Mr. M. Fitzgeraldbegged leave to withdraw his notice of motion which stood for to-morrow, for "recommending that the House of Commons shall take such course as may be best calculated to realize the policy in which the Union of Great Britain and Ireland was recommended to the Legislatures of both Countries."
§ The Speakerasked, to what day the right hon. member meant to postpone it?
The Marquis of Chandosbegged to call the attention of the House to the declaration of the right hon. member when he originally gave the notice in question, that it was absolutely necessary that some measure should be adopted immediately for the purpose of restoring tranquillity to Ireland. Having changed his seat, with his seat, the right hon. gentleman seemed to have changed his opinions; but perhaps it might be as well if he would assign his reasons for withdrawing a notice given under the circumstances just mentioned. It seemed, that now certain honourable members had gone over to the other side, they were not allowed the same free exercise of their judgments which they formerly possessed; and he was inclined to think, that this was the true cause why the notice was not merely postponed, but entirely abandoned. He hoped that other gentlemen would not desert their principles as well as the side of the House they had formerly favoured with their presence, and thus teach the country, which once admired the character of an English Whig, to look upon it as disgraced and degraded.
Mr. M. Fitzgeraldsaid, he should be most anxious, if the forms of the House permitted him, to offer some remarks upon what had fallen from the noble lord. He presumed that in bringing forward his motion, or in abandoning it, he was at liberty to exercise his own discretion, and was responsible to no person. If, however, he was less responsible to any persons than to others, it was to the decided and unqualified enemies of the claims of those, for whose interest he professed to act.
§ Sir T. Lethbridge roseto order. The right hon. member, he said, had an undoubted right to withdraw his motion without giving any explanation of his motives for doing so. There was now no question before the House, and any further conversation would be irregular.
§ The Speakersaid, that the right hon. member was unquestionably out of order; but he ought to have called the noble lord to order in the first instance. His attention, however, was occupied at the time, by some questions proposed by members near the chair, and he did not hear what was passing. The House, perhaps, 578 would permit him to express his regret that the hon. baronet had not detected the disorderly proceeding, until one side had been heard. He had to entreat, that, if he was expected strictly and rigidly to carry into execution the orders of the House, gentlemen would not be offended if he refused his attention to those who beset him with questions, whilst business was going forward.
Lord Belgravepresented a petition from Chester, against the Catholic claims. The noble lord observed, that the granting of emancipation would, in his opinion, be the most effectual means of diminishing the influence of the Pope in this empire; but he hoped that ministers would not bring the question forward, until the time was favourable for its discussion.
§ Sir H. Hardinge.—I rise to take this occasion of remarking on what occurred a few minutes ago. I perceive that the Catholic question is to be sacrificed to a political object. We have recently had repeated instances of the abandonment of motions relating to Ireland, of which notice had been given by hon. members, who used to sit on this side of the House. They have been postponed sine die; so that Catholic emancipation is not, as the hon. baronet (sir Francis Burdett) observed, the sine qua non question, but the sine die question; for now we find it is never to be brought forward. I have always voted for the Catholic claims, and I always shall vote for them; but I must almost despair of an opportunity of doing so, if I find the warmest friends of the measure in March declaring, that nothing but repeated discussion can procure success, and in May that success depends upon its not being discussed at all. This is a contradiction I do not know how to reconcile; and I shall be happy to hear any hon. gentleman make the attempt. On the 6th March—the very last occasion on which the claims were discussed—I heard the right hon. gentleman, not now in his place, state, that if there was a chance of success for the Catholics, it was to be obtained by repeated discussion only. Now, we hear nothing but of a perfect abandonment of the Catholics and their just rights; and I beg leave to ask, what has happened between March and May to produce this strange and sudden alteration? Not two months ago, one of the present ministers of the Crown asserted, that the Irish people were kept in a state of persecution and oppression; and is it 579 fit, let me ask, that he, after such a declaration, should refuse to bring forward a motion for the relief of the Irish people from such a condition? What has passed to-night is virtually a complete abandonment of their claims. Why hon. members who formerly opposed the right hon. gentleman should now attach themselves to his fortunes, God only knows; but the fact is so. They happen to agree with the right hon. gentleman on one question, and on only one—Emancipation; they disagree with him on every other, and especially upon parliamentary reform; and yet they join him with as much eagerness, as if there were not a single point of difference between them. I now see an hon. gentleman enter the House, who has been spoken of publicly as the future judge-advocate; and I assert of him, that for eleven years he has been constantly opposing a line of policy which he now comes to support. It is impossible that such a state of things should be permanent, and it is said, that the present government is only provisional; but, whether it be or be not provisional, it is quite evident, that for some purpose, of which we are not informed, the cause of the Roman Catholics is to be