction of Canadian grain? The agriculturists had a right to look with jealousy towards a Government that could permit such a system, and was formed upon a theory correspondent with it. It was impossible for men to divest themselves of the notion that this subject could not be looked after very closely by those who did not approve of protecting duties. He had many doubts if any pains were taken in Canada to prevent the corn coming from the United States being shipped for England. It was impossible to provide against this course of trade, unless the bonding system were to be introduced into Canada. Where there was a boundary of 1,200 miles it was impossible to prevent such a violation of the law. If it were really the intention of Parliament that no protection should be afforded to the agricultural interest, let Parliament at once say so; but if the law said the reverse, it was the duty of the Government to see, that the law was respected and duly enforced. In the Isle of Man, in the Channel Islands, the Isles of Guernsey and Jersey, and in the colony of Canada, would be found a case in point. The noble Lord had brought in a Bill last year on the subject of Commutation of Tithes which had died a natural death, and he had brought in another this year which would meet with the same fate; and therefore he would say, that the noble Lord had raised expectations throughout the country that he had not realized. The noble Lord thought to meet all difficulties by his Bill for the alteration of the Poor-laws. He agreed with the noble Lord that that great measure, however it might ultimately work for the general good, could not have an immediately beneficial effect. It could not, in the first instance, effect a reduction of rates, for at its commencement it would impose upon every parish the necessity of a considerable outlay. The noble Lord was mistaken with reference to this Bill. The noble Lord had said, that the system which his Bill was to introduce had been partially tried, and that it had been found to work well in small parishes; but the noble Lord ought to reflect that when it came to be applied to the whole of England it would prove impracticable. If the system had been applied in one single parish what had been its effect? It had made the poor shift for themselves, and had obliged them to move into other parishes; but if the Bill were to be tried universally throughout England, it would be impossible for the poor to move from parish to parish, or to provide for themselves. It was, therefore, fallacious to argue that because the system worked well in an isolated parish, it was applicable to the country at large. After the manner in which agricultural distress had been introduced into the speech at the opening of the Session, he conceived that the House might do great good in sending up the proposed Address to the Crown. It would show his Majesty who, in his Speech, had met the House with an expression of his sense of the distresses under which the agricultural interests laboured, that nothing had been done to relieve those distresses, and he thought it would only be becoming in the House to express to his Majesty a hope that these distresses might yet be remedied.

Mr. Fryer

reprobated the course pursued. Nothing could be done to benefit the country unless they left the tiller of the soil a fair proportion of its produce. If the tiller of the land improved the land, it was but fair that he should have the reward. Agriculture was not flourishing. The capital of the farmer had diminished, and the labourers could not be employed. What was the reason of this? This was the question. Ay, the question. Why was it so? Why was it so? Why, because the farmers' contract had been made in paper-money, which had been altered in value by a certain Bill. The landlords had kept the farmers to their bargains. ["No, no!"] He said, yes, yes. He maintained that they had. They puffed themselves off for reducing rent this per cent, or that per cent; but this was only to prevent their being obliged to rescind the contracts. The Corn-laws were not repealed only because rent must be kept up; but what had the people to do with rents? The people had nothing to do with rents, mortgages, and debts; no, nothing to do with the national debt. The national debt belonged to the landlords, and the people had no right to be called upon to pay it. The landlords deceived the tenants by holding out to them that the Corn-laws would keep up the price of corn to 80s. a quarter. Every thing had been taken away from the working classes, in order to give to the drones. Then came the remedy to reduce tithes; but the House had rejected this, and yet when the proposition was made to rob the poor by the Poor Law Bill, the House received it with acclamation. The Lord Chancellor said to the nobility take care of your estates. He said to the nobility pass the Poor Law Bill, and they would lose their estates and their lives. The poor in open day would set ricks on lire in sight of each other. The people were ripe for rebellion; they were ripe for incendiarism. What should he say to the people? Some hon. Member said 'Coercion; they would not submit to Coercion; they would fight against it. There would be a Revolution; there was 16,000,000l. in the savings' banks, and a demand for gold would cause a stoppage of payments." There was but one way for the House to proceed—to throw overboard the agricultural interests; he meant the landowners. The House had to look to the people, and not to any partial interest. The only way to make the agriculturists again prosper was to make them independent of the landlords. Whether they repealed the Poor-laws or not, nothing would save the owners of poor lands. The Corn-law was a wicked Bill. It was an offence against God and man; a crime which ought to be punished.

