§ Mr. Portmanpresented a petition from the Wool-growers of Dorsetshire. The hon. member entered into a statement of the past and present condition of the wool-growers. He observed, that they had, at that moment. in their warehouses, a stock equal to three years' produce, without the slightest hope of a market. Since the chancellor of the Exchequer had reduced the duty on foreign wool, there had been, in one year, no less than forty-three million, eight hundred and thirty-seven thousand pounds 1036 imported into this country. This enormous quantity, united with the increasing production of the country, rendered the case of the farmers almost hopeless; although, he believed, there had been a very great increase for some time in the demand. From 1824, when the first alteration took place in the duty, clown to the present time, wool had fallen in price from twenty-two pence to ten-pence, at which price he believed it to be at this moment. It would be impossible for the landlords to meet the heavy demands made upon them in the way of taxation, unless agricultural produce was encouraged in a corresponding degree to that bestowed upon manufactures. With the low price of corn which they would have to encounter, and the low prices of other articles of agricultural produce, it behoved the new ministry to take into their consideration the best mode of affording the agriculturists such relief, as would enable them to meet the burthens imposed upon them. Much of the support given to the present administration arose from an expectation, that due attention would be paid to the agricultural interests.
§ Mr. Huskissondid not think it necessary, after the judicious opening of the hon. gentleman, to detain the House long upon this subject. The hon. gentleman had very fairly stated, that he attributed the existing depression to the inordinate importation of 1825, and to the reduction in the duty on foreign wool. He (Mr. Huskisson), however, looked to another source for the distress of the wool-growers, and that was the pressure on that manufacture, of which the article of wool formed the raw material. Now, if the pressure arose from that cause, it would be an odd way—he had almost said an Irish way—of attempting to remove it, by raising the price of the raw material. Yet, this was the remedy proposed by the petitioners. The progress of the present depression was easily traced. In 1825 there was a great importation of the article of wool. This led to a stagnation in the home market—the invariable consequence of a glut; hence proceeded a fall in prices, and the subsequent distress of the growers. And this distress, he was confident, they would considerably aggravate, if they were to take away the only chance which the wool-growers had of an improvement; namely, the foreign demand for the manufactured article. It could not he questioned, that 1037 such a consequence would result from any measure tending to place the British manufacturer in a state more unfavourable to competition than he was in at present. In 1825 there was a combination of causes, which led to the unfavourable result of that year. The extravagant speculations, not only in wool, but in every other article of commerce, were such, that it was not to be wondered at, that such an enormous importation should have taken place, as to produce stagnation in the market, and subsequent low prices. But it was not only in wool that this fall of prices had occurred. He had been looking over a table of the prices of different articles, only that morning—and the reductions he found to be upon cotton, since 1825, from ls. 6½d. to 7d.; sugar from 45s. to 30s.; silk from ls. 5d. to 11d.; tobacco and other articles in proportion. The present was not, in his opinion, a proper opportunity for inquiring into the grounds to which those fluctuations might be traced; nor of investigating the causes which at one moment had led to the extension of particular manufactures, and at another had almost occasioned their annihilation. This depression (which was now clearing off) was not confined to one branch of raw material, but was observable in all those with which the manufactures of this country were concerned. Now, he apprehended that the same causes which operated to lessen the value of other articles used in manufactures, must have equally affected wool; and, when they ceased, the value of the raw material would be proportionally improved. In 1819, a duty of 6d. per pound had been laid on the importation of wool. Before that time, seventeen million pounds were annually imported. After 1819, the duty continued pretty nearly the same up to a recent period, and the manufacturers complained, that they were daily losing their export trade, and that many branches in which there had previously been a considerable demand, were declining, in consequence of those duties; that they were, in fact, undersold by the manufacturers abroad. The answer made to these representations was this—"If you will consent to a free export of wool of British growth, we will reduce this duty on the importation of that article." In 1824, that argument prevailed. After some discussion in the House of Commons, the then chancellor of the Exchequer succeeded in effecting 1038 his object. Here it might be proper to observe, that between 1819, when the duty of 6d. was imposed, and 1824, when it was modified, the price protected by that duty of 6d. was not a high price, but a price which continued to decline. From 1819 to 1824, the price was constantly declining; but in 1825 it rose again, as indeed every article did at that period. In 1826, the price was once more depressed; and it now remained as low as it was in. 1824. But, though it was now depressed in value, as compared with 1825, its present price was considerably superior to that of 1819. Wool was 11s. per tod in 1819, and it was now from 23s. to 24s. per tod. The hon. member for Calling-ton (Mr. Baring) seemed to think, that long wool only had been subject to the jealous interference of the legislature; but he could assure the hon. member, that, up to a late period, the severe penalties of the law were directed against short wool. The reason of the immense growth of wool abroad was this:—foreigners found that their corn was excluded from this country, and, anxious to procure British manufactures, they applied themselves to the production of that article which they thought they could most readily exchange for those manufactures. With that view, large flocks of sheep were encouraged; and there was, at this moment, four or five times more Merino wool raised in Germany than was ever before known. It was this change of system that mainly contributed to the depression of the price of short wool. That price was unquestionably very low at present. It was low in comparison with that of long wool; but long wool now commanded a price double that which it fetched some years ago; and he thought that any interference with the duty now would have the effect of depriving this country of a considerable foreign trade. In proof of this he should read an extract from the last letter received by the Board of Trade from Mexico. It was dated the 21st of December, and contained the following passage:—"The imports from Europe are chiefly confined to silk, linen, cotton and woollen manufactures. The silks are imported from France—the linens from Germany—the woollens principally from England and the United States. France also furnishes a considerable quantity of linen. Some branches of the English cloth-trade has declined, as the French 1039 are able to undersell us, in consequence of the cheapness of the raw material; but the English broad-cloths have a decided advantage. In that line, the French cannot enter into a competition with us." Now, what would be the consequence if they increased the price of that species of wool which entered into the composition of every sort of cloth? Would they not thereby deprive themselves of the portion of this foreign trade which they now possessed? The facts which he had stated were, he thought, sufficient to show the impolicy of placing any additional duty on wool. Looking to the price of wool in 1825, and at present, the duty was equal to twenty per cent. He recollected, in 1825, when the British merchants went "wool-gathering" in every part of Europe, such was their eagerness to purchase that commodity, that the manufacturers on the continent, not only did not buy in competition with them, but actually sold to them the wool which they originally intended to have manufactured themselves. The wool came to this country at double its ordinary price, and it soon fell fifty per cent below that ordinary price. It was impossible to prevent this spirit of speculation in a free country like ours. All they could do was to lament a system which produced such unfortunate results. With respect to the duty imposed on the importation of foreign wool into France, it was undoubtedly very considerable. Their course was this—a heavy duty was laid on the wool imported, and an account was opened between the officers of government and the importer. A drawback greater than the amount of the duty was allowed to the importer, if he proved satisfactorily that he had exported woollen goods equal in value to the quantity of wool which he had imported. This system might answer in France; but it certainly would not suit the complicated machinery of the trade of this country. On the contrary, it would create endless confusion and embarrassment. When they considered the varied manufactures of this country, in which a little foreign wool was mixed with that of English growth, it must appear impossible that such a system could be adopted here. At the same time, he did not mean to condemn that policy with respect to France. He would remind the House, that France and the Netherlands were running this country very hard, with reference to woollen manufactures; and, therefore, if heavy duties were laid on the 1040 raw material, it would be giving those countries a great advantage over England. It was clear that such a proceeding must injure the grower, who must of necessity suffer, if the manufacturer could not purchase. It would be the means of depriving the labourer and the industrious artisan of this country of that employment and remuneration, which his exertions deserved. He would tell those who were interested in the success of agriculture, that that system best deserved their support, which gave steady, constant, and full, employment to the labourer, and which afforded him good and sufficient wages. It was with a view to the establishment of that system, that the government was now acting; and, by properly following it up, they would do infinitely more to promote the agriculture of the country, than by any artificial attempt to force production beyond the fair limits of demand.
Colonel Daviesreprobated the petition, as originating in the selfishness of a class seeking to place upon others the burthens which they ought to bear themselves.
§ Mr. Calcraftdid not concur in the prayer of the petition; but, he must say, that he believed his gallant friend was the only member who would assert, that the petition deserved reprobation. His gallant friend reprobated the petitioners because they called for an additional tax on wool, which they conceived would serve their interests. They, however, were not singular in that. The fact was, that every class of persons was so heavily taxed in this country, that each man was endeavouring to throw his own burthen on the shoulders of his neighbour. With respect to the price of wool in Dorsetshire, he would contend that there was no price. The growers could not sell the article at present; and that at a time when they had the expectation of another crop coming on their hands. Still, he knew not how they could be assisted. This was but cold comfort; but he was persuaded, that the individuals most interested would be more satisfied to hear the fact, than to have any delusion practised upon them.
§ Mr. G. Bankessaid, it would have been more considerate on the part of his gallant friend, if he had waited till the petition was read, before he passed so decided a censure on the petitioners. If he had waited, he was sure his censure would have fallen more lightly. He could not but regret that an hon. member had made any 1041 allusion to the political changes which had recently taken place. He thought the present was not a fit opportunity for such observations. When the hon. member expressed his sentiments with respect to those whom he denominated seceders from the administration, he had heard his observations with the utmost regret. He had spoken of those seceders as individuals who had become odious to the country—as having fattened on the produce of the land. These accusations had raised feelings in his mind more painful than he had experienced on any preceding occasion. The petitioners had a right to complain that the hon. member had accompanied that document with reflections on those to whom the county of Dorset was under the deepest obligations. The petitioners in point of weight and property, were entitled to the respect and attention of the House. They had not, on all occasions, been visiting parliament with feverish complaints, and besetting the throne with fancied grievances. They had not got up addresses, first, to a supposed injured queen, and next to a supposed ill-advised king. He denied that the formation of a new government was any reason for not entering upon this question. If a delay had been occasioned in forming that government, the inconvenience arising from it ought not to be visited on the people.
§ Lord Miltonsaid, he would not make any remarks on the speech of the hon. member for Corfe Castle, because it was quite clear that the speech had not been intended for that place. So far were the petitioners from having any right to complain of the course which had been taken by the member for Dorsetshire, that his hon. friend was entitled to their gratitude; and especially for the elucidation of the subject which he had drawn forth from the right hon. the president of the Board of Trade—an elucidation which every candid man must allow was satisfactory.
§ Mr. Westernexpressed his doubts, whether it would be a wise policy to allow of the importation of wool from all parts of the world, free of duty. He thought that a committee ought to be appointed to inquire into the causes of the depression under which the agriculture, manufactures, and commerce of the country were labouring.
Mr. Baringsaid, that the speech of the President of the Board of Trade had been so clear and convincing, that it had set the question completely at rest, To im- 1042 pose a duty on foreign wool would be so indefensible a measure, that it was unnecessary to say a word on the subject; and, to refer the petition to the consideration of a committee, would be only to waste the time of the House, and to hold out absurd expectations; as every man of common sense must know what would be the result. No protection that could be afforded would balance the advantages which the foreign grower and manufacturer derived from the cheapness of food and labour. If such measures as were advocated by the opponents of the right hon. gentleman should be carried into effect, the wool-growers of England would get prices inferior to those which they now obtained. He should suppose, that the House would no more appoint a committee upon this subject than they would a committee to inquire into the regulation of the price of labour, or rate of wages. If the country was to thrive, it could only be upon the sound principles of commerce supported by the right hon. gentleman. This was not a new-fangled doctrine. The free importation of raw materials was an old principle of the policy of this country.
Ordered to lie on the table.