abandoned. In good faith, in common consistency, in common decency, I call upon the hon. gentleman opposite to bring forward this question. Their own character, their character in the country, requires that they should explain their motives. I know that no hon. member need answer the question, if he does not choose it; but if he at all wishes to stand well with the people at large, he must answer it, and must answer it satisfactorily; for their good sense will not be put off with idle excuses. There is something suspicious, something monstrous, in this union; and it ought to be explained for the sake of consistency, and not because I or any other member ask the question. I just perceive the hon. and learned member for Winchelsea (Mr. Brougham) entering the House; and what did he state on the subject of the Catholic claims? On the first occasion when it was mooted in this House, after the right hon. gentleman came into office, he declared, that the right hon. gentleman had been guilty of a monstrous piece of political tergiversation and truckling, in order to obtain his object. This was in the year 1823; and the reply of the right hon. gentleman was most energetic. I do not wish to repeat the words 580 used, and to revive unpleasant feelings and agitation; but the statement of the hon. and learned gentleman was, that the right hon. gentleman, now his right hon. friend, had given a monstrous specimen of truckling to get into office. He at that time blamed the right hon. gentleman for accepting office upon such terms; yet now he has done exactly the same thing himself. He has made some stipulation or other, that the Catholic claims shall not be brought forward; because it seems it is not found so easy to overcome the difficulty of the Coronation Oath. Formerly, the Catholic claims were to be obtained by repeated discussions; and now, because they are found objectionable in a certain quarter, they are never to be discussed at all. I believe the right hon. gentleman has found this out, and that he has now pledged himself to a particular line of policy. I say, then, that the Roman Catholics have been sacrificed to the desire of office, and that enough has already been done to alarm the Protestants and to deceive the Catholics [cheers].
Mr. M. Fitzgerald.—The House will perceive, that I lent myself unwillingly to the interruption of the regular course of its proceedings. If any hon. gentleman had asked me, in courtesy, out of the House, on what grounds I abandoned my motion, I should have told him, with the utmost pleasure; and I have now no objection to state them in a few words. My reason for withdrawing my motion on the measures expected to arise out of the union with Ireland (which motion I avow was intended to comprehend the whole Catholic question) was simply this—because I consider it would be injurious to the Catholic cause to bring it forward. That I hold to be a sufficient motive; and if I wanted any confirmation of its sufficiency, I find it in the approbation of the Catholic body. At the largest aggregate meeting, representing the feeling of the Catholic nobility, clergy, gentry, and the public, perhaps ever held, there was found only one individual to object to the proposition, that the discussion of the claims should, for the present, be avoided. That is my justification, and an imperative consideration with me, why I should not bring on my motion. That decision I consider completely controlling my opinion upon the subject; and no person professing zeal in the cause can, in common sense, desire at this moment to press it forward. I leave it, then, for those 581 who profess friendship for the cause, and who arraign the inconsistency of others, to account for their own consistency, in placing themselves in the ranks of its implacable enemies. Is it supposed that there is any mystery or collusion on our part? We avow our feelings upon the subject most openly and unreservedly: and, were it not an unreasonable interruption of public business, I should not hesitate to state them at greater length. It strikes me, that nothing could be more ungenerous or injurious, than now to bring on a premature discussion; and, in giving this opinion, I speak the general sentiments of the Catholic body. Although such would be my answer, if required in courtesy, I deny the right of the noble lord, or any other man, whether sitting on this side of the House or on that, to require me publicly to give the explanation. I deny it on parliamentary grounds; and if he presume to question my motives, give me leave to say that I deny it on other grounds. I should be glad to know whether I have not just as good a right to ask the noble lord why he has placed himself on that side of the House, as he has to demand of me why I sit on this? Why does he range himself with the Opposition of that government which he formerly so strenuously supported? Let me tell the noble lord, that I stand here, because I wish to lend my support to that party which is most adverse to the sentiments he expresses. I cannot conceive a more imperious public duty, than to resist that cabal to which the noble lord belongs. I stand here, further, to give my humble aid to an administration which, however embarrassed by faction, I do believe, contemplates the general welfare of the empire. Above all, I give it my support, because I feel convinced, that its real object is, to promote the happiness of my own country—the dearest object of my affection. In my opinion, it would be mean and contemptible, by pursuing a middle course, to withhold support from those who, in times of difficulty, undertake the arduous situation of ministers of the Crown. I object to the extremely modern course of perverting every question into an attack upon ministers; and I think it ought never to be permitted without an attempt to repel it. As far as I am concerned, I challenge any man to impute improper motives to my conduct during the twenty years I have been in public life; and I 582 repel any insinuation that may be thrown out against it, either by the noble lord or others, be they who they may.