Mr. Gisborne

had always pressed upon Government the necessity of removing those taxes which pressed upon the land. The landed interest had been enamoured of its burthens, whilst they were a plea for claiming protection. Now they wished to get rid of their burthens, he should like to know if they would be equally willing to get rid of the protection? He recollected the speech which had been made by the right hon. Baronet, the member for Tamworth, upon the subject of agricultural distress. He had represented himself as taking a walk with the farmer, and in which their attention was called to all subjects around them, and upon an investigation, in the course of their discussion, it was proved, that there was not one article, which the farmer consumed from the manufacturer, that was not more highly protected than agricultural produce. He (Mr. Gisborne) contended, that the smuggler was the great benefiter of mankind. He was the only corrector of absurd and injurious commercial protection.

Mr. Hawes

said, that if an answer were wanted to the speeches at present delivered by some Members of the House, all that was necessary was to refer to the speeches of the same hon. Members previous to the year 1828, which generally contained a complete answer to their arguments. Thus he found, that on the 25th of April, 1828, an hon. Member, now a great landed proprietor, and the Representative of a large agricultural constituency, but then a great merchant, and the Representative of the borough of Callington, was represented to have said, in speaking of the provinces of Holland, 'They were still populous, and had once been extremely opulent and powerful as a manufacturing nation; nor let hon. Gentlemen ever forget, that from that opulence and power, they had declined absolutely from levying enormous duties upon the corn consumed by their subjects. The same fate, resulting from the same cause, as irresistibly awaited this country as one day succeeded another. As to the talk about high prices, the danger of our present system arose, not from positive, but from relative prices. He owned he was amazed at the course which so many Gentlemen had pursued upon this question. How was it possible that any men, having the powers of reasoning or reflection, could come down to that House, day after day, and talk about protection to corn, protection to wool, protection to oak bark—the difference meanwhile in the price of bread between Great Britain and the Continent being, as the difference in favour of the latter, between 25s. and 64s. How is it possible, that they should expect we could go on exporting manufactures, as we now did, to the amount of between 50,000,000l. and 60,000,000l. a-year, there being this frightful disproportion between the relative prices of corn among ourselves and our continental neighbours.'* If he, connected as he was with manufactures, were to make such an observation, it might possibly be attributed to interested motives; but in supporting such doctrines, he could protect himself under the distinguished sanction of the hon. member for Essex. The hon. Member went on to say, 'Heartily did he wish, that 'some man among them, with honesty in 'his heart, would come down and tell 'them plainly, it was their duty to consider, 'not how they might get in their own *Hansard (new series) xiv. p. 154. proper rents for that particular year or so, but how the country was to subsist with its establishments for the next twenty or fifty years. But, on the contrary, he declared with pain, that whenever the Corn Question came on for discussion, it was argued by them on the most selfish and narrow-minded principles, that any Legislature ever condescended to listen to.'* He fully agreed with the hon. Member, that the country was sacrificed to selfish and narrow-minded views; and he would say no more than that he opposed the doctrines of the hon. member for Essex by those of the hon. member for Callington.

Mr. Baring

explained, that the speech alluded to had been made by him, not in opposition to a protecting duty, but in resistance of a demand to augment the then rate of protection. He did not now possess a single acre of land that he had not possessed in 1828, and therefore he could have no interested motives for the view he had just taken of the subject.

