HC Deb 09 July 1817 vol 36 cc1321-36
Mr. Wilberforce,

in rising to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, said, he felt gratified in standing before an audience who were but of one mind on this subject. His object was, by proposing an address to the Crown, to give weight to the exertions of the executive power in its negotiations with foreign states. He lamented to say, that in the instance of powers which had already declared their intention to abolish the Slave Trade, there were no appearances that they were disposed to carry that intention into effect; and that even subjects of some of the powers which had abolished the traffic were engaged in carrying it on. He was sorry to be obliged to state, that even under the flag of America, which, to its honor, was the first power which set the example of the abolition, the trade was carried on; and there was reason to suppose that American property and also American subjects were engaged in it. In the colonies which had been restored to France, the trade had also been carried on, though it was to be stated, to the honour of the French government, that a governor who had sanctioned, and perhaps to some extent participated in the traffic, had been turned out of his office. But at Goree and Senegal the trade had been carried on to a great extent; and as the native princes had not been in the practice of collecting slaves by war, they made up cargoes of their domestic slaves. In one instance only, on the gold coast, had he heard of the slave trade being carried on under the auspices of Holland; and he had heard of no charge of the sort against Denmark and Sweden. But the great evil, in comparison of which all others sunk into insignificance, was the trade as carried on by Portugal and Spain. And even the trade of Portugal which confined its devastation to the north of the Line, was small compared with the ravages of the Spaniards. When he contemplated the whole conduct of Spain on the subject of the slave trade, he could not sufficiently express his wonder, that a great and high-minded and spirited people, which had made such efforts for its own liberation, should lend itself to the devastation and slavery of a whole continent. Till we abolished the slave trade we had been in the habit of supplying Spain with slaves, and an article in a celebrated treaty stipulated for our privilege of being the carriers of Spain in this traffic. It now appeared from the conduct of Spain, as if they almost intended to ridicule our efforts for the amelioration of the state of Africa. It was known that we had chosen a certain part of the coast of Africa, on which we made efforts to introduce a relish for the enjoyments of civilized life, and to carry on this good work it was absolutely necessary to secure it against the ravages of the slave trade. To this end we stipulated with Portugal, that she should confine her trade to the north of the Line. France, before she abolished the trade, made the same stipulation. In the negotiations with Spain, that power also conceded that she would confine the trade to a certain part of the coast. But when Spain had to point out the particular portion of the coast, she chose the very portion which we had selected for our efforts for civilization. This was an insult almost too great for an independent nation to bear. It was was supposed at first that this choice of Spain originated in mistake, but when the effect of her conduct was pointed out, she seemed to cling the more closely to it. Even in the paper which gave notice of this choice of the king of Spain, as if to ridicule us, it was boasted that he was entitled to the praise of Great Britain. All the consequences which had been predicted had happened. Great numbers of real Spaniards filled the coast, and greater numbers of others under the flag of Spain. In places where schools had been established, and efforts had been made to induce the chieftains to supply their demands for European comforts by peaceful industry and legitimate commerce, there the Spaniards now came to persuade the little princes to return to their old habits, and supply themselves more expeditiously with European luxuries by selling their subjects or making war on their neighbours. Tribe was set against tribe, village against village, and family against family. Even an individual would crouch like a tyger in a thicket to spring forth on a defenceless woman, to seize her and drag her to captivity. When thirty years ago, the barbarities of the slave trade were brought before the House, though it was not immediately abolished, an act was passed to alleviate the sufferings of the slaves in the middle passage. At present, however, ships were crowded beyond all precedent. In a letter from sir James Yeo, it was stated that in a vessel of 120 tons there had been conveyed 600 slaves. In one of the examinations before a committee of the House, a captain of a slave ship had been asked whether the slaves (of whom he had carried 450 in a ship of 230 or 240 tons) enjoyed comfort, said, they enjoyed tolerable comfort; but being asked whether they had room to lie on their backs, he said they had not. What idea of comfort this person had it was difficult to conceive; but if 450 slaves had not room to lie on their backs in a ship of 240 tons, what would be the condition of the 600 slaves in a ship of 120 tons? He should also read and affidavit of lieutenant Eike, in the case of a ship taken by his majesty's ship Cumberland:—"Affidavit of Lieutenant James Eike, sworn 17th of March, 1815, allowed by the court to be exhibited, in which he deposes, that on the 15th of February last he went on board the San Joaquin), as prize-master, and continued on board her some days after her arrival in Simon's Bay, which was on the 19th of the said month; that he remained on board until the slaves were landed by virtue of a decree from the court, and was actually superintending and assisting in their disembarkation; that when he first went on board, he was informed that the said vessel had left Mosambique only 22 days, at which time every person onboard, was in good health, and that 13 of the slaves had died during that period; that between the capture and their arrival in Simon's Bay, the survivors were all of them sickly and weak, and nearly 100 of them afficted with the flux; that medical aid was afforded to those who required it; that the brig appears to have been built for a privateer, and for fast sailing, not for stowage; that the slaves were all stowed together, perfectly naked, and nothing but rough unplaned planks to crouch down upon, in a hold situated over their water and provisions, the place being little more than two feet in height, and the space