§ Lord Hothamsaid, he had never given a vote on the Catholic claims, or on any other question, as a mere party question; but he rose now, to declare, that, after all he had heard and witnessed in that House, since the change which had been effected in the government, he had fully made up his mind to give his support to those gentlemen who had lately been called to office by his majesty. He felt unfeigned respect, at the same time, for those members of the late administration who had gone out, and regretted, that in any allusions to them the word conspiracy, how casually soever, or with whatever qualifications, had been made use of. But, would any body who observed the course which the business of tendering in their resignations had taken get up in his place and say, that there had not been, at least, a previous tacit understanding between those noble persons, as to the conduct which should be adopted by them on a recent occasion? Could any plain, straightforward man really doubt that, between the period of that calamity which deprived the country of the services of lord Liverpool, and the period of their finally retiring from office, those distinguished individuals had acted together, and in concert; and that their ultimate object all along had been, if not to compel his majesty to revoke the nomination he had made of a prime minister, yet to deprive that right hon. gentleman of all the most essential elements, if possible, of the new government, which he was instructed to organize? In the right hon. gentleman whose secession from office was so much a subject of regret on all sides of the House—the late Home Secretary—he, for one, had great confidence; but, as a person qualified to fill the eminent post of head of the administration, he had still more confidence in the right hon. gentleman opposite. He would only add, that that confidence had been much increased by seeing that the right hon. gentleman had the support of several hon. and very eminent individuals, who in times gone by, had fought in the good old cause of public liberty, and had been in the habit of voting from the opposition benches. He saw nothing incongruous in this, at such a time as the present, when party differences had been almost extinguished; and it was surely highly conducive to the best inter 583 ests of the country, more especially in its present situation, that the ablest men in that House should work together for its welfare. With respect to the Catholics, it was better to let the subject alone, until they themselves should think proper to come forward in their own course; and upon that, and upon every other occasion, he was persuaded that it would appear that none of the advocates of liberty had abandoned their principles.
§ Lord Althorpsaid:—I feel, Sir, that I should not be doing my duty, if I did not rise on this occasion, to express my opinions on the matters which have been so much alluded to in the discussion. When I first saw the list of the gentlemen, of whom his majesty had been pleased to form his new government, I confess it was my wish, as it was certainly my expectation, that I might be able, generally, to support them. That wish, and that expectation, have been very much increased and fortified, by the discussions that have subsequently taken place in parliament. Some doubts might, in the first instance, have suggested themselves to my mind, from the circumstance of the junction which has been effected between the new government and some of the hon. friends with whom I have usually voted; but those doubts, I am bound to declare, are entirely removed. Indeed, Sir, it is impossible for us not to see, that the time is now arrived, in which we must choose between a government actuated by liberal and enlightened principles, and one of Toryism in its most odious forms. Beyond all doubt, from the right hon. gentleman who has been placed at the head of this government, I differ widely on two most important questions; namely, Parliamentary Reform, and the repeal of the Test acts. I regret to find that here is an administration with which, upon these topics, I shall not agree; but I should be worse than a madman if, on that account, I should either refuse to go along with, or vote for the dismissal of, a government, which, on so many other subjects I may concur with, and which it is obvious we could not replace. Other grounds, I know there are, upon which I must anticipate that we shall not, in some points, coincide; for example, the Catholic question. I think that that ought to be brought forward as a cabinet measure, I think it ought to be so introduced, in consequence of its vast importance; and also from the conviction 584 that it can never be brought forward so effectually, as in that shape. But here again, if I were to vote against the gentlemen opposite, because they decline to discuss this as a cabinet measure, I should be only displacing them, in order to bring others into power, who would make it, in truth, a government question, but only in so far as might regard their determination never to concede it [hear.] It is upon these grounds that I shall give to the government of the right hon. gentleman, generally, my most decided support.
