HC Deb 07 April 1815 vol 30 cc387-417

No. 1.—Extract.

London, December 28, 1813.

I have the honour of inclosing some information, communicated to me, respecting the disposition of the inhabitants of Genoa and Piedmont, and also the defenceless state of the enemy in those countries. Between the time when this information was procured and the time you will receive this dispatch, material changes may have taken place in the state of the French forces; but it is not likely that the disposition of the inhabitants will have altered. If any circumstances should occur which should encourage the inhabitants to rise against the Government of France, and more especially, if they should declare for the King of Sardinia, you will, upon receiving intelligence thereof, lose no time in giving every possible assistance. You will, for this purpose, maintain a communication with the court of Cagliari and sir Edward Pellew. If the state of the force under your command shall allow of it, you may send a detachment of troops, and soon accompany them yourself, if the state of Sicily will allow of your being so far removed from that kingdom. The main object should be the occupation of Genoa, or at least of the two forts which command the entrance of the harbour.

Provided it be clearly with the entire concurrence of the inhabitants, you may take possession of Genoa in the name and on the behalf of his Sardinian Majesty.

(Signed) BATHURST.

Lieut.-Gen. Lord Wm. Bentinck.

No. 2.

Dijon, March 30, 1814.

My Lord;—This instruction will be delivered to your lordship by a courier of prince Metternich's. I propose in a day or two to forward, by an English messenger, a military instruction which I have received for your lordship from lord Bathurst; but as his lordship's dispatch is framed upon a supposition that the operations are much further advanced in Italy than is the fact, the delay of this communication for a few days can be of no prejudice.

I cannot dissemble from you lordship my disappointment, that the great superiority of force which the Allies possess over marshal Beauharnois has not, before this, produced the results which, for the honour of the arms of the respective Powers, and the ulterior objects of the war, we were entitled to expect from such ample and extended means. In your lordship's intercourse with the marshals Belgarde and Murat, you will not conceal from them that such are the sentiments of the British Government, and that we conjure them, by union and exertion, no longer to suffer this great and commanding army to be paralized by an enemy so much their inferior.

As the object is to promote union, and put aside every minor consideration, I am to signify to your lordship the Prince Regent's pleasure, that you do make every effort to this effect by lending yourself to whatever measures may best tend to combine the exertions of the allied armies for the early repulsion of the enemy from Italy. For this purpose you will, to the utmost, conform to the views of marshal Belgarde, regulating at the same time your conduct towards marshal Murat upon principles of cordiality and confidence; and in order the better to effect this, and publicly to evince the desire felt by your Government zealously to unite their arms with his, your lordship will select an officer of suitable rank and military talents to reside at the Neapolitan head-quarters, whom you will direct to correspond with me, and with your lordship, as sir Robert Wilson at present does.

Your lordship is already fully apprized of the earnest interest the Prince Regent takes in the restoration of the King of Sardinia and the Grand Duke of Tuscany to their ancient dominions; you will give every aid to both, but you will studiously abstain from encouraging any measure which might commit your court, or the Allies, with respect to the ultimate disposition of any of the other territories in the north of Italy, the destination of which must remain to be discussed upon a peace.

I have, &c.

(Signed) CASTLEREAGH.

Lord William Bentinck.

No. 3.—(Extract.)

Dijon, April 3, 1814.

In order to bring the Italian campaign to a speedy and successful result, it is essential that your lordship should consider your force merely as an auxiliary corps, and that you should accommodate it, as far as the safety of your army will permit, to the views and wishes of the Austrian commander in chief. It is from him your lordship will best learn what are the intentions of the Allies, including those of your own Government; and should your lordship find any difficulty in the execution of this service, arising from what may appear to your lordship to be a departure, on the part of any member of the confederacy, from the true principles of the alliance, your lordship will refer the matter for the opinion of the Austrian commander, avoiding as much as possible any separate discussions, which might interfere with the general union and necessary subordination which ought to pervade the whole.

There is one subject further upon which I deem it necessary to say a few words; not that I entertain the smallest doubts as to your lordship's own conduct being regulated in strict conformity to the present system of your Government: but as your lordship very properly, and under orders from home, gave great countenance at a former period to the only system which, previous to the revival of the continent, could afford a prospect of shaking the power of France, it is the more necessary, now that a different and better order of things has arisen, to guard against any act or expression which might countenance an idea, that either your lordship or your court were actuated by views of separate interest, inconsistent with the arrangements understood between the great Powers of Europe.

In your lordship's Proclamation there may, perhaps, be found an expression or two, which, separately taken, might create an impression that your views of Italian liberation went to the form of the government as well as to the expulsion of the French; but taking its whole scope, and especially its opening and concluding paragraphs together, I cannot assent to the interpretation the duke of Campochiaro, on the part of his Government, has attempted to give it; but this and the incident of the colours, proves how necessary, it is, surrounded as your lordship must be by individuals who wish for another system to be established in Italy, not to afford any plausible occasion or pretext for umbrage to those with whom we are acting.