allowed to each slave being so small, that it was impossible for them to avoid touching and pressing upon those immediately surrounding; the greatest part of them were fastened, some three together, by one leg each, in heavy iron shackles, a very large proportion of them having the flux; that they were compelled to perform their natural evacuations under these dreadful circumstances, without being able to move, and to remain amidst their own excrement, which could not be cleared away until the said slaves were all disembarked; that between the 19th and 24th days of their being landed, 13 more died, notwithstanding good provisions, medical aid, and kind treatment, and 30 more died between the 24th of February and the 16th of March instant, all occasioned, as he in his conscience verily believes, and is firmly persuaded, by the cruel and inhuman treatment of the Portuguese owners; that more than 100 of them were, at the time of their landing, just like skeletons covered with skin, and moving by slow machinery, hardly maintaining the appearance of animated human beings; that the remainder were all of them enervated, and in a sickly state; he says that the pilot, upon being asked by captain Baker, how many he supposed would have reached the place of their destination alive, replied, about half the number that were embarked; that from the time of seizure, till the said slaves were landed, the Portuguese owners fed and attended them, giving them two meals each day, one at seven in the morning, the other at five in the evening, but never allowing to each person more than half a pint of water at each meal; he lastly says, that he never saw brute beasts treated with such cruelty as the slaves on board the San Joaquim were treated by their aforesaid owners."—As the persons engaged in this illicit traffic were apprehensive of being taken, they constructed vessels not calculated for stowage, but for fast sailing, and the miseries of the un-happy beings were increased. It would be seen that in three weeks or a month all this mortality had taken place. In another instance it had been stated, that of 540 negroes embarked, 340 had died. It was not the mere bodily pain these wretched beings suffered, crowded thus together in bulk between the tropics; men who had never been at sea before, and collected from different countries. These details were horrid to relate, but he recollected the saying of a right hon. gentleman, whose loss he deplored, that humanity did not consist in a squeamish ear, but in a feeling heart. The sentiment spoke its author, and made it superfluous to name Mr. Fox. Of the multitude of deaths which took place, it had been stated, that more were occasioned by broken hearts than by bodily disease. Of the slaves procured by the Spaniards, the greater part were sent to Havannah. By a paper which had been obtained by the cortes, it appeared, that there had been imported into that colony in 11 years, from 1799 to 1811, about 110,000, or 10,000 slaves a year; and in the three last years, the importation had been much greater—even amounting to 25,000 a year. The pretence, therefore, that the Spanish colonies were denuded of slaves, was entirely without foundation. They had provided for themselves most amply. The Spanish and Portuguese flags formed also a cover for the illicit traders of other nations. It had been decided also, by high authority, that it was law, that though Portuguese vessels might be found trading for slaves, in parts which they had renounced the right to trade to, they could not he made a prize, unless they had intruded on our possessions. The ships of Spain when questioned, often defended themselves, or anticipated attack by aggression; they had indeed committed acts of piracy of the most flagrant kind. They had driven away the native merchants from the coast, to keep it clear for their horrible traffic, and to prevent the intrusion or interference of strangers. Every consideration impelled us to stop a traffic like this. If it were not put an end to, any hope for our colonies selling their produce beyond our own possessions would be at an end. He should not hesitate, if the two powers would not put an end to the slave trade, to advise a recourse to an expedient the prospect of which had been held out, viz. a treaty with the great powers of Europe to prevent the purchase of colonial produce from colonies of those states which had not abolished the slave trade. In negociations on this subject, we should always be ready to admit that we had ourselves been heretofore eminently criminal, and to express our remorse at our former conduct. While he lamented the attempts to revive the slave trade in many places, he could not but be proud of the distinguished spirit and feeling which many individual Englishmen had shown to their own personal hazard and inconvenience to repress this disgraceful traffic. He alluded to the transactions in the islands near the cape (Mauritius and Madagascar), and to the neighbourhood of Java, where the late governor himself, Raffles, had joined in the efforts for suppressing the trade, which had converted some fertile and once happy islands into scenes of devastation. He alluded with pleasure also to the exertions of captain Curran, who had released many wretches in a situation equally afflicting with that which he had before described, and which he would not again repeat. On the Western coast of Africa the same disposition had been shown by colonel Chiswell, at Goree; and at Sierra-Leone, that excellent man governor Macarthy had extended the advantages of civilization to a considerable extent. By the last advices he learnt that 1463 Negro children were in a course of education there. He had before he sat down, to declare that his departed right hon. friend (Mr. Pitt), the want of whose support he now so much felt, had always been impressed with the necessity of following up to the fullest extent possible, the civilization of Africa; that after the injuries Europe had inflicted on it, we should not stop short with the mere act of abolition, but as far as was possible, promote the industry, improvement, its cruelly oppressed this was the decided Pitt, he begged to acquaint the House in as solemn a manner as if he were upon oath. Mr. W. concluded with moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, most humbly to represent to his royal highness, that, in bringing to a close the other business of this session, a great and important duty still remains to be performed by parliament, that of again submitting to his royal highness, in the most dutiful but urgent terms, the expression of our continued and unceasing solicitude for the universal and final abolition of the African slave trade:

