HC Deb 23 February 1830 vol 22 cc848-56
The Marquis of Chandos

rose to present a petition from certain West-India Planters, praying for a Reduction of the Duties upon Sugar and Rum. He was happy to be the organ chosen by that body to lay the petition before the House. When the House considered the extremely low prices of Sugar and Rum, they would feel that the West-India merchants had an extreme case of distress for the consideration of the House. The duty on sugar was 27s. cwt., and 21s. was the gross price received by the planter; of which, it was calculated that 12s. a cwt. was the cost of producing the article. The planter had likewise to contend with the Sugars introduced from the Mauritius; and, when these latter had been first allowed to be imported, it had been calculated that the annual importation would never exceed ten thousand hogsheads, whereas twenty-five thousand hogsheads were now annually introduced. The West-India planter, moreover, had to contend with those who raised Colonial produce by slave labour; and he thought it scandalous, after what England had paid and done, that France, Spain and the Brazils should be allowed to carry on the slave trade to the scourge of humanity, and to the injury of the British Colonies. The attention of Government ought to be more seriously given to the state of the Colonies, for whatever theories might be afloat respecting the nature of Colonies, he should ever hold them to be constituent parts of the wealth, of the fame and glory of the country. If Ministers did not do something for the Colonies, he would venture to predict that very great evils would ensue.

Mr. Keith Douglas

said, that upon a great portion of West-India produce no profits were gained, but, on the contrary, a great loss was sustained, and families formerly in affluence were now in the greatest distress. The shipping and property, and other commercial interests connected with the West Indies, amounted to about seven millions annually. Was it, then, to be believed that all this shipping and property might be swept away without inconvenience or injury to the general interests of the country? Of these interests, some were of a very peculiar nature; and they, he contended, were affected by that colonial distress which arose from excessive taxation, the foreign slave trade, and the introduction of Mauritius Sugar. In the year 1807 the slave trade had been put an end to in our Colonies, under the impression that, by its abolition, we should be paying a debt due to humanity, in allowing slaves to rise in the scale of society to the rank of freemen. Measures also had been taken by Lord Castlereagh to induce foreign countries to give up this traffic, but in vain; for the French appeared bent upon carrying it on, though it was deeply degrading to such a nation as France. Thus it happened that notwithstanding all our exertions and expense, seven hundred thousand slaves had, since the peace of 1815, been brought from the coast of Africa to foreign colonies, for the purpose of extending cultivation there; while our Colonies were deprived of all such advantages. Again, in 1823 the introduction of Mauritius sugar was permitted, the consequence of which had been that depreciation in the price of West-India sugar stated by the noble Marquis (Chandos). How, then, were the West India planters situated? There was a duty of 27s. the cwt., while the price had fallen from 50s. and 60s. to 22s. the cwt. He begged the House to remark, too, that the Colonies had gone along with the Administration of this country in all the arrangements respecting the United States; but that, notwithstanding, our Government had regulated their views of Colonial policy upon a principle altogether opposed to their professions. What, then, was the situation of the West India planter? He had, at the utmost, after paying the freight, insurance, landing, and salecharges, only 12s. per cwt., to pay him for the cost of production, while he paid 27s. duty. The extent of the consumption could not accordingly be sufficiently great to afford him any adequate profits, and therefore neither taxation nor production could long continue to exist upon the foundations of such arrangements as the present. He was consequently induced to hope that the House would be of opinion that the duties now exacted would not be continued. Another point which he wished to press upon the consideration of the House was the necessity of some reduction in our colonial establishments, which did not require to be kept upon the same footing as during the time of war.

Mr. Hart Davis

concurred with the noble Marquis in all the statements he had made respecting the distressed state of the Colonies, and in all the opinions he had professed; but there were some points which the noble Marquis had omitted, and which he (Mr. Davis) was anxious to bring under the consideration of the House. He thought that it would be expedient to make some new regulation respecting the registering of slaves, and the removal of them from one colony to another; for cases of extreme hardship had fallen within his knowledge, of property rendered altogether useless, in consequence of the law which prevented slaves being sold or transferred from one island to another. It happened thus— the estate upon which a certain number of slaves were employed was worn out, and consequently, from the operation of this law, the property and the persons employed on it were both rendered at the same moment useless. Indeed, he knew a case in which a friend and constituent of his would derive the greatest benefit and profit, if he could only transport his slaves across a river.