(Signed) CASTLEREAGH.

Lord William Bentinck.

(Paper referred to in No. 3.)

Leghorn, March 14, 1814.

ITALIANS!—Great Britain has landed her troops on your coasts; she offers you her assistance, in order to rescue you from the iron yoke of Buonaparté. Portugal, Spain, Sicily, and Holland, attest the liberal and disinterested principles which animate that Power.

Spain, by her persevering resolution, by her valour, and by the efforts of her ally, has succeeded in the most glorious enterprise: the French have been driven from her territory; her independence is secured, her civil liberty is established.

Sicily, protected by that same Power, succeeded in saving herself from the universal deluge, by which she has suffered nothing; through the beneficent disposition of her Sovereign, she passes from slavery to freedom, and hastens to resume her ancient splendour among the independent nations.

Holland will speedily have attained the same object: is, then, Italy alone to remain under the yoke? Shall the Italians alone contend against Italians, in favour of a tyrant, and for the thraldom of their country? Italians, hesitate no longer—be Italians, and let Italy in arms be convinced, that the great cause of the country is in her hands.

Warriors of Italy! you are not invited to join us, but you are invited to vindicate your own rights, and to be free.

Only call, and we will hasten to your relief; and then Italy, by our united efforts, shall become what she was in her most prosperous periods, and what Spain now is.

(Signed) W. C. BENTINCK,

Commander in Chief of the British troops.

No. 4.

Genoa, April 27, 1814.

My Lord;—I have had the honour to inclose two Addresses from the inhabitants and trade of Genoa, representing the unanimous (I believe justly stated) desire of the Genoese to return to their ancient state; and praying the support of the British Government.

As it was necessary that a provisional government should be established; that this government should be entirely Genoese; that it should be so conformable to the wishes of the people, as to receive their general support; and thus to render unnecessary the interference of a British authority, or the presence of a British force; I have had no hesitation in proclaiming the old form of government, and I have the honour of inclosing the Proclamation, which will this day be published.

The Genoese universally desire the restoration of their ancient Republic. They dread, above all other arrangements, their annexation to Piedmont; to the inhabitants of which there always has existed a particular aversion.

The people of Savona form an exception to the general feeling. They desire to belong to Piedmont; their trade is direct with that country; and it was the policy of the ancient Republic to sacrifice the commercial interests of Savona to those of Genoa, and they fear in consequence a renewal of the same exclusion. I have, &c.

W. BENTINCK.

Viscount Castlereagh, &c.

(Inclosure in No. 4.)—PROCLAMATION.

His Britannic Majesty's army under ray command, having driven the French from the territory of Genoa, it is become necessary to provide for the maintenance of good order, and for the government of this state. Considering that the general desire of the Genoese nation seems to be to return to that ancient government under which it enjoyed liberty, prosperity, and independence; and considering, likewise, that this desire seems to be conformable to the principles recognized by the high Allied Powers, of restoring to all, their ancient rights and privileges; I declare,

  1. 1. That the constitution of the Genoese States, such as it existed in 1797, with [392 those modifications which the general wish, the public good, and the spirit of the original constitution of 1576, seem to require, is re-established.
  2. 2. That the organic modifications, together with the manner of forming the lists of eligible citizens, and the lesser and greater councils, shall be published as soon as possible.
  3. 3. That a provisional Government, consisting of thirteen individuals, and formed into two, colleges, as heretofore, shall immediately be appointed, and shall continue in office, until the 1st of January, 1815, when the two colleges shall be filled up to the number prescribed by the constitution.
  4. 4. That this provisional Government shall assume and exercise the legislative and executive powers of the state, and shall fix upon some temporary system, either by continuing and modifying the existing laws, or by re-establishing and new-modelling the old, in the manner that shall appear to it expedient for the good of the state, and for the security or the citizens, of their persons, and of their properties.
  5. 5. That two-thirds of the lesser and greater councils shall be appointed instantly; the others shall be elected pursuant to the constitution, after the lists of eligible citizens shall have been framed.
  6. 6. The two colleges shall propose to the two councils above-mentioned, agreeably to the constitution, all the measures which they shall judge necessary for the entire re-establishment of the ancient form of government.

And, in fulfilment of the present, I declare, by this Proclamation, that

Seignor Girolamo Serra, President; and the Seignors Andrea de Ferrari, Agostino Parreto, Ippolito Durazzo, Gio. Carlo Brignole, Agostino Fiesco, Paolo Pallavicini, Domenico Dealbertis, Giovanni Quartara, Marcello Massone, Giuseppe Fravega, Luca Solgri, Giuseppe Pandolfo, Senators, are elected to form the Provisional Government of the Genoese state; and I invite, and order all inhabitants, of every class and condition, to lend their, assistance and to yield obedience.

