Lord Castlereaghrose to move the second reading of this bill, and observed, that in so doing, he might satisfy the object of the right hon. gentleman opposite, as well as his own, and the general convenience of the House. The bill might then be 1176 committed to-morrow and reprinted, so as to be in the hands of members on Friday next. On the question of the third reading the general principle of the bill might be discussed, and he apprehended that this course of proceeding would be found the most advisable which could, under the present circumstances, be adopted. The alterations which it was in contemplation to propose he would now endeavour shortly to explain. The first branch of the measure was that which rendered it applicable to all publications sold under a certain price and treating of political matters. There were two classes of works which he did not think it necessary to include in this description; the one consisted of occasional publications of a local nature, and involving only local interests; the other respected periodical works, published at intervals considerably distant from each other, and which were of considerable importance, both as they related to the diffusion of knowledge and the support of religion and morality. It did not appear to him that it would be proper to saddle such publications with the new duty of four-pence upon each separate number. The House would readily see that the great object of this measure was to apply only to works which were the channels of mischief, and the means by which sedition and blasphemy were propagated through the country. It was intended, therefore, to confine its provisions to periodical works published in succession within the term of 26 days, so as in fact to exempt all monthly and other publications not coming forth within that time. Still, in order to guard against the means of obvious invasions, it might be necessary that the periods of publication should be required to be uniform, and that the application of stamp-duties to all works conveying intelligences should not be avoided. The second branch of this bill referred to the subject of securities to be given by persons publishing facts or intelligence of a particular kind. It was not intended to press inconveniently on newspapers, the principle end in view being to put a responsibility on all persons who sent forth works of a particular description to the public. He certainly must adhere to the principle of requiring security from, the publishers of all papers or pamphlets of less than two sheets, and sold under the price of 6d., and issued within the period to which he had alluded. At the same time he wished it to be un- 1177 derstood, that the new stamp duties should only be coextensive with periodical publications. The security required as the bill was now framed was 500l. generally from the printer; it being at his discretion to produce it himself, or obtain it from three or four other persons. It had been stated to him that this sum was too large, and might be more easily raised or answered for in some places than in others. The times, however, in which we lived, seemed to him to require, that persons exercising the power of the press should be men of some respectability and property. But as it was represented that this sum of 500l might press too heavily on persons of a moderate capital, or in distant places, he would propose to reduce the sum to 300l. in London and it vicinity, and to 200l. in the provincial towns. He was aware that it might be urged that there were persons not possessed of any capital, who were still anxious to address the public on political questions. Cases of individual hardship might certainly arise; but at a time like the present, it appeared to him necessary that the law should be made effectual for its purpose. An argument might certainly be raised as to the influence of pamphlet writing, upon the morals and interests of the community. Into that argument he would not now diverge. It affected entirely the general principle; and all that he now meant was to give a general description of the amendments or modifications which he was ready to support.
Mr. Tierney feltmuch obliged to the noble lord for the explanation which he had just given. Without abandoning his objections to the principle of this measure, he was willing to close with the noble lord's proposition as to arrangement.
§ Mr. Broughamwished that the ground upon which he assented to the second reading should be distinctly understood: the explanations which had been given did not at all remove his general objection to the measure; but he certainly could perceive no advantage which could be derived from discussing it until it was printed with its new alterations. After all that had been said, he still remained of opinion that the introduction of a new punishment into our law was the most dangerous innovation which had been attempted in his time. To another principle he must also decidedly object. It was that which held forth that the possession of a certain fortune was necessary before any man should 1178 discuss political questions through the press.
§ The bill was then read a second time.