§ Mr. R. Colbornewas anxious to declare how entirely he acquiesced in all the observations of his noble friend. No doubt, in the arrangements which had been recently made, there were some things which required explanation, and which it would have been more satisfactory to the public to have found no mention of at all. No doubt, too, if the thing was to be done, "it were well it were done quickly." But, after all deductions made, and after all that had been said to the disparagement of the new government, he must acknowledge, that most of the individuals composing it possessed his entire confidence; and this, his favourable impression of them, had been much strengthened by the tone and tenor of recent debates. He had no blame to impute to those members of the late government who had resigned their situations. He did not care with what motives they had taken that step: he had no doubt their reasons were very sufficient ones; and, at any rate, the House should recollect that they had resigned, and were not turned out. A word before he sat down, as to some charges that he had heard from the other side against the Whigs; as if the Whigs had given their assistance to the right hon. gentleman from a desire of office. He, himself, could not be supposed to have any object of that kind in view; and he must contend, that, for many years past, the Whigs had acted in the fairest and most honourable manner, in the disinterested assistance which they had occasionally rendered to ministers. In the present instance, they had given the right hon. gentleman a very handsome and disinterested support. In conclusion, he must be allowed to express his regret at the tone which had pervaded some of their discussions lately. There was a sort of irritation in them, that he was truly sorry to observe. Whether this arose from a 585 want of temper, or from repentance on the part of particular individuals, he did not know; but he must say, that if it proceeded from their repentance, or from any desire to get back to the position they had quitted, those individuals were taking the surest course to defeat their own purpose.
§ Lord Nugentsaid, he was not anxious to prolong the debate; but wished to be allowed to answer for himself, upon some points which, for the party to which he belonged, collectively, had been answered before. Having during the whole of his parliamentary life, until lately, been in opposition, he would explain the causes which now led to his being seen in a contrary situation. His opinions upon the Catholic question, it was unnecessary for him to repeat; but he was not ashamed to declare, that in conformity with those opinions, he had once thought he never could give his support to an administration divided upon that question. He had, at the commencement of the present change, looked to the formation of the new cabinet, and had hoped to see it formed united upon that question; but he found that he looked for such a cabinet in vain. So late, even, as on last Tuesday night, he had intended in fact, in consequence of what had occurred, to change his seat in that House; but when he heard the speech of the right hon. member for the university, that speech had shown him his mistake, and pointed out to him the line of his duty. That speech disclosed to him clearly what the policy of the new administration might be expected to be: that its support might be considered as decided to that great question of Catholic emancipation, which, in the emphatic words of his right hon. friend near him, he felt to be a measure "wise in the name of policy, and just in the name of God." He felt that if the present administration was destroyed, a party would be forced upon the country in its stead, which was systematically opposed to Catholic emancipation, and to every other principle of liberal policy which was calculated to redound to our advantage, or to our honour as a nation. Under such circumstances, and with such a choice, it was impossible for him to hesitate. The hon. gentlemen on the opposite benches, if they questioned this feeling, not only did injustice to the gentlemen who had acted with him, but betrayed a want of knowledge of themselves. They asked, what could be the 586 bond of union between the right hon. First Lord of the Treasury and parliamentary reformers? The answer was—that if they wanted that bond of union, they might find it in themselves. It was the hon. gentlemen themselves who formed that substantive and very sufficient bond of union, which had fixed him and his hon. friends to act with the right hon. gentleman. The Whigs had been twitted with the opinions of the government which they supported upon the parliamentary reform question, and upon the repeal of the Test act; the last of which questions he regretted that the right hon. gentleman opposed. When those questions were brought on, the House would find, that neither his opinions nor his conduct upon them would be qualified or changed. He should, as he had always done, give them his warmest support. In the mean time, the friends of the Catholic question—the greatest question, as it appeared to him, which was undecided in the country—had every interest in supporting the present administration; and they were indebted to the right hon. gentleman at the head of it, no less for the firmness of purpose than for the loftiness of mind, which he had displayed in its support. He would trouble the House no further than by declaring, that the right hon. gentleman should have his support, as long—to adopt his own words, on a preceding evening—as he continued to deserve it.