"That we are grateful for the efforts already made, and for the progress which we have had the happiness to witness, in the achievement of this great work: That we rejoice that, in all his majesty's dominions, this wickedness is now for ever proscribed, and that our laws have stigmatized it by severe and ignominious punishment:

"That we have seen, with unspeakable satisfaction, that so many of the other nations, under whose flag this criminal traffic had formerly been protected, had now joined in the same prohibition, and have contracted with his majesty, and with each other, the obligation of persevering in it, as in a duty from which they never can be released: and that our confident expectations of the universal adoption of that prohibition have been greatly confirmed and strengthened by that memorable declaration which was promulgated by the plenipotentiaries of all the principal powers of Europe, assembled in their general congress; a declaration which well became the just and powerful sovereigns in whose names it was issued; proclaiming to their subjects and to the world, their deliberate conviction, that "the African slave trade is repugnant to the principles of humanity and of universal morality;" and adding to that avowal, the gracious and solemn assurance of their earnest desire "to put an end to a scourge which has so long desolated Africa, degraded Europe, and afflicted humanity:

"That we must indeed deeply regret, that practices acknowledged to be of such a character should, even for an hour, be continued, and even tolerated under the sanction of any civilized and christian government; but that it is impossible for us to doubt of that ultimate determination by which these crimes and miseries will finally be terminated: this engagement has been deliberately taken, and publicly and unequivocally announced, and its performance is imperiously required by every motive of interest, and of honour, of humanity, and of justice:

"That we beg leave, however, with all humility, to represent to his Royal Highness, that the actual attainment of this great object can alone discharge our country from the obligation of pursuing it with unremitted attention, and with daily increasing earnestness; and that we cannot disguise from ourselves the painful cer- tainty, that the intermediate suspense and delay not only prolong, but greatly augment, the evil which we are thus labouring to remedy:

"That it appears to us but too notorious, that these crimes, hitherto partially checked by the prohibition of so many just governments, and by the abhorrence of all good men, are now again renewed, and are carried on with fresh, and continually increasing activity; that many of the subjects of those powers which have concurred in the abolition, are found, nevertheless, still to pursue the same nefarious course: that the stipulations by which other governments have consented to put limits to this evil, stipulations purchased by this country at the price of large sacrifices, are constantly, and almost openly disregarded, while the protection of the only remaining flag under which this wickedness can now be carried on without limit or restraint, and the intervention of the only nation to which its continuance is indiscriminately permitted, are used, not merely to protect this horrible traffic in the extent to which that people formerly pursued it, but as a sanction to its indefinite increase in their hands, and as a cover for the breach of the laws by which' all other civilized communities have restrained their subjects from embarking in it:

"That, in humbly submitting these painful circumstances to the humane and enlightened consideration of his royal highness, we are sure it cannot be requisite to dwell upon the other and great evils which they necessarily involve: that this state of things has led, by manifest and necessary consequence, to a system of armed defiance and outrage, a system utterly destructive of all peaceful commerce insulting to legitimate authority, and, in its effects and consequences, little, if at all, short of open piracy: that this system also impedes, or rather it altogether frustrates, the just and benevolent endeavours of those powers, who are labouring to introduce among the natives of Africa the arts, and habits of civilized life; is productive of perpetual contest and irritation, leading not unfrequently to open violence between his majesty's ships and subjects, and those of the sovereigns in amity and alliance with this country; and continually endangers even those relations, the maintenance of which is of the utmost moment to their interests and to ours, as well as to the general repose and tranquillity of Europe:

"To represent to his Royal Highness, that being deeply impressed with the magnitude of all these considerations, we earnestly intreat his Royal Highness, that he will be pleased to pursue with unremitted activity, those negotiations into which he has already entered on this most momentous subject; that he will establish for this purpose the most effective concert with those sovereigns, whose just and benevolent principles respecting it, have already been announced to the world in concurrence with his own; and that he will leave no effort untried to bring the present evils to a speedy and immediate termination, and thereby to prevent the future and still greater mischiefs which their continuance must inevitably produce:

"That we confidently hope that his Royal highness's urgent but friendly representations will produce their desired effect; yet that in justice to the great interests that are at stake, we cannot but feel it our indispensable duty, to express our confident expectation, that if all his Royal Highness's amicable endeavours should prove unavailing, the great powers which, at the congress of Vienna, so honourably announced to the world their abhorrence of the slave trade, as radically unjust and cruel, will deem themselves compelled by an over-ruling sense of duty, to adopt, however reluctantly, such a course of commercial policy, as, without infringing on the just rights of any other nation, will alone prevent their indirectly, but powerfully, contributing to the continued existence of this inhuman traffic:

"That there is one important truth, which we beg leave most earnestly to press on his Royal Highness's most serious attention, a truth which painful experience has too fully taught us, that, however strong may be the prohibitions of the slave trade, and with how great sincerity soever they may be issued, they will prove practically inefficient, unless some general concert for ascertaining and bringing to punishment the offending parties, be mutually established between the several powers, under whose flags this trade has been, or may be, carried on:

"That we must once more declare to his Royal Highness, that in enforcing these considerations on his Royal Highness's most serious attention, we are actuated not merely by the feelings of humanity, but by the positive dictates of duty and conscience: that it is by these motives, and not as claiming any superiority in point of humanity or of morals, that we are actuated in our earnest desires to obtain the co-operation of all other civilized nations: that, remembering how long and how largely this country contributed to augment the miseries, and perpetuate the barbarism of Africa, we cannot but esteem ourselves specially and peculiarly bound, not to leave that vast continent in its present degraded state, but to endeavour, so far as we may be able, both by our own conduct, and in concert with other powers, to repair the wrongs we have inflicted, by opening the way for the diffusion of those blessings which, under the favour of Providence, a legitimate commerce, and a friendly intercourse with the enlightened nations of Europe, cannot fail to introduce in their train."

Lord Castlereagh

complimented his hon. friend on his steady perseverance in the great cause in which he had so distinguished himself. He assured him that ministers were fully disposed to second him, and had not slept at their posts. Entirely concurring with him, that till arrangements were formed for carrying into complete effect the abolition by all the powers of Europe, the measure would not be productive of that good which the humane policy of this country and the benevolent views of the other powers expected from it, government was stimulated to every exertion for procuring the consent of the only two states that now exclusively conducted the traffic. Much had already been done by this country, much had been done by congress, and much had been done by those two powers themselves; but while one state still disgraced its flag by carrying on so cruel a trade, the evils of the system would be partially increased, and rendered more cruel and atrocious by being combined with resistance and piracy. Ministers had been active in negociations, not only with the governments of Portugal and Spain, but with the other powers who signed the treaty of Paris, and who exerted themselves towards the accomplishment of the same object. He felt a difficulty in entering on the subject, as he could not state the progress already made in coming towards an understanding with the two reluctant powers, without a danger of prejudicing pending negociations; while, at the same time, he allowed that parliament had a right to know all that could safely be disclosed. He would not therefore at present enter into the subject but he hoped that, by the beginning of next session, the negociations now going on would be brought to such an issue as would enable him to lay them fully before the House. He flattered himself with the hope that the conclusion of them would be satisfactory; but if they should turn out to be otherwise, his hon. friend would again bring forward the subject. Even if ministers should succeed in their endeavours to the full extent of their hopes, it might be proper at that time to inquire by a committee into the whole question, and to take into view what had been done, and what still remained to be accomplished. He therefore hoped, that in refusing to enter into the subject at greater length at present, his hon. friend would not suspect him of a design to discourage his efforts. Though, on account of what he had stated, he should abstain from farther discussion, he would not oppose the address of his hon. friend, because it expressed the sentiments of his majesty's government.

Mr. P. Moore

had no objection to the address of his hon. friend, and wished it all the success that he could hope from it. The noble lord now seemed to recommend to his hon. friend the advice which he gave him four years ago—to move for a committee. A committee always appeared to him the best mode of accomplishing what could be accomplished, and of realizing whatever could be realized. Though the evils of the slave trade were great and undeniable, yet he thought there was a drawback on the measure for carrying the abolition into effect. There had been a species of wholesale legislation on this subject, which had been productive of pernicious consequences. No control was established over those who seconded the zeal of the country in stopping this nefarious traffic; and the result was, that much individual oppression had been produced. He had presented a petition about three years ago from three individuals, complaining of abuse in the exercise of the powers intrusted to officers under the abolition acts. The substance of them was at first denied. It was needless to recapitulate the circumstances. Three persons established on the Rio Pongas had been dragged from their settlements to Sierra Leone, there tried by a surgeon, condemned to fourteen years banishment in Botany Bay, and sent to Portsmouth, to be from thence transported. From that place they transmitted to him a petition, which he presented to the Prince Regent, through the noble secretary for the colo- nies, who had attended to it, and ordered the oppressed individuals to be liberated. One of them had since brought his action in the King's-bench, and recovered 1,000l. damages for false imprisonment, and 19,000l. as compensation for the loss of property. These persons had not been concerned in the slave trade as was pretended. If such practices were allowed, the evils resulting from the execution of the abolition act would only be equalled by the traffic it was intended to abolish.

