HC Deb 29 June 1825 vol 13 c1459

On the order of the day for bringing up the report,

Mr. Hume

contended, that this bill did not go to do equal justice between the masters and the men; and ought not, therefore, to pass. The numerous petitions that had been presented against the combination laws ought to have been examined into. As it was, the petitioners might as well have kept their petitions to themselves. If it were shown that, by reason of any defects in his bill of the last session, any disturbances had happened in the country, he would not object to such alterations as might be proposed in the way of remedy. Out of 97 petitions that had been presented to the House on the subject of the combination laws, there were seven from masters, calling for an extension to them of a power to coerce their workmen. Into those petitions and allegations, it was the duty of the House to have entered. This bill, in its present shape, could not fail to work much injustice and conduce to much oppression. The masters might at all times prevent combinations against working, by contracting with the journeymen for a certain period. He knew that men who had been engaged in this manner had never quitted their work whilst combinations were existing all around them. The masters, then, had the remedy in their own hands, and had no right to call upon parliament to support them with the strong hand of power. He then read a long petition from certain journeymen, asserting their right to obtain what they considered a remunerating price for their labour. He agreed with the petitioners; and he was surprised that those members who advocated the principles of free trade could bring themselves to vote for this bill, the object of which was to reduce the rate of wages. He had heard it said, that low wages were a good thing. That he denied. Low wages tended to degrade the labourer. It was the high wages which the English artisan received, contrasted with those received by the Irish artisan, which made the former so superior in energy and independence of spirit. It appeared to him to be extremely inconsistent, that at a moment when mechanics' institutions were rising in all parts of the country, a legislative enactment should be determined on, which would limit the means of gratifying their newly-acquired taste for study. He again protested against the power given to magistrates by the bill to punish men for what was called molesting their fellow-workmen. He could not define molestation. Any act, however innocent, might be considered molestation. The House, perhaps, might consider that he was molesting them at that moment [Cries of "hear"]. That cheer convinced him that his objection to that part of the bill was proper; for an act of right and propriety, on the part of a workman might be construed to be molestation, just as it was in the present instance with respect to himself; for he unquestionably was performing a praiseworthy act in opposing an unjust measure.

The House divided: Ayes 56; Noes 2. The report was then brought and agreed to, with several amendments.