Given in my head-quarters, Genoa, this 26th April, 1814. W. C. BENTINCK,

Commander in Chief.

No. 5.—Extract.

Paris, May 6th, 1814.

With respect to the arrangement your lordship has made for the provisional go- vernment of Genoa, it is material that it should not be considered as prejudging the future system which it may be expedient to apply to that part of Europe. Your lordship will adopt such measures as may conciliate the feelings of the people; but you will avoid referring to the ancient form of government in terms which may excite disappointment, should considerations, arising out of the general interests, induce the adoption of a different arrangement.

With respect to the measures to be adopted in the Milanese, I do not wish your lordship to continue general M'Farlane there now the Austrians have advanced. It may complicate injuriously the concerns of Italy, any interference on the part of your lordship, placed at such a distance as you are from the seat of the allied councils; and I am desirous that your lordship should not take any steps to encourage the fermentation which at present seems to prevail in Italy on questions of government.

(Signed) CASTLEREAGH.

Lord W. Bentinck, &c.

No 6.

Note presented by M. Pareto to Viscount Castlereagh at Paris.—(Translation.)

The undersigned Envoy Extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Genoa, has the honour to submit to ins excellency Viscount Castlereagh, H. B. M. Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, the following note:

The great events which have recently taken place in Europe, and the magnanimous resolutions announced by the high Allied Powers, have raised hopes amongst all people subjected in these latter years to French domination: those of the Genoese nation have no other tendency than that of recovering its former existence, which has been momentarily suspended.

These hopes, which the desire of shaking off a yoke supported with impatience, has ever nourished, have augmented at the approach of the victorious armies of his Britannic Majesty. The Genoese, full of an equal confidence in the benevolent dispositions of all the high Allied Powers, could not however but see, with the most lively joy, that their destiny was about to depend more particularly upon that generous nation, with which they had uniformly had the most intimate connexion in industry and commerce.

Enthusiasm, indeed, was at its height, and the clamours of the people, and the declarations of the notables of the town, hastened perhaps the term of an useless resistance. Surely, indeed, the deliverance of Genoa was not the less assured, independent of these circumstances, in consequence of the triumphs of the British arms. But it is honourable to the Genoese to have co-operated themselves in some degree to attain it, and to have loudly declared their wish to be restored to their ancient laws and independence, being still, as it were, under the bayonets of the French.

This spontaneous wish is not only the general wish of the nation, it is become necessary to it. Placed in a territory narrow and barren, Genoa has only one means of subsistence, commerce with economy; and by the concurrence of the neighbouring ports, this commerce can alone exist, depending upon a system of financial regulations, as little oppressive as possible, as they existed formerly. The ancient Genoese government was by its nature the least expensive and most economical of any government in Europe; taxes were very light, and the imposts upon commerce scarcely any thing. In vain could they flatter themselves to preserve this system, if Genoa was ruled by any other form of government; still less, were she united to any other country of greater extent, whose wants, without number and without measure, would again crush this unhappy country; which, weakened by fifteen years of immense losses, her interests sacrificed to those of foreigners, instead of seeing her wounds healed, would soon see the resources of her industry for ever destroyed, and her ruin completed. These serious considerations receive additional sanction from the long and happy experience which has been had of the order of things of which they implore the re-establishment: during more than two centuries and a half, from 1508 to 1797, it has constantly produced the happiness of the nation, which after long disturbances has found in it the repose which she sought in vain in other systems of administration. If some modifications respecting the condition of eligibility to public functions have appeared necessary, the result of a common accord, and of a perfect unanimity among all ranks of citizens, will only thereby be better secured.

This accord and this unanimity have been proved by his excellency lord Ben- tinck, who has acknowledged the legitimate expression of the national wish. He might equally have perceived what invincible repugnance foreign domination inspired; the false reports of the re-union of Genoa with a neighbouring state, having been by chance circulated in the town, the consternation became general, and a day of festivity was converted into a day of mourning, until those apprehensions were allayed by the hope, which the repeated declarations of the high Powers could not fail to revive.

In fact, the wishes of the Genoese are in entire conformity with the grand design which has been the noble end of so many efforts, that of reconstructing upon its ancient basis the social edifice of Europe. The Republic of Genoa was not, until 1805, erased from the number of independent states, and that by an act of violence; in truth, it never ceased to exist. Its union with France never having been acknowledged by the other Governments, and still less by that of Great Britain, consequently the application of the principles established by the high Powers must, without doubt, apply to this Republic. It is even in proportion to the weakness of this small State that their magnanimity will more fully display itself.