Mr. Brougham

would not have obtruded himself at all on the attention of the House, had it not been owing to the statement of his hon. friend, which, if it went forth to the country uncontradicted, might produce pernicious effects. His hon. friend had launched a most extraordinary charge against all the abolitionists, and against himself as one of them, as dealing in wholesale legislation. He did not understand the meaning of this epithet, when applied to laws for carrying the abolition into effect. In all legislation, the remedy should be co-extensive with the evil to be prevented, or the dangers apprehended. The laws on this subject proceeded no farther; they described the offence, and prescribed the punishment of it wherever found. To limit the punishment to a particular place, when the offence might be general, might, to follow the figure of his hon. friend, be retail legislation; but it would be partial and inefficient. If he meant that such laws should be partial, there was, undoubtedly, some foundation for his charge of enacting wholesale measures. The law of the 51st of the king, which he had the honour to introduce, had two objects in view: 1st.; to prevent trading in slaves, by declaring the act a felony any where within the British dominions; and, 2dly, to prevent trading in slaves by British subjects any where, either in the British dominions or not. To apply this law to the case mentioned by his hon. friend, it happened that Cooke and his associates had been engaged in the skive trade at Rio Pongas, which was beyond the limits of our colony of Sierra Leone. A military force was sent to observe their conduct, and to learn if; they were British subjects, with instructions to apprehend them if they were. The information they received was, that they were British subjects; and this was not contradicted till after their apprehension. Cooke was tried at Sierra Leone, and the judge, as had been stated, happen- ed to be a surgeon. It often must occur in the colonies that persons, professionally qualified for particular offices, could not be found when their services were required. Intervals would occur between the death of one judge and the arrival of another; and the public business could not stand still. The gentleman who presided on this occasion was a man of good education and respectable character. Cooke was convicted of slave dealing, and sentenced accordingly, as a British subject. He believed he did not plead guilty, but he admitted that he was a British subject.—The defence that he was an American citizen was an afterthought, and did not occur to him till he arrived in England. It was well known by those who knew the proceedings of prize courts, that men frequently became Americans or English as best suited their purpose. Being therefore considered as a British subject, he was guilty of a felony under the act of the 51st of the king, though the slave-dealing was carried on beyond the limits of the British territory. He (Mr. B.) however admitted, that the court had not jurisdiction. By an oversight in the act which he had brought in, it was founded on a statute of William which had been repealed. Neither he nor any lawyer in Westminster-hall was aware that the statute of William had been repealed; nor was the circumstance known to Mr. Stephen, the master in chancery, who knew more about the acts relative to colonies than all the lawyers in Westminster-hall put together. By this oversight the court of Sierra Leone had not jurisdiction; though it was still made a question, whether or not the act of 51st of the king did not call into existence so much of the repealed statute of William as it referred to; and which, by being revived, would give the former validity. On this ground alone, was Cooke released; a release to which he did not object, as, if there was any doubt, the accused should have the benefit of it. But no part of these proceedings could possibly prejudice the character of colonel Maxwell; for, with the information which had been laid before him, he would not have been justified in abstaining from taking steps to bring the offenders to justice. The more this transaction was sifted the more blameless would the conduct of this meritorious individual appear.—When his hon. friend, therefore, boasted of the verdict which had been obtained in a recent trial, it might be proper to re- collect, that the damages given were subject to a reference; that they were taken as stated in the declaration, and might be cut down to the lowest possible sum. With regard to that portion of the verdict which referred to the subject of imprisonment, and the amount of which was 1,000l., he deeply regretted the necessity which had occasioned it. He meant no reflection on the court or jury; a technical nicety had rendered it necessary that a verdict should pass against the defendant, but it could neither set up the character of Mr. Cooke nor degrade that of colonel Maxwell. He could not avoid taking the present opportunity of expressing a confident hope, equal indeed to an expectation, that government, under these circumstances, would not suffer him to go with out compensation for the pecuniary loss which he had sustained.—Having thus answered the sort of episode which had been introduced into the discussion by his hon. friend, he had now a very few observations to address to the principal matter under consideration. He certainly did not entertain the same sanguine hopes of inducing Spain and Portugal to abandon these detestable practices, which had been expressed by his hon. friend in the speech with which he prefaced the present motion, and by the noble lord in his explanation. If the effectual abolition of all these enormous evils was contemplated, there appeared to him to be but one method of accomplishing the object—the adoption of some arrangement among the greater powers of Europe, which should establish a mutual right of search. This was the only way of guarding against evasion, and defeating the sophistry of the doctors of Salamanca and Coimbra, in construing or expounding treaties. Although it might be regarded as introducing a new principle of national law, it was imperiously required by the urgency of the case; for without such a regulation, there would be little security that Spain and Portugal would observe their public declarations, whilst there was still less that individuals would not evade them.

Mr. A. Browne

thought it right to observe, that whatever progress had been made in carrying the abolition into effect, none of the difficulties which had been experienced were attributable to those who had originally opposed it. On the contrary, many of them, both at home and in the West Indies, had been earnest and active in their endeavours to assist the execution of the law. He was not sanguine enough to expect any very favourable result from the negotiations which the address was intended to promote.

Mr. Goulburn

expressed his satisfaction at hearing the accurate explanation made by the hon. and learned gentleman relative to the circumstances of colonel Maxwell's conduct. He rose for the purpose of stating, that government had already signified to that gentleman that the whole of the expenses incurred in the late trial would be defrayed by the public.

Mr. J. H. Smyth

concurred in opinion with an hon. and learned gentleman that some international regulation could alone effectuate an entire abolition of the slave trade. If the noble lord, the proudest moment of whose life was when he procured from the principal sovereigns of Europe, in the congress at Vienna, a sentence of condemnation against this practice, should follow up that proceeding by some measure that might carry it into effect, the reputation of his name would be as lasting as the principles of humanity and justice.

Mr. Barham

alluded to a charge against this country, which was sometimes gravely and sometimes sarcastically made by foreigners, and particularly by the French, of our being actuated by selfish motives in our exertions to procure a universal relinquishment of this trade; and of our having ceased to carry it on ourselves only when it was no longer necessary to our colonial interests. Bold as this accusation was, it was directly contrary to the fact; and it was rather singular, that at this moment the French West India colonies were more saturated with slaves than our own.

Mr. W. Smith

did not believe there was a single wise and honourable individual on the continent, who entertained such suspicions of the motives of this country in abolishing the slave trade as had been mentioned by the last speaker. With respect to the motion before the House, he owned he did not entertain such sanguine hopes as some seemed to do, of the influence of this country over Spain. Looking to the conduct of Spain in all her negotiations he had little expectation of any beneficial result. Spain would consent to nothing into the granting of which she was not driven.

Mr. Marryat

was of opinion, that the suggestion of prohibiting the colonial produce of Spain and Portugal, would, if acted on, expose this country, which must be the greatest gainer by such a proceeding, to a still stronger suspicion of being actuated by selfish motives. He thought it important, that some alteration should be made in the instructions given to naval officers with regard to the capture of slave ships. A great number of these vessels had been condemned at Sierra Leone, and all the judgments except three had been reversed by the court of admiralty in this country. When the judgment was affirmed, the captors received 30l. or 40l. for each slave: but when restitution was decreed, not less than 75l. was ordered to be paid to the parties appealing against the decision of the colonial court. This was a most extraordinary situation for us to be placed in; the original cost of a slave was about 5l. 10s., and the trader knew that if his vessel was condemned at Sierra Leone, he should obtain ample compensation in London. Was it possible to conceive a more powerful stimulus to the continuance and extension of the trade? The first step for the purpose of applying a remedy to this evil was, in his opinion, to render the instructions issued to naval officers more consonant to the decisions of the court of admiralty. He was happy in giving his support to the address, and in expressing his hope that a termination of this dreadful traffic was not very far distant.

The address was then agreed to.