Mr. William Peter

said, that though he did not believe that the agricultural distress was either so overwhelming, or so universal as had been described by the noble Marquess, still he feared that it did prevail in many parts of the kingdom, and to a considerable degree. Widely as Gentlemen might differ about cause and remedy, there could be little doubt, he regretted to say, as to the existence of the fact. Various causes had been assigned for it. In some of the petitions then lying on the Table, it had been ascribed to free trade—to the system of bonding and ware-housing foreign corn without payment of duty—and to the great importation of cattle and grain from Ireland. In other petitions, with more reason, the causes stated were taxes, tithes, poor-rates, and currency; and some of these, more especially taxes, currency, and mal-administration of the Poor-laws, might, without doubt, have been, more or less, accessory to the evil. But there was likewise another cause—one which he had not yet heard assigned, but which had much to do with the present distressed state of the agriculturists—he meant a bad system of husbandry—a reluctance on the part of farmers to adopt improvements and to keep pace with the times. No doubt but agriculture had everywhere more or less improved, *Hansard new series) xiv. p. 154 but not in proportion to the improvements which had taken place in other arts. What would have been the situation of our miners and our manufacturers, had they advanced no faster? Why, instead of being in their present comparatively flourishing condition—instead of enjoying, as they did, the markets of the world—they would have been, he did not hesitate to say, in even a worse state than any of the agriculturists. He was confirmed in this view of the case by what he had himself seen in different parts of the country. He had seen lands enjoying every natural advantage—a good soil—a good climate—a good situation—and yet with all around, landlords, tenants, and labourers—all discontented, all impoverished and wretched. Again, he had seen other lands, possessed of few or none of these advantages, where the picture was altogether the reverse, where the landlords were receiving their full rents, the tenants growing rich, and the labourers employed and happy. He had visited one large district in particular, the soil of which was naturally poor, and fifty years ago did not average to its proprietor 5s. an acre, but which now returned more than 20s. an acre. And yet there was not a single complaint. The landlord, the occupiers, and labourers, were all equally satisfied and happy. The former stated, that there was not a shilling of his rents in arrear; the latter said, that although they had heard of distress in some parts of England, they knew nothing of the kind in their neighbourhood. Now, to what was this striking and extraordinary difference in different parts of the same island to be attributed? Why, chiefly, to the difference of the mode of husbandry. In the one case, there had been introduced a new and improved system; in the other, all the vices of the old system were still allowed to prevail. In the one, by improved machinery, and more skilful labour, they had not only reduced the expense of cultiva-vation, but they had multiplied their produce, increasing it two, three, and in some cases, even fourfold; in the other, they had improved little, or not at all, but had gone plodding on in the ways of their fathers—enemies to all change—trembling at every breath of innovation. This alone would, in a great degree, account for the different condition of the agriculturists in different parts of the kingdom. And if Gentlemen would but refer to the evi- dence given before the Agricultural Committee last year, they would find that the greatest distress uniformly prevailed in those districts where there had been least improvement in husbandry. With respect to the prices of agricultural produce, Gentlemen had no right to complain. Wool and cattle sold well. It was true that corn had been low; but he did not see how its price was to be raised except by severer monopolies, which no free country—and especially a manufacturing and commercial one—would be found quietly to submit to. There were already complaints enough against the Corn-laws, without rendering them still more obnoxious to the people. But though the price of corn could not be augmented, the quantity might. By a better system of agriculture than that which prevailed throughout three parts of the kingdom, the land, he was confident, might be made to produce two or three bushels, where it now returned only one; and thus would the farmer be enabled, by the increased quantity, to compensate himself, in some degree for the diminished value of his produce. But whilst he thus contended, that much of the distress was to be imputed to the fault of the agriculturists themselves, he was not insensible to the hardships of their situation, and to the difficulties with which they had, in many instances, to struggle. There were local and general burthens to a fearful amount—there was the interest of an immense Debt—a Debt rendered doubly grievous by the alterations which had taken place in the value of the currency. All these, no doubt, pressed heavily upon national industry, and contributed more or less, to the distress under which agriculture, in many parts of the kingdom, had been so long labouring. But whilst he admitted and deplored these evils, he did not see things in that gloomy and desponding view which had been taken by one of the hon. members for North Yorkshire (Mr. Cayley). However grievous our burthens, however aggravated the sufferings of the people as described by that hon. Gentleman and other Members in the course of the debate, he (Mr. William Peter) was not amongst those who would ever despair of the fortunes of his country. Had any one, in the reign of Queen Anne or George 1st, or even fifty years ago, ventured to foretel the present state of affairs, had any one spoken of the burthens, of the 800,000,000l. of Debt which we were destined to endure—how would his prophecies have been derided!—how would he have been taunted with the utter impracticability of the thing, with the impossibility of the people ever being able to sustain one-half of the burthen! Fortunately, however, our resources had gone on increasing with our wants. The progress of invention—the improvements in machinery—the discoveries in the arts—the increase of production,—had, in most instances, kept pace with the demand, and enabled us to meet and bear up against the increased difficulties of our situation. But he trusted that the time was not far distant when we should see those difficulties greatly mitigated and reduced—when with a wise and economical administration of affairs at home, and a free and enlightened system of commercial policy abroad, we should behold this country, so long the foremost in military valour and renown, equally distinguished for the internal condition, for the comfort, the moral intelligence, and contentment of its population. When he considered the intimate connexion between agriculture, and commerce, and manufactures, and when he saw the vast fields which were opening on our industry and speculations in all quarters of the globe; when he looked at South America, rescued from the dark thraldom of ages—emerging from intestine war—and settling down into just and tranquil Government;—when he looked at the vast regions of the East—at countries with such population, with such extent of coast, and with such resources, as India and China—when he saw these vast, these boundless regions, unbarring their golden portals to the spirit of British Enterprise—opening their harbours to our ships—and their markets to our manufactures—he would say, that however grievous our existing burthens, however difficult, in many respects, our present situation—we could not, we ought not to, despair of the fortunes of our country. With respect to the propositions of the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Chandos) they were so vague and indefinite, and so little calculated to promote the object which the noble Marquess professed to have in view, that, even if he had not heard the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he should vote against them. He saw no practical benefit or result to which the proposed address could possibly lead. There were two sets of theorists on the subject of agricultural distress, both of whom he thought equally erroneous. There were some political economists, who thought to relieve the agriculturist by throwing all inferior soils out of cultivation; there were others again, the anti-economists, as they styled themselves, who called for new Corn-laws and severer monopolies, in order to keep those soils in cultivation. With both these sets of speculatists he ventured to disagree. He thought them both equally mistaken. He thought, that with a gradual diminution of general and local taxation, with a better administration of the Poor-laws, with a fair commutation of tithes, and above all, with an improved system of husbandry, he thought, that agriculture might again lift up her head, and that few soils would be found, which might not, under such circumstances, be made capable of yielding a due and grateful return to the capital, the industry, and the skill of their cultivators.