If, after motives of such high importance, one might hazard conjectures upon what appears in this respect to combine with the interests of Great Britain, the undersigned would permit himself to remark, that of all the modes of disposing of the state of Genoa, that of preserving the ancient Republic appears to offer the most useful chances. Genoa, re-united to a continental state, whatever it may be, might be exposed, in spite of itself, to the misfortunes of once more becoming the enemy of England.

A State essentially maritime and pacific, supported by the powerful auspices of the British Government, it would be constantly friendly, and would never hazard seeing its best interests again committed by a continental government. In short, English commerce would no where find, in the rate of duties, such facilities as a government economical like that of Genoa, can offer.

But it is unnecessary to insist upon similar considerations, since the illustrious commander of the British forces in Italy, possessed of the intentions of his Government, has already been, by his proclamation of the 26th April last, the worthy channel of English generosity. The Genoese Government consequently flatters itself that his royal highness the Prince Regent, in sanctioning what has already been done in his name by lord Bentinck, will deign to extend his benevolence to the Republic of Genoa, and his good offices with the high Allied Powers, to induce them to acknowledge the re-establishment, as well as the integrity and continuity of its territory, equally indispensable for its existence, and without which it cannot but be precarious.

The undersigned, in recommending the fate of his country to the liberal principles which so eminently distinguish the administration of viscount Castlereagh, &c.

(Signed) PARETO.

Paris, 11th May, 1814.

No. 7.

Paper of Observations communicated by Mr. Pareto to Viscount Castlereagh at Paris. (Translation.)

Paris, May 18, 1814.

The observations respecting the state of Genoa, which his excellency viscount Castlereagh was pleased to communicate to the undersigned, in the audience of the 10th inst., gave rise to reflections which it is thought right to submit to his excellency. The facts upon which these are founded can be verified by the English agents now at Genoa, and no doubt is entertained that they will be admitted to be in perfect conformity with what is herein stated.

His excellency seemed to think that if, in consequence of the arrangements which were to take place between the high Allied Powers, the state of Genoa were united to Piedmont, advantages would result from this arrangement sufficient to counterbalance the loss of its independence. He seemed to think that commerce would resume its course, industry its customary channels, and the whole country its ancient prosperity.

The undersigned cannot abstain from observing, that from all the data which the actual state of things and the mutual relations of the two countries can furnish, far from flattering himself that success will answer these hopes, he is persuaded that the union would be attended with consequences the most disastrous for the state of Genoa.

In the first place the interests of the two countries are essentially different. Piedmont is an agricultural country: the state of Genoa having only a narrow coast, and sterile rocks, is necessarily a maritime and commercial state. In Piedmont every thing depends on landed property (bienfonds), and on territorial produce. At Genoa all depends on capital employed in commercial enterprizes, and the productions of industry; independent of the general maxim, that commerce prospers best in free countries—a maxim so well known in England. It has been already observed to your excellency, that the species of commerce which is almost exclusively attended to at Genoa, is that of commission and of transit; which requiring the greatest facilities and the least possible shackles, is by its nature the most difficult to preserve. In the competition of neighbouring ports the preference which is given to one over the other depends upon the duties less onerous, and the forms less restrictive, to which they are respectively subjected. The least augmentation of the duties on the smallest financial regulation is sufficient to divert this commerce from its ordinary course, and to convey it elsewhere. The expenses of a court, and of a military state, producing considerable taxes, it is easy to foresee that if the burthen falls chiefly upon commerce, the interests of the ancient part of the nation cannot fail to outweigh those of the less numerous part newly united; thus the loss of the commerce of Genoa would be the infallible consequence of this union.

If any thing need be added to the subversion of the only means of existence of the country, the jealousy of the capital, towards a town whose rivalry she would fear, would still more speedily hasten its ruin.

Genoa, despoiled of the advantages of being the centre of the government, and losing every year a part of its population, to increase that of Turin, would be constantly sacrificed to the latter: the ancient Piedmontese would fill all the places at Court, all the situations in the administration, and the Genoese would gradually be absorbed.

Your excellency, in referring to the general interests of Europe, declared, that after the events which have so long disturbed it, it became necessary to form powerful States, which should offer, by their extent, a sufficient guarantee against the enterprizes of France.