Mr. Maberlysaid, he had come down, on Thursday last, for the purpose of endeavouring, as soon as he could, to avoid those storms which he saw, from the spirit of the times, were likely to arise. Having taken a prominent part in the financial measures of that House, he perceived, when the government was re-modelled, that it might be put to him, why, on their Notice-book, he had no motions outstanding, on a variety of those subjects, the discussion of which he had always thought so important to the country? The explanation which he felt bound to give, after the taunts of a noble lord—after what had been said by a gallant officer—and notwithstanding the recommendation of another hon. member—he should now enter into; lest it should be imagined that he was designated, as the hon. member who had wilfully sacrificed his principles. That any hon. gentleman had wilfully sacrificed his principles, was an accusation which no difference of political opinions 587 could have induced him to prefer against any member of that House; but it was a reproach which should not attach to himself, for the honourable individuals to whom he had alluded should hear the course that he had pursued. He had, on different occasions, brought under the consideration of the House the repeal of the Sinking Fund, of the Dead Weight act, and a requisition for a committee to examine into the Financial State of the Country. He considered that these measures were equally necessary now; and, notwithstanding any imputations that might be cast upon him, they were measures which he should continue manfully to stand up in his place and advocate. He thought the noble lord had now an answer to his charges, as far as these measures were concerned; and, from this unqualified statement of his continued adherence to them, he expected he should not be again accused of having sacrificed his principles. But he would not have it supposed that, unless the right hon. gentleman should meet his views on these questions, his own sentiments would suffer any alteration. If he might venture to ask so much of the right hon. gentleman, or rather to urge it upon him as a suggestion, for he did not look for an answer to the proposition—he would recommend to him, most strongly, to grant a committee, early in the next session, to inquire into the financial situation of the country. Still, if the right hon. gentleman's notions should coincide with his on these matters, he would suspend the whole of these measures for the present, because he would not embarrass the operations of the existing government. If the right hon. gentleman would, next year, grant a committee for taking all these subjects into consideration, he would carry him (Mr. M.) most completely with him on all financial matters. And if from that committee hon. gentlemen should come out with different impressions on these questions from those which he anticipated they would entertain, he himself must be bound, in justice and honour, to acquiesce in their decision. He repeated, that he did not now ask the right hon. gentleman for an answer; but he felt satisfied, that if the right hon. gentleman would adopt this recommendation, he would unite in his views a number of gentlemen on both sides of the House. He was sure that the appointment of such a committee would be a measure which 588 they would contemplate with the greatest satisfaction; and from which the country at large would derive the greatest benefit. In the eyes of the country, this would completely establish the government. It would be seen that it proceeded in the most liberal and intelligent spirit, and that it was composed of elements so well combined, that their operation could not but be beneficial to the state. With regard to the measures which might be hereafter proposed by the right hon. gentleman, whenever he brought forward such as should appear to him just and proper, he should have his cordial support. If any of the measures of the new government should appear to him to be of a different character, he trusted that he possessed sufficient independence as strenuously to oppose them.—He begged to add a few words on two very important subjects. If any hon. gentleman thought proper to bring forward the question of Parliamentary Reform, he would support him. If any member should propose the repeal of the Test acts, he would also support him. But, if those questions should appear to be propounded for the purpose of embarrassing the operations of the government, or of sowing discord in the country, he would, without hesitation, vote for the previous question; or, if necessary, even meet them by a direct negative. And this he would do, because he thought that the present administration comprised such elements as had hardly ever before belonged to a government in this country. It combined almost all the talent in the kingdom; that was to say, all that was left of the old ministry, and all that was acquired in the new members. It moreover combined all the discretion that was left of the former government; and discretion was a consideration next in importance to talent alone. For his own part, he found himself placed in this dilemma—was he to join those gentlemen or not? If not, with whom was he to combine? He was scarcely like to meet with more liberality, and certain of not finding more talent, in their opponents. With regard to the present government, the opposition to it seemed to him a factious opposition. An hon. baronet, on a former evening, had said, in so many words, "I will not allow you to postpone your committee a single day; I will stop all your supplies." Now, it was a curious fact, that this was the very member who, on one occasion, when he (Mr. M.) had 589 merely proposed, before the committee should sit, that the House should consider those measures to which he had already alluded, had answered, "No, you are wrong; do not stop a single day; the public service suffers by your proposed postponement, however short it may be; and, whatever estimates are put upon the table, immediately vote." Having the choice, then, between the present government and their opponents, he should undoubtedly exercise it, by giving to the right hon. gentleman his entire confidence and support, in all the measures to which he did not feel in principle opposed.