Major Handley

said, that he should be surprised if the noble Lord (Lord Althorp) entertained the opinions which he expressed. If he did entertain such opinions, the agriculturists were insulted with a cruel mockery when a sentence was inserted in the King's Speech expressing his anxious wish to relieve them from distress. He had seen the observation made in a certain periodical, that the King's Speech was like the Royal touch in the King's Evil, namely, a panacea, and the insertion of a few words in it was sufficient to remove distress. Probably the noble Lord entertained this opinion. The noble Lord promised in the early part of the Session that some relief should be afforded by the remission of taxes pressing heavily on the agricultural interests, and that relief would also be afforded by the change in the Poor-laws and by the commutation of tithes. What relief had been afforded to that interest by the remission of taxes? The effect which would be produced by the alterations in the Poor-laws was doubtful; certainly any relief from that source would not be immediate. The commutation of tithes was likely to afford relief, but that had been thrown overboard, and there was no probability of its being carried into effect. The noble Lord might afford relief in some respect, namely, by putting a stop to the present system of surcharges. This evil prevailed to a great and most vexatious extent in his part of the country. He recollected that in his county (Lincolnshire) an innkeeper bought an old carriage of a gentleman, which he used as a postchaise. He forgot to erase the armorial bearings, and the consequence was, that he was surcharged for armorial bearings. He should support the Motion.

Mr. Methuen

felt anxious as the Representative of a large agricultural county to state the reason why he could not support the Motion. He was on all occasions anxious to promote the benefit and advantage of his constituents; but he could not support this Motion because it was in a great measure a party question.—["No, no."] Hon. Gentlemen might say "No;" they were right if they believed he was in error, but it was his conscientious belief, and on that account he should oppose the Motion.

