GRAMPOUND DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL. (Hansard, 9 May 1820)

Lord John Russell
rose for the purpose of submitting to the House the motion of which he had given notice, for leave to bring in a bill to exclude the borough of Grampound from sending members to parliament, and to enable the borough of Leeds to assume that privilege. In doing so, he would shortly trouble the House with his views on the subject. He had in the course of last session stated his own opinion of the propriety of disfranchising the borough of Grampound, or any other borough similarly situated, and of extending the franchise thus forfeited to large towns or populous districts. When he stated this opinion, it was, he 238 believed, generally admitted, that there might be cases in which that principle might be safely adopted. Whether the borough of Grampound did or did not deserve the punishment which he proposed to inflict on it—and whether or not it would be proper to extend the right of electing members to the borough of Leeds to the West Riding of Yorkshire, or to any other particular place—were questions which he would not now enter into, as they might be discussed with greater advantage in a future stage of the bill. He would at present-merely state the purport of the measure. It disabled Grampound from sending members to parliament, and enabled those voters in that borough who had not been convicted of corruption to vote for members as if they were freeholders of the county. Another part of the bill was, that it empowered the election, by the borough of Leeds, of two members, at the conclusion of the present parliament, or, in case any vacancy occurred in the borough of Grampound, before that period. The right of suffrage which he proposed for the borough of Leeds would extend to persons renting houses of the value of 5l. per annum. The borough of Leeds, it must be observed, comprehended a much larger space than the town of Leeds. It was thirty miles in circumference—comprised eight or ten villages besides the town—and contained about seventy thousand inhabitants. Supposing the right of suffrage to be granted to those who rented houses of the annual value of 5l., the number of voters would be about eight thousand. Some individuals were of opinion that the right should not be granted to those who did not rent houses of the value of 10l. a year, which would reduce the voters to the number of 5,500; but, on consideration, he conceived that it was better to extend the privilege of suffrage to the smaller sum. His great object was, to have the principle of transferring the elective franchise from convicted boroughs acknowledged and established by parliament. If that principle were established, it would be entirely indifferent to him whether the franchise was extended at all to Leeds; or, if granted to that borough, whether it was given in the particular manner which he proposed; or whether it was extended to the West Riding of Yorkshire, or any other populous place. All he desired was to secure the principle, and, in all he did, 239 his view was to give effect to that principle in the way which appeared to his mind to be the best. If the mode which he proposed did not seem to the House to be the best, and if any other coarse more efficient were pointed out, it would give equal pleasure to him, provided the principle were established. The noble lord concluded by moving "for leave to bring in a bill to exclude the borough of Grampound from sending burgesses to serve in parliament, and to enable, the borough of Leeds to send two burgesses to serve in parliament in lieu thereof."

§ Mr. Canning
said, that as it, had been distinctly understood in the last session of the last parliament, that the noble, lord who now introduced this measure should not be in the smallest degree prejudiced in again bringing forward the subject, so far as this proceeding might have been prejudiced by the dissolution of the last, and the formation of a new parliament, that circumstance would be amply sufficient to justify any individual who might wish to oppose the introduction of this bill in abstaining from pursuing that course. He, however, felt no such inclination. He was perfectly disposed, on his own part, and on the part of those with whom he acted, to see the noble lord's bill brought before the House for discussion. And so far as the acknowledgment of the principle, that a borough convicted of gross bribery and corruption, such as in former times would produce an order for disfranchisement, went, he was ready to say that to such disfranchisement, in such a proved case, he had no objection. So far would he go. But he was sure it was not necessary to appeal to the noble lord's candour for the preservation of any ulterior opinion as to the mode in which the franchise, so taken away, should be disposed of; because he was convinced the noble lord would recollect that, in the last session of parliament, the introduction of the town of Leeds rested solely on his own will and opinion, without any previous concert or understanding, expressed or implied, with any other persons, as to the propriety of selecting that particular place. No person, he believed, but the noble mover himself, was cognizant of the place to which he wished to transfer the franchise. When the bill came regularly before the House for discussion, he should be prepared to enter into all the considerations that he longed to it. He was at present only desirous that the consent which, individually, 240 and for others, he gave to the introduction of the bill, should not be considered as pledging any gentleman's opinion beyond the first step, that of introducing the measure—or as pledging any opinion with respect to the principle of the bill, farther than it applied to this specific case. He made this reservation at the present moment, lest his sentiments might be misunderstood; for if there were any point which the noble lord had stated, on which he had decided differently from the noble lord, and to which no circumstances could make him agree, it was this—that the measure itself was comparatively indifferent, but that the establishment of the principle was every thing. He would look only to this specific measure; and, as far as possible, he would, avoid, and he hoped the House would pursue the same course, legislating on the general principle. He would say nothing more, because this was not the time to provoke this discussion; and less he could not have said without being liable to the imputation of not having clearly explained himself. Perhaps the noble lord would allow him to I ask, merely for information, whether it was intended that the borough proposed to be disfranchised should be heard in its defence?

Lord J. Russell
said, it was not his intention to call for any further proceeding. The inquiry last year rendered it unnecessary.

§ Lord A. Hamilton
observed, that, if it were determined to take away the elective franchise from Grampound, he could suggest places in that part of the country with which he was more intimately connected to which it might be extended with advantage.

Lord J. Russell
wished to observe, that it was necessary to introduce in the bill then before the House the name of some place to which the elective franchise was to be transferred. He had no objection to granting the franchise any other borough. The right hon. gentleman must know, that when bills were brought in respecting other boroughs in which bribery and corruption had prevailed, the title of those bills was "a bill for preventing bribery and corruption in such a borough." It was quite impossible to give such a title to the bill, which did not go to prevent bribery and corruption for the future in Grampound, but to deprive it entirely of its franchises. With respect to the admission that was made in the last session 241 of parliament, he would offer a single remark. The way he understood it was,—though, perhaps, he ought not to state his view in the absence of the noble lord (Castlereagh) who spoke on the occasion that the noble lord, without deciding any thing on the case of the borough of Gram-pound, expressed his opinion, that many cases might arise in which it would be extremely inconvenient to proceed on the principle of granting the franchise of the convicted borough to the hundred, and that it would be necessary to find some other constitutional body in which that great trust could be safely placed. Suppose one borough were thrown into the hundred, and another borough were afterwards placed in the same situation, it was obvious, that it would create considerable inconvenience. This was the way in which the noble lord viewed the question; and the admission was, that cases might arise where it would be necessary for the House to exert its power. The course which administration might think proper to pursue was now the great point to be considered; and he did hope, for their own sakes, as well as for the sake of the country, that they would lend every assistance to the object which this bill embraced. It had given him great satisfaction to find, that in almost every quarter of the country, the proposition had been received with joy, and with gratitude towards the administration for the part they had taken. This must prove to them at how very low and cheap a price the affections of the people might be gained.

Mr. D. Gilbert
perfectly agreed in the observation, that it would be very inexpedient, where several boroughs were disfranchised, to extend the rights thus forfeited to any one place.

§ Lord Milton
observed, that it would be extremely inconvenient, supposing a number of boroughs to be disfranchised, to give the right of voting to those who, as freeholders, had now a right of voting for county members. Supposing, for instance, five Cornish boroughs to fall under the lash of the House—a circumstance by no means impossible—those to whom the franchise was transferred would then have to vote for twelve members—two for the county, and ten for other places.