§ Mr. William RocheSir, having recently received from a most respectable portion of my constituents, in the city of Limerick, the Petition which I hold in my hands relating to the interesting and important subject of last night's debate, namely, the expediency 911 of devising a system of Poor-laws for Ireland suitable to the necessities and circumstances of that country; I had intended presenting it that evening, and adverting to the subject matter of it; but from the anxiety of the House to close the debate after the very satisfactory proposition of the noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I could not obtain an opportunity. My feelings incline me, as far as may be practicable, to advocate that system of protection for the poor which would comprehend employment for those anxious and able to earn their bread, when, notwithstanding their best individual exertions, they are unable to obtain employment, or in other words, when want of employment is no fault of their own; because I think, Sir, that without some plan or provision to this effect, we do imperfectly, and but by halves, approach the justice, policy, or humanity of the case. Sir, that a man who has not property already acquired should, so long as he is able, earn his own bread, is a maxim equally required and supported by religious morals, and political principles, but to enable him to do so, when he is well-disposed, is I think, equally an obligation on the other classes of society. The poor man. Sir, who is anxious to support himself and family honestly and independently, but who, in despite of his best unaided exertions, cannot accomplish it from want of employment, is not very far from being, even in the eye of humanity alone, an equal object of public protection and sympathy with those physically incapacitated; and were we to be actuated solely by the maxims of civil policy, perhaps more so; because such a man, if neglected, is susceptible of the worst impressions towards society by the discontent his situation is so likely to generate, disposing him, probably, to obtain by force or fraud what is refused to his honest endeavours. Or if, on the other hand, he should bear up peacefully and patiently against his distress, destitution and disease will, ere long, place him and his family in the indisputable list of the impotent. Sir, I make these observations only to show, that though, undoubtedly, the subject is difficult of arrangement, it is nevertheless entitled to our best consideration; for, as was properly observed during the debate, it is not because abuses may have crept into the Poor-laws in this country that we should reject or lose 912 sight of their preponderating advantages, particularly as most of those abuses are quite susceptible of being remedied. In Ireland, Sir, I often had occasion to see and commiserate the poor labourer leaving his humble dwelling morning after morning with his spade, shovel, or some such instrument of labour in his hand in search of a day's work, but returning evening after evening disappointed, disconsolate also from his inability to purchase even one meal for his family—then, pawning article after article of his scanty furniture, till, when no more remained, he was compelled to beg, his misery, even then, often mocked by being told he was but an idle lazy fellow who could get work if he wished. Sir, such a distressing case—and such cases abound in Ireland—surely demands, both from humanity and policy, some attention and redress. But, Sir, as the remedy, however desirable, involves so many serious considerations and consequences, it is no doubt proper to proceed with circumspection, and the noble Lord's proposition appears therefore advisable. Provision for the poor would have the advantage, too, Sir, of compelling the absentee to repair some part, at least, of the evils his apathy and neglect create; and the enormous property of the Church Establishment in Ireland could well spare to contribute effectually to this end. But, Sir, to return to the petition; I have said it came from a most respectable portion of my constituents. It is, in fact, exclusively signed by the wealthier classes, which circumstances, as they are to be the payers, not the receivers, gives it greater authority, for when people recommend an impost on themselves, its urgency must indeed be very manifest. That circumstance also renders it highly creditable to their feelings and character. The prayer of the petition only extends to provision for the aged and infirm, unwilling, at least as a commencement, to proceed further. It, therefore, Sir, is I think, free from any possible objection, as no one disputes the necessity of a provision for the poor to that extent. With regard to myself. Sir, I have no partiality for Poor-laws to a greater extent, provided employment can be obtained in any other more eligible way, whether by allocations of land or otherwise; but I fear that, until society be roused by the argumentum ad Crumenam it will not take up the matter with the attention, promptitude, and efficiency it deserves.
§ I now, Sir, beg leave to lay the Petition on the Table.