Mr. William Duncombe

thought, that the imputation cast upon his noble friend (the Marquess of Chandos), and those who supported the Motion, were the most unjust that could be uttered. [Mr. Methuen had not imputed motives to any hon. Member.] He understood the hon. Gentleman to charge the noble Marquess with having brought forward the Motion for party purposes, and of course all, according to the hon. Member, who voted for the Motion were actuated by the same views. He (Mr. Duncombe) rose to deny the truth of any such imputations—and to say, that the charge was most unjust; and he was convinced that if there was one man more than another who was actuated by high and pure motives in his public conduct it was the noble Marquess. His noble friend had not brought forward the Motion to benefit the landlords, but the farmers, and he deserved the thanks of the country for his conduct. He thought the repeal of the Malt-tax was well worthy the consideration of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The noble Lord had given the House to understand that he was favourable to the repeal of the Corn-laws; but would the noble Lord vote for the repeal of the Corn-laws, as long as the agricultural portion of the country was so much more heavily taxed than the other classes? The whole amount from the Malt-tax that went into the Exchequer was 5,000,000l., and at the same time not less than 12,000,000l. was taken from the pockets of the people. Taking into consideration the vexatious interference in the manufacture, the repeal of that tax was both politic and just. It could not be repealed during the present year, but he trusted that another year would not pass over without something being done. If they consented to repeal the duty on the importation of corn they must, as a matter of justice, repeal the Malt-tax. Until he saw a disposition on the part of the Government to relieve the agricultural interests from taxes pressing so heavily on them, he should oppose all change in the Corn-laws.

Sir Robert Price

did not suppose, that the Motion had been brought forward with any party feelings, but he did not think that any advantage would attend their agreeing to it at the present time. At that late period of the Session it was utterly impossible to repeal any taxes, either local or general; but he thought that it was most satisfactory that his noble friend (Lord Althorp) had promised to consider the Report of the Committee on Agriculture, and see whether he could not grant some relief. Under these circumstances it was hard to press him. He would not go the length of saying, that this was a party question, or brought forward for any party purposes, but he must say, that he looked upon it as an ad captandum question, in order that certain individuals might have to say, "See how the noble Lord and his political friends have voted in favour of the agricultural interest, and see how that vote was negatived by the Ministerial side of the House." On these grounds he could not support the Amendment, and still less as he believed that it could not produce any practical result.

Mr. Walter

said, that having voted against a previous Motion of the noble Lord's of a somewhat similar tendency, he hoped he might be permitted to explain his reason for voting in favour of the present proposition. It was simply because the present Resolution was more definite and specific in its nature. It proposed to diminish agricultural and, he hoped he might add, every other species of distress, where it existed, by the diminution of taxation. With respect to general taxation, he had no doubt but that it might be materially reduced if the House, in compliance with the call and the necessities of the country, would undertake the task in a more energetic and decisive manner than it had hitherto done. He was less sanguine about local taxation, though many schemes had been suggested on that head; but he had seen none yet which promised much relief to the ratepayer: nor did he apprehend that any general relief could be procured by a mere transfer of local taxation to general taxation. This would not be a diminution of burthens but a shifting of burthens. He also considered that there were too many projects afloat for taking off minor taxation, and clapping the charge upon the Consolidated Fund.

Mr. Plumptre

said, that he would vote for the Amendment of the noble Lord; for unless the House upheld the agricultural interest, it must go to ruin.

Major Keppel

said, that in voting against the Amendment of the noble Marquess, he must protest against its being supposed that he was at all inimical to the agricultural interest. No man was more anxious for the promotion of that interest than he was, but he did not think that the present. Motion could affect it practically in any way. He acknowledged the great distress of the agriculturists, and had anxiously hoped to have heard some remedy suggested; he had heard none. The speeches in favour of the Motion were as vague and delusive as the Motion itself.

Mr. Hodges

said, that at this time he thought the Motion ill-advised, as he considered it improper to disarrange the financial operations of the year, and on that account he would oppose it; but he hoped that before next Session the Government would take into its consideration the necessity of affording some relief to the country by a diminution of the duty on malt.

The Marquess of Chandos

said, that at that hour, and after the discussion which the subject had undergone, he did not feel it necessary to trespass on the indulgence of the House by any reply to the remarks of those hon. Members who had taken a different view of the question from himself, but he must beg leave to deprecate the notion that he had brought forward this proposition from any party motives. He had not on the present, or on any occasion, introduced the subject from party motives.

The House divided on the Amendment moved by the Marquess of Chandos— Ayes 174; Noes 190: Majority 16.

List of the AYES.
Aglionby, H. A. Goring, H. D.
Agnew, Sir A. Grimston, Lord
Arbuthnot, Hon. H. Guise, Sir B. W.
Archdall, M. Halford, H.
Ashley, Lord Hall, B.
Astley, Sir J. Hallyburton, D. G.
Attwood, M. Handley, B.
Attwood, T. Handley, H.
Balfour, J. Handley, W. F.
Bankes, W. J. Hanmer, Sir J.
Barnard, E. G. Hanmer, Col.
Baring, A. Hardinge, Sir H.
Baring, H. B. Hawkes, E.
Barry, G. S. Hay, Sir J.
Beauclerk, Major Hayes, Sir E.
Bell, M. Heathecote, G. J.
Bernard, W. S. Henniker, Lord
Blackstone, W. S. Herbert, Hon. S.
Blake, J. Herries, J. C.
Bruce, Lord E. Hill, Sir R.
Bruce, C. L. C. Hope, H. T.
Brudenell, Lord Hotham, Lord
Buckingham, J. S. Houldsworth, T.
Bulwer, H. L. Hume, J.
Burton, H. Hurst, R. H.
Calcraft, G. Inglis, Sir R.
Calvert, N. Irton, S.
Campbell, Sir H. Jermyn, Earl
Campbell, Sir J. Jervis, J.
Cartwright, W. R. Jolliffe, H.
Cayley, E. S. Jones, Captain
Cayley, Sir G. Kennedy, J.
Chapman, A. Kerrison, Sir E.
Christmas, W. Lefroy, A.
Clayton, Col. W. R. Lefroy, T.
Clive, Hon. R. Lemon, Sir C.
Cole, Hon. A. H. Lennard, Sir T. B.
Cole, Viscount Lennox, Lord W.
Corry, Hon. H. L. Lincoln, Earl of
Curteis, H. B. Lowther, Hon. Col.
Curteis, Capt. E. B. Macnamara, Major
Dare, R. W. H. Manners, Lord R.
Darlington, Earl of Martin, T. B.
Denison, W. J. Maxwell, H.
Dillwyn, L. Maxwell, J. W.
Duffield, T. Murray, Sir G.
Dugdale, W. S. Nagle, Sir R.
Duncombe, W. Neale, Sir H.
Dundas, Capt. Norreys, Lord
Durham, Sir P. H. O'Connell, Daniel
Eastnor, Viscount O'Connell, John
Egerton, W. T. O'Connell, M.
Ferguson, Capt. O'Connor, F.
Finch, G. Palmer, C. F.
Fitzsimon, C. Parker, Sir H.
Foley, E. T. Patten, J. W.
Forester, H. C. Peel, Rt. Hon. Sir R.
Fox, S. L. Penruddocke, J. H.
Freemantle, Sir T. Perceval, A.
Fryer, R. Philips, M.
Gaskell, H. Pigott, R.
Gillon, W. D. Plumptre, J. P.
Gladstone, T. Pollock, F.
Gladstone, W. E. Poulter, J.
Gordon, Hon. W. Price, R.
Rae, Sir W. Vernon, G. H.
Reid, Sir R. J. Vigors, N. A.
Rickford, W. Villiers, Viscount
Rider, T. Vincent, Sir F.
Roche, W. Vyvyan, Sir R.
Ross, C. Wall, C. B.
Ruthven, E. S. Walsh, Sir J. B.
Ruthven, E. Walter, J.
Sanford, E. A. Watkins, L. V.
Scarlett, Sir J. Welby, G. E.
Shawe, R. N. Whitmore, T. C.
Simeon, Sir R. G. Wilks, J.
Sinclair, C. Williams, Col.
Spry, S. T. Windham, W. H.
Stanley, E. Winnington, Captain
Stewart, Sir H. Wynn, C. W.
Stormont, Viscount Young, J.
Talbot, C. R. M. TELLERS.
Talbot, James Chandos, Marquess of
Thompson, Alderman Palmer, R.
Thompson, P. B. R. PAIRED OFF.
Tower, C. T. Burrell, Sir C.
Townshend, Lord C. Daly, J.
Trelawney, Sir W. S. Dick, Q.
Trevor, Hon. G. Fleetwood, H.
Tyrell, C. Hope, Hon. Sir A.
Tyrell, Sir J. Ossulston, Lord
Verner, Col. W. Smith, T.
Verney, Sir H. Wood, Colonel T.