§ Mr. Canningsaid:—Although it was certainly my determination not to be provoked to take any part in this discussion, arising out of extraneous matters, I am yet, not provoked indeed, but induced by the speech of the hon. member for Abingdon to address a few words to the House; more particularly as the attention of the House has been a second time diverted from the business before it, by the speech of my noble friend, as I hope I may still call him. I am pleased, also, with the opportunity of answering the hon. gentleman who spoke last, and answering him on what he is courteously pleased to say, he does not put to me as a question, but as a recommendation only, and in respect to which the House, I think, may probably be glad to hear me state my present intentions. Now, Sir, it is undoubtedly my intention to propose, early in the next session, a committee of Finance, similar to those which were appointed three several times during Mr. Pitt's administration; after him in 1807, during Mr. Perceval's government; and again in 1817, on the motion of Lord Bexley. It is my intention to propose such a committee, and to submit to its consideration the whole state of our revenue. I ought in justice to add, that it was fully the intention, during the last session of my right hon. and now my noble friend (viscount Goderich) to lay before this House such a proposition; and that intention would have been executed, had not public events taken so extraordinary a course, as to drive him, at that time, from his purpose; and, had not the state of the country been subsequently such as to preclude any immediate expectation of bringing such a measure to a successful issue. I am the rather glad that that measure was postponed, because, without desiring, by this statement, impro 590 perly to raise the hopes of the country, I do feel justified in saying, that its condition is gradually, slowly, but perceptibly, improving. Under these circumstances, whatever may be the ultimate disposition of this House, after we have looked our financial situation fully in the face, and after this committee shall have brought its labours to a close, I shall best discharge my duty, and best consult the interests of the country, by keeping all things this year as quiet and as undisturbed as possible; by avoiding all resort to extraordinary measures, and by shunning every thing which would promote agitation, or excite speculation of any kind in the community. Having stated thus much, in the hope that it will not be unacceptable to the House, I shall, in the next place, propose to proceed on Friday, in committee, with the votes of supply; and I have to state to the House, that, unless any accidental cause should arise to prevent me, it is my present intention to submit to the House my financial statement for the year, before the Whitsun-holidays. I shall proceed with the votes in the committee of supply, next Friday evening, and then will be the legitimate opportunity for all those who have made up their minds to evince their loyalty to their king, and their anxiety for the interests of their country, by postponing the supplies—to proceed with their opposition [cheers]. I should hope, Sir, that this will be the last of these extraordinary debates, and that the House seeing that an hon. and gallant officer has a motion before it, relative to the shipping interest, and that so many gentlemen connected with that interest are waiting at its doors, it will, at least, condescend to hear them [cheers].
§ Lord Miltonsaid, that notwithstanding, the intimation with which the right hon. gentleman had so properly concluded his speech, he trusted that the House, and that right hon. gentleman, would allow him to detain them for a few moments, in order that he might express his heartfelt satisfaction at what he had just heard fall from him. He was very sure that the country was in a state which loudly demanded that the whole of its financial concerns should be submitted to a committee; for unless his majesty's government, in that committee which the right hon. gentleman intended to propose in the course of the next session, should be able to organize such arrangements as should 591 make our expenditure more commensurate with our revenue, or our revenue with our expenditure, than was at present the case, all the distresses and calamities which had weighed on this country for the last twelve months, would not only not be redressed, but would be grievously aggravated. What had fallen from the head of his majesty's government that night, and from his noble friend (lord Althorp) in respect to that government, was so satisfactory in the one case, and so entirely expressed all that he felt in the other, that it was unnecessary for him to add one word more, except to express his confidence in the administration of the right hon. gentleman.
Mr. Alderman Waithmanhad no hesitation in saying, that it was his wish to support the present government, and hoped that their measures would be such as to enable him conscientiously to support them. This much he thought it desirable for him to state, as one of the representatives of the capital of the kingdom.
§ Sir H. Hardingesaid, he did not understand the mysterious and shuffling manner in which the Catholic question was attempted to be smothered.
Ordered to lie on the table.