If the undersigned might be allowed, upon such grand objects, to make any observation independent of the cessation of the fears inspired by a system which is for ever fallen, with the fall of its author, he would remark, that it is not always the extent which forms the power of States: true power consists in union, concord, and national spirit—that spirit certainly could not exist in the new amalgamation of two people divided by their character, by their habits, and by an invincible antipathy—the fruit of two centuries of political quarrels. Vain would be the attempt to make of them one nation—Far from uniting the means of force and defence, elements of discord only would be collected, and, perhaps, Piedmont alone would in herself be more powerful than if she were united to the state of Genoa; since, in case of war, the court of Turin would not have to contend at the same time against external enemies, and against her new subjects impatient to shake off a yoke which necessity alone compels them to endure. On the other hand, in re-establishing the ancient government of Genoa; which, in spite of the menaces of France in 1795 and 1796, was never, so long as it had existence, the enemy of the courts of London and of Vienna; and in the event of war, by placing this Government under the immediate protection of that amongst the Allied Powers, the most immediately interested in its preservation,—England, for instance,—the same end would be obtained, and which perhaps could not be attained by its union with Piedmont: the national spirit which, in the hypothesis of this union, would agitate the Genoese in a sense opposed to the Piedmontese government, or which at any rate would be entirely stifled, would, on the contrary, develope itself with the greatest vigour if the Republic were re-established, and would usefully succour the means of defence to be taken for the preservation of Italy against every attempt tending to renew the events which had taken place in it during these latter times. How could Genoa, a state purely maritime, having no other than commercial resources, united as much by gratitude as by interest to Great Britain, depart from that political system which could alone preserve her existence? Become in some respect an English city, she would, in time of peace, be the centre of British commerce in the Mediterranean, and in time of war, the asylum of her fleets: her port, the Gulf of Spezia, and that of Vado, offer, if there need any other pledge than her interest, the best guarantee that the British Govern- ment could desire, without having recourse to a measure destructive to the country.

His excellency remarked, in the last place, that the Genoese territory appeared too extensive for an establishment purely commercial; Genoa, like the Hans Towns, might be restricted to a more confined territory.

It may be matter of indifference for the commerce of the Hanseatic Towns, whether they have or have not any territory, because, from their geographical position, they cannot be deprived of their commerce; but it is far different with Genoa—it is the general entrepôt of merchandize of every description. Genoa supplies the whole of Upper Italy, which extends westward, and which comprehends Piedmont, the Milanese, and the States of Parma, Placentia, and Modena, with colonial articles, produce of the fisheries, and English or other manufactured goods. Her supplies extend as far as Switzerland, whence she receives in return, as well as from Germany, cloths and other articles, which she sends into Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia: it is therefore the transit which forms her commerce, and this transit would no longer pass through Genoa if a part of its territory were ceded to the neighbouring States: it would be the interest of these States to appropriate to themselves this commerce, and they could easily do it—the two rivers forming on each side situations favourable for commercial establishments, it would be sufficient for them to forbid the transit through their territory of every thing which came through Genoa, and these new establishments would soon raise themselves upon her ruins.

Genoa, insulated, borne down with wants, reduced by the enormous diminution of its capital to its last resources, would not be able to recover itself; further, in adding to so many losses, that of its territory, Genoa would have only a precarious existence; whilst by preserving her in her present state, not only would her existence be secured, but also the wishes of the whole population of the State of every rank; for instance, those of Ventimiglia and of San Remo, would be accomplished, who have no other desire whatever than to remain united to their ancient family.

In summing up the different observations which the undersigned has had the honour to submit to his excellency viscount Castle- reagh, he flatters himself that he has proved that the union of Genoa with Piedmont would bring with it the ruin of the former country, without any real assistance to the views of the high Allied Powers; that those views would be equally, nay better fulfilled, by the re-establishment of the Republic, and by suitable arrangements for securing in case of war, the occupancy of the ports and gulfs of Liguria; and, in short, that it would be impossible to separate Genoa from its territory, without destroying its commerce and consequently without risking to complete that ruin which it was wished to avoid. The undersigned, &c.

Viscount Castlereagh, PARETO.

&c. &c. &c.

No. 8.

Vienna, December 7, 1814.

My Lord; I have the honour to inclose for your lordship's information, a copy of the Report of the Plenipotentiaries who have acted as a Commission for the affairs of Genoa. This Report has not yet been confirmed by the plenipotentiaries of the several Powers; but I have the pleasure to acquaint your lordship, that it is approved by the marquis de Brignioli, who is charged here with full powers from the Government of Genoa. I have every reason to hope, therefore, that however the Genoese might have preferred to have remained under a separate government, and with this reserve the approbation of their representative must be understood, that they will receive the proposed arrangement as a pledge of the earnest concern taken by the great Powers of Europe, and by their future Sovereign, in the establishment of their interests, both commercial and political, upon a solid and liberal footing; and that they will particularly acknowledge the persevering protection which they have experienced from the Prince Regent, by whose arms they were delivered from the enemy, and through whose intervention they have been placed under the protection of an established constitution.

I have, &c. CASTLEREAGH.

Earl Bathurst, &c. &c.

(Inclosures in No. 8.)—Translation.

Projêt of the General Report.

Vienna, December 1, 1814.

The undersigned Austrian, English, and French Plenipotentiaries, charged by the Protocole of the conference of the 13th November 1814, to introduce the marquis de St. Marsan, and the count de Rossi, Sardinian plenipotentiaries, in the character of commissaries, at their intervention, to the marquis de Brignoles, deputy from Genoa, with a view of concerting, under such intervention, a plan, calculated at once, to establish the union of Genoa with the dominions of his majesty the king of Sardinia, and the declaring Genoa a free port, upon such solid and liberal bases, as shall be conformable to the general views of the Powers, and to the reciprocal interest of the dominions of his majesty the king of Sardinia, and of the state of Genoa; have, according to the wish of the same Protocol, called Messrs. de St. Marsan, de Rossi, and de Brignoles, to the conferences respecting the means of conciliation stated, in order to draw up a projêt comprizing all the several dispositions regulated to the mutual satisfaction of the plenipotentiaries of his Sardinian Majesty on one part, and of the deputy from Genoa on the other. M. de St. Marsan, and M. de Rossi, opened the business, by presenting a plan of concessions which his Sardinian Majesty was willing to make to his new subjects. M. de Brignoles also presented projects and observations, stating, at the same time, what were the wishes of his compatriots. The plenipotentiaries were diligently employed in accommodating the proposals of the Sardinian envoys, to those of the deputy from Genoa, by carefully modifying the demands of the Genoese, and the concessions of his Sardinian Majesty.

In this they obeyed the dictates of their sincere wishes for the repose of Italy, of their respect for his Sardinian Majesty, and of the good-will which they bear to the Genoese.

This day the plenipotentiaries present terms, which will satisfy, as far as can be expected, every interest, and which have received the approbation of the envoys of his Sardinian Majesty, and their own. The marquis de Brignoles declared, that, under the circumstances in which his country is placed, it appeared to him, that the terms granted her, would meet the wishes of his fellow-citizens. Nevertheless, count Alexis de Noailles, plenipotentiary of France, after stating that nothing could be more suitable to the intentions of his Sovereign, than the happy termination of this affair; and after affirming, that he acquiesced in all the above arrangements, declared, that he would not subscribe to them, except with an understanding, that they constituted part of the arrangements to be made in Italy, in concert with France.

The terms, therefore, now presented, will be found to agree with the wishes of the High Powers, as set forth in the Articles of the Treaty of Paris, and in the Protocol of November 13th, concerning the free port and the union of Genoa, upon solid and liberal bases. They guarantee the public debt, and grant to the city of Genoa, a senate or judiciary body, a tribunal of commerce, and a municipal authority. They protect all the public establishments of instruction and of charity, and assure them aid. The King will support the university, the college, the schools, the hospitals, and all the foundations that have for their object the prosperity of his Genoese subjects. The nobility preserve their privileges; all the Genoese subjects are placed on a footing with the ancient subjects of the king of Sardinia. The ranks and degrees are preserved. The condition of the civil officers shall be taken into consideration. The legal pensions to be continued. The King will give currency to the Genoese coins, and attend to the concerns of the Bank of St. George. Finally, the King intends forming a Genoese company of body guards.

The plenipotentiaries, after approving these terms, did not imagine they had yet brought their labours to a period. In order to consolidate, and render the cession, as it were, final, there remained still a variety of points to settle.

1. The solemn recognition of the hereditary right of the House of Sardinia, from male to male, in the royal branch, and in that of Savoy-Carignan. 2. The determination, by the High Powers, of the title, which, at the instance of the Genoese, his Sardinian Majesty is to receive on taking possession of the dominions of Genoa. 3. Finally, the fate of the imperial fiefs, ceded by two treaties, and now under the provisional government of Genoa. These points were made the subject of three separate reports.

(Signed) Count ALEXIS DE NOAILLES.

CLANCARTY.

The Baron DE BINDER.

Projêt of the Report.—No. I.—CONDITIONS.

Vienna, Dec. 1, 1814.

The undersigned plenipotentiaries present, in the Act hereunto annexed, the conditions granted by his Sardinian Ma- jesty to his Genoese subjects, pursuant to the intentions of the Treaty of Paris, and to the wishes of the plenipotentiaries of the eight Powers. In proposing to their excellencies to adopt the present adjustment, which appears to satisfy the wishes and interests of all parties concerned, they submit to them the propriety of inserting in the Protocol, about to be drawn up, the guarantees necessary for seeming to the Genoese subjects of his Sardinian Majesty the perpetual enjoyment of the advantages granted them.

(Signed) Count ALEXIS DE NOAILLES.

CLANCARTY.

BINDER.

Projêt of the ARTICLES agreed upon by the Plenipotentiaries.

Vienna, Dec. 1, 1814.

Art. 1. The Genoese shall, in every respect, be assimilated to the other subjects of the King; they shall, in common with them, participate in the civil, judiciary, military, and diplomatic employments of the monarchy; and, excepting those privileges which are hereinafter granted and secured to them, they shall be subjected to the same laws and regulations, with such modifications as his Majesty shall deem expedient. The Genoese nobility, like that of the other parts of the monarchy, shall be admissible to the great offices and places at court.

Art. 2. The Genoese military, now composing the Genoese troops, shall be incorporated with the royal troops. The commissioned and non-commissioned officers shall preserve their respective grades.

Art. 3. The coat of arms of the city of Genoa shall constitute a pare of that of the King, and her colours receive a place in the flag of his Majesty.

Art. 4. The free port of Genoa to be re-established, under those regulations which were in force during the former Genoese government. The goods imported into the free port, when in transitu through the King's dominions, shall have every facility allowed them by his Majesty, provided such precautions be observed as his Majesty shall judge proper, to prevent those goods from being unlawfully sold, or consumed, in the interior. They shall only be subject to a moderate duty.

Art. 5. In every district having an intendant, there shall be established a provincial council, composed of thirty members, chosen from among the notables of the different classes, and out of a list of 300 of the most respectable in each district. They shall be appointed, in the first instance, by the King, and replaced after the same manner, one-fifth of them going out of office every two years. The lot to decide, as to the first four-fifths vacating their offices. The organization of these offices to be regulated by his Majesty. The president nominated by the King need not be elected from among those sitting in the council; in which case he shall be entitled to no vote. It shall not be lawful to re-elect members until four years after they have gone out of office. The council to attend solely to the wants and claims of the communities in its district, concerning their administration, and to make representations on this subject. It shall, every year, assemble in the principal place of the district, at a time and for a term to be fixed by his Majesty. The King may convene it, of course, whenever he judges it expedient. The intendant of the province, or the person officiating for him, shall, of right, attend the sittings in the capacity of King's Commissary. Should the necessities of the state demand the levying of fresh imposts, the King shall call together the different provincial councils in any town of the ancient territory of Genoa which his Majesty may appoint, and under the presidency of any person he may have delegated to that effect. If the President be not one of those who have seats in the councils, he shall not be entitled to a deliberative vote. No edict directing any extraordinary impost, shall be sent by the King to the senate of Genoa for the purpose of being registered, until it has been approved by the votes of the above provincial councils. The majority of one voice shall be sufficient to determine the vote of the provincial councils, either separately assembled or united.

Art. 6. The maximum of imposts which it shall be lawful for his Majesty to establish in the state of Genoa, without consulting the provincial councils, united in a body, shall not exceed the proportion at present established for the other parts of his dominions. The imposts at present collected, shall be regulated by this standard; and his Majesty reserves to himself to make such provisions as his wisdom, and his goodness towards his Genoese subjects may suggest to him, respecting what ought be assessed upon the ground vents or on the direct or indirect taxes. The maximum of imposts being thus settled, should at any time the occasions of the State require the levying of fresh impositions or of extraordinary taxes, his Majesty shall apply for the approving vote of the provincial councils with respect to the amount which he may judge expedient to propose, and to the particular kind of impost to be established.

Art. 7. The public debt, such as it legally existed under the last French government, is guaranteed.

Art. 8. The civil and military pensions granted by the State, pursuant to law, and to the established regulations, to continue to be paid to all the Genoese subjects inhabiting his Majesty's dominions; as also, on the same condition, those granted to ecclesiastics, or late members of religious houses of both sexes; no less than those which, under the description of succours, were granted by the French government to Genoese nobles.

Art. 9. There shall be formed at Genoa a grand judiciary body, or supreme tribunal, having the same authority and privileges as those, of Turin, of Savoy, and of Nice, and, like them, bearing the name of Senate.

Art. 10. The current gold and silver coins of the late state of Genoa, now in circulation, to be a legal tender at the public offices, in common with the coins of Piedmont.

Art. 11. The levies of recruits, called provincial, not to exceed, in the country of Genoa, the proportion of those which shall take place in the other dominions of his Majesty. The naval service shall be accounted the same as the land service.

Art. 12. His Majesty intends to raise a Genoese company of body-guards, which is to form a fourth company of his guards.

Art. 13. His Majesty designs to establish at Genoa, at own-body, composed of forty nobles, of twenty Bourgeois, living on their fortunes, or exercising liberal arts, and of twenty of the principal merchants. They are to be chosen, in the first instance, by the King himself, and the vacancies to be filled up by elections of the body itself, subject to the approbation of the King. This body will be furnished with particular regulations by the King relatively to its residence and the division of its labours. The presidents to take the title of Syndics, and to be chosen from among the members. The King, however, reserves to himself, that he shall deem it expedient to appoint, as president over this town-body, a person of high distinction. The town-body will have to attend to the administration of the revenues of the town, to the superintendence of its petty police, and to the care of its public charities. A commissary of the King to assist at the meetings and deliberations of the town-body. The members of this body to be dressed in a particular habit, and the syndics lo have the privilege of wearing the same gown as the presidents of tribunals.

Art. 14. The University of Genoa to be maintained, and to enjoy the same privileges as that of Turin. His Majesty will devise the means of providing for its wants. His Majesty will also take this establishment under his particular protection, as likewise the other institutions of instruction, of education, of belles-lettres, and of charity, which shall also be maintained. His Majesty will preserve, in favour of his Genoese subjects, the exhibitions founded for them in the college called the the Lyceum, at the expense of the Government, reserving to himself to adopt, in this respect, such regulations as he shall judge expedient.

Art. 15. His Majesty will preserve, at Genoa, a Tribunal and a Chamber of Commerce, and continue them in the exercise of the duties attached to these two establishments.

Art. 16. His Majesty will take into particular consideration the situation of the civil officers now employed in the state of Genoa.

Art. 17. His Majesty will receive the plans and proposals that shall be presented to him respecting the means of re-establishing the Bank of St. George.

(Signed) Count ALEXIS DE NOAILLES.

CLANCARTY.

BINDER.

Projêt of a Report.—No. 2 HEREDITARY RIGHT.

Vienna, December 1, 1814.

Notwithstanding the order of succession established in the House of Savoy is general, as to the dominions possessed by that House, and that it must thence follow, that it is likewise maintained with respect to the new provinces which his majesty the King of Sardinia acquires by consent of the Powers, yet it has appeared to us expedient to propose, repeat, and apply it to the country of Genoa, in general terms, and without referring to the dif- ferent Treaties that have extended it to any particular country which either is, or has been, under the domination of his majesty the King of Sardinia.

The undersigned Plenipotentiaries propose to couch the said article in the following terms:

The Slates, &c. united in perpetuity to the States of his Sardinian Majesty, for the purpose of being, like them, possessed by him in full property, sovereignty and hereditary right, from male to male, according to the order of primogeniture, in the two branches of his House, namely, the branch royal and the branch of Savoy Carignan.

(Signed) Count ALEXIS DE NOAILLES.

CLANCARTY.

Baron DE BINDER.

Projêt of a Report.—No. 3 TITLE.

Vienna, December 1, 1814.

The undersigned Plenipotentiaries submit to the high Powers, the wish of the Genoese, who demand that his Sardinian Majesty should take the title of King of Liguria. The Plenipotentiaries observed, that the King of Sardinia is invested with the title of Duke, as sovereign of Savoy, and with the title of Prince, as sovereign of the dominions of Piedmont. They thought that the respect due to those countries, would not permit the State of Genoa to be erected into a kingdom, and therefore proposed, that the title of Duke of Genoa, which, in fact, was that of the Doge of the late Republic of Genoa, ought to be conferred by the Protocol upon his Sardinian Majesty, with a view of being added to those which his Majesty usually takes. The Plenipotentiaries were of opinion, that it would answer several good purposes to obliterate the recollection of the name of Liguria.

(Signed) Count ALEXIS DE NOAILLES.

CLANCARTY.

Baron DE BINDER.

Projêt of a Report—No. 4.—IMPERIAL FIEFS.

Vienna, December 1, 1814.

The undersigned Plenipotentiaries have deemed it their duty to present to the high Powers their ideas concerning the fiefs called Imperial, which, at this moment, are under the administration of the Provisional Government of the States of Genoa. The Plenipotentiaries observed, that by the Treaty of Campo Formio, and by that of Luneville, his Imperial Majesty of Austria renounces entirely the possession of the said fiefs, and that they are finally incorporated with the Ligurian territory.

In the former Treaty, his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty stipulates, in his name, promises his good offices with the Germanic body; and in the second, his Apostolic Majesty stipulates, in his name, and in the name of the Germanic empire.

The Plenipotentiaries have taken into consideration: 1. The formal cession expressed in the above-mentioned Treaties. 2. The ancient claims of the House of Savoy to the said fiefs, which that House has never renounced. 3. The situation of the said fiefs, and the intention, recognised by the high Powers, of destroying every subject of dispute and misunderstanding, and of uniting, as much as possible, under one domination, the countries enclosed in others.

The Plenipotentiaries, after weighing these considerations and the consequences of the Treaties referred to, have judged it expedient to propose to the high Powers to guarantee to his Sardinian Majesty the possession of the above fiefs, inviting the King of Sardinia to extend to the said countries the immunities which his Majesty has granted to his Genoese subjects.

Count ALEXIS DE NOAILLES.

CLANCARTY.

Le Baron DE BINDER.

No. 9.

Vienna, December 18, 1814.

My Lord;—I inclose a copy of a letter addressed by me to sir J. Dalrymple, commanding his Majesty's forces at Genoa; with several inclosures, directing him, in conