HC Deb 28 April 1817 vol 36 cc15-7
Sir R. Fergusson

said, he held in his hands a petition from the inhabitants of Dunfermline and its vicinity, praying for parliamentary reform. The petition was couched in most respectful terms, and, like all the others which he had presented from that part of the country, it stated that the petitioners were suffering severely under a depression of trade, occasioned by the grievous burthens to which they were subject. With respect to Spencean Societies, if they existed at all, in this very large and populous town, they had never been heard of, till they were brought forward in the debates of parliament. They prayed for a full, fair and free representation of the House of Commons, totally independent of the influence of the Crown. They likewise particularly called the attention of the House to the state of the representation of Scotland, which they considered as no representation at all.

Lord Cochrane

said, that during many years he had resided in the neighbourhood of Dunfermline, and then those persons who were now petitioning, maintained themselves by the manufactures which were established in that part of the country; but now, in common with so many other manufactures in this country, they had fallen into decay, in consequence of the burthen of taxation, till at last the wages of the workmen were altogether inadequate to their support. Unless a diminution of taxation should take place, it was impossible that the people could be relieved, and so long as places and pensions should be the reward of subserviency, so long would the burthens continue, and those persons remain unrelieved. It was necessary, therefore, that parliamentary reform should take place—that that House should be purged—that its members should act for the benefit of the country at large, and not with a view merely to the circumstances of their own families, or the rewards which might be given to them. All assistance by way of issue of exchequer bills, whether to the extent of two millions or fifty millions, would be found unavailing—all came out of the pockets of the people. He had lately been down into the county of Kent, where he could not help being struck with seeing the mansions of the country gentlemen almost all deserted, and to be let or sold, the families having left the country. The only relief which the chancellor of the exchequer could grant, was a dimi- nution of taxation—all other remedies were futile. The chancellor of the exchequer would find himself before two years were expired, compelled to reduce the interest of the national debt. And where would be the injury? Had they not seen the value of land reduced one half, and all other property reduced in value. They found it at present necessary to issue exchequer bills to support an enormous military establishment. And for what? to keep down the people, who were suffering under an insupportable taxation. The only relief which they were to obtain was the Cottage tax. They did not think of relieving them from the other heavy and grinding taxes—from the salt tax for instance, which took 20s. a year from every poor man in the kingdom. By the malt and salt taxes alone, the people paid more than all the higher classes twice told. It was, perhaps, useless to petition, but still if they did not do so now, it would soon be too late. He had lately seen many persons lying starving about the hedges and ditches. That the higher ranks were unable longer to bear the burthen, was proved by the measure which the chancellor of the exchequer was about to propose. That measure, however, would not relieve that class of men by whom the present petition was presented; and with respect to industry, good morals and religion, the conduct of no class of men was more praiseworthy than that of the present petitioners.

Mr. Grenfell

rose to make an observation on a suggestion now made by the noble lord, for the second or third time, which was nothing less than a deliberate proposal for a breach of public faith with the public creditor—a proposition which he trusted, not even the authority of the noble lord would be sufficient to impress on the good sense and good principles of the great mass of the British people. He could not conceive a proposition more destructive in its principle, or more contrary to every true principle of national faith, than that propounded by the noble lord.

Lord Cochrane

observed, that when he brought forward the motion, which it was his intention to submit to the House on this subject, it would be then seen whether there was any thing derogatory to national honour in the reduction of the interest of the national debt.

Mr. W. Smith

said, that having already thrown out hints of his opinion on the subject, be should think himself deficient in political courage if he remained altogether silent on the present occasion. He did not think, however, that the subject ought to come before the House in a by way; he thought this a most improper mode of entering on a question of this sort, which he wished to see taken up at large on its own grounds. Whatever opinion he entertained on the subject, he should have no objection to deliver it when the question came before the House.

Ordered to lie on the table.