Mr. Bright

observed, that the excessive duties on West-India produce were burthens laid on as war taxes, and ought long since to have been removed. The planters had, therefore, good reason to pray for reduction, when they were suffering under the pressure of calamity, and to expect that their prayer would not be disregarded; the more especially, as they considered it could be proved, by lowering the duties, that there would be an increase of consumption, which would be a benefit to the revenues of the mother country, as well as to the interests of the Petitioners. Besides, he believed that nothing could be more effectual in promoting reformation and improvement in the West-India Islands, than a revision of those duties; for it must be perfectly evident that so long as people felt themselves oppressed, so long would they entertain but little anxiety to carry on improvement. In the name of humanity, therefore, he called on the House of Commons to look with a favourable eye upon this application. [hear] There was another point to which he wished to advert before he resumed his seat. The planters complained not alone of the excessive duty upon Sugar, but also of that upon the Spirits produced in these islands, which fiscal regulations prohibited from those markets they had a right to enjoy. Thus, the duties were so high that the produce could not be introduced into Scotland or Ireland. He knew that in addressing the House he had to deal with many hon. Members whose private interests were altogether opposed to those of the West-Indian planters; but he hoped even they would consent to do justice in the case, as they would between man and man—considering the Petitioners, not as foreigners and strangers, but as brethren and fellow subjects. In conclusion, he trusted the planters would be looked at with a view to conciliation.

Mr. Bernal

said, that he had always abstained from unnecessarily troubling the House with his opinion upon this question; and having entertained the hope that something would have certainly been elicited from the right hon. Gentleman opposite, it was his intention to have remained silent upon the present occasion, but finding that the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer was about to permit the Petition to be laid upon the Table without comment or explanation, he felt himself bound to trouble the House with a few words. He thought the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer was called upon to say something; to state, for example, whether the, West-Indian body had a right to entertain hopes of redress founded upon any solid basis. He was not one of those who were disposed either to deny or disregard the distress existing in this country. He acknowledged and deplored it, but he maintained that there were no people so depressed as the inhabitants of the West-Indian Islands. None whose comfort, well-being, and very livelihood were more immediately in danger. Since 1792, the price of Sugar had never been so low as at that moment. The price was then 23s. per cwt., while the duty still remained at 27s. per cwt. Besides a great deal of Sugar introduced into this market was of a very inferior quality; and here as the duty was not an ad valorem duty, it pressed with such extreme severity, as actually to amount to about a hundred and fifty per cent In time of war the West-Indian Planters had not complained of the increase of 12s. in the duty—nor had they any right to complain, considering it, as they did, only as an augmentation which would exist during the war. They accordingly looked upon the whole arrangement as a solemn league and covenant which bound them on the one part to contribute to the wants of the Government during the continuance of the war, and which bound the Administration on the other part to relieve them of the additional burthen whenever the restoration of peace might enable the mother country to grant them relief. But in vain did they rely upon the good faith of the Administration. Peace was restored to Europe, but not a single shilling of their duty was taken off. He requested the House to remember also that the West-India body had been deceived; because Mr. Robinson, now Lord Goodrich, when Chancellor of the Exchequer, had declared that if the additional 1s. 6d. a gallon on rum were found to be a prohibitory duty, the West India body would have a fair claim to demand that this duty should be put upon a level with those on other spirits. Yet, what was now the case? the duty levied on English manufactured spirits was 7s. a gallon, while that on rum was 8s. 6d., and that on the Scotch and Irish spirits was 2s. 10d. Therefore, it was clear that the introduction of rum into these two last countries was next to impossible; the planter being likewise obliged to pay one guinea for the cask, independent of freight, insurance, landing, and sale charges. He acknowledged there was some little bonus given in the contract for supplying the seamen with rum; but he contended that the power of introducing it amongst the people generally ought to be extended; his argument with respect to the nature of the spirit: could be fairly urged, because seasoned rum was by no means an unhealthy liquor when taken in moderate quantities and under proper precautions. But there was another matter which pressed still more heavily upon the West Indian body, and created a still greater grievance, and that was the advantage in the introduction of Sugars into the European markets possessed by Cuba and other foreign colonies and states into which slaves continued to be imported in large numbers. It was extremely hard that this country should have been put to an expense of upwards of two millions for the purpose of putting down the slave trade, and that our vessels should be kept cruising on the unhealthy coast of Africa at a heavy annual expenditure, and yet that our colonists should be the only persons prevented from importing slaves to the West India Islands, while such immense advantages accrued to the foreigners who continued to pursue the practice, that the only result to be anticipated was, that we should be ere long altogether driven out of the market by other powers. Without entering into more details, he would content himself with saying, that there was a primâ facie case before the House and the Administration, which deserved their consideration: and he trusted he should not call in vain upon the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer to say, if the West-India planters might justly entertain any hope of relief from the burthens under which they were then suffering. He had one more observation to make. He understood that a treaty with Austria was in progress. The productions of the British West-India Islands were at that time shut out from the markets of Austria and Russia; but he thought that if Government dictated the provisions of that treaty with a firm hand, an opening might be effected for our colonial produce into these countries.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer

begged to assure the noble Marquis (Chandos) and the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bernal), that if he had forborne making any observations upon the subject of that petition, it was not from any want of respect towards them, or from any want of sym- pathy for the distresses of the Petitioners; but compelled as he had been on many preceding occasions, in accordance with the line of duty he had laid down for himself, to withhold information respecting the intentions of the Administration as to the revision or repeal of any portion of the taxes—he felt that it would be equally a deviation from his duty, as one of his Majesty's Ministers, on that as on former occasions, if he spoke one word respecting that petition. He believed, and had always expressed this belief, that no course could possibly be more inconvenient than that of promulgating the opinions or proclaiming the views of Government upon the occasion of some petitions being presented; and in the present instance, it would be peculiarly unadvisable and unnecessary, because the sugar duties came annually under the consideration of Parliament, and so presented his Majesty's Ministers with the best and most desirable opportunity of explaining their views and opinions upon that question. It was for these reasons alone he declined giving the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bernal) or the noble Marquis (Chandos) any satisfaction with respect to the intentions of Government respecting the questions touched upon in the petition. But thus much he could say, that he was not one of those who were insensible to the value of the Colonies; on the contrary, he gave them his most sincere sympathy under the pressure of their present difficulties, and he should be most ready to take all means to alleviate their distress which were compatible with the general interests of the country.

Mr. W. Smith

said, he had it in his power to controvert the statements which had been made; he would, however, postpone all observations for the present. The inquiry was one which ought to be entertained without passion or prejudice.

Mr. C. Grant

reminded the House that it had been his lot, for the last two sessions, to recommend for adoption a reduction of the duty upon Sugar. The opinions which he had then professed were abundantly confirmed by the statements he had heard that night—by the practical experience with respect to the price of sugar—and by the distress existing in the West-India Islands. He should however wait for the Chancellor of the Exchequer's explanation with respect to the financial state of the country, and the reductions that might be contemplated in taxation; before he would introduce any measure upon the subject. He would not wait for the opportunity of the annual question with respect to the sugar duties, for it came on at too late a period of the session.

Mr. Hume

was extremely surprised at the hon. Member for Norwich declaring that he could controvert the statements that had been made. The only statements which he (Mr. Hume) had heard were, that since 1792, the prices of sugar had been decreasing, while the duty was increasing—that the consumption had consequently been diminished, and that great distress prevailed in the West-India Islands —all which statements he believed were incontrovertible. With respect to the question before the House, he thought it should be taken up, not as a colonial but as a national question, for it was one in which the people of England were deeply interested. He had always been an advocate for colonial interests, but it was his opinion that those interests could best be promoted by the abolition of the monopoly now enjoyed by the West-India planters of the home market, for it was quite in vain to attempt to keep up the price of West-India sugar above the European average. The consequence of the attempt was, that the surplus supply for the home market, raised at a great cost, was obliged to be sent to Hamburgh at a great loss, for there it would fetch no higher price than the sugar from Cuba or the Brazils. The fact was, there was no hope of an improvement for the Colonies, unless there were a diminution of the expenditure. They could not have a monopoly—it was useless to others, and: injurious to the planters themselves. He would therefore advise the reduction of the duties both on East and West India sugars, and the free admission of both, whereby both would gain, as they would then have an ad valorem duty of fifty or sixty instead of one hundred per cent. He thought the duty ought to be the same upon all the different kinds of sugars. The next thing was, to set the Colonies free, to let them be no longer bound by those iron chains which fettered their best exertions. They ought to be allowed to purchase stores and all kinds of supplies in the cheapest markets that the world would afford them, if they could find, which he did not expect, any market cheaper than that of Great Britain; and then they ought to be allowed to export their produce wherever they pleased. If that course were pursued towards the Colonies, we should enable them to maintain themselves, instead of being, as they now were, a burthen to this country. In this way we should not only be conferring a benefit on the Colonies, but improving our own condition, by lessening the demands upon the public revenue of the country, if, indeed, we should not be able to get money from them towards assisting us in our distresses. Instead of doing this, we now followed a course of exclusion and prohibition, and the result was, that we were destroying each other. He did not mean to say, that if three-halfpence a pound duty were taken off, the whole of it would be so much less taken out of the pockets of the public, for he had no doubt that some of it would go into those of the West-India planter, but still the public would be benefited to some extent, and an important interest in this country would be relieved from much that now oppressed it.

Mr. Huskisson

said, he should not feel himself then bound to follow the hon. Member for Montrose through all the points on which he had touched, but still it was quite true that this question did claim peculiar attention, and at a fit opportunity he should be prepared to show that by a long course of measures, Government and Parliament had given peculiar claims to the West-India proprietors to protection. He would state his conviction that great as might be the pressure and the difficulties upon other interests in this country, there was none labouring under more difficulties, and requiring more urgently that relief should be given to it, than the West-India interest.

The Petition was brought up and read.

The Marquis of Chandos

said, that as he had no wish to take the Ministers by surprise on this subject, he had informed them more than four months ago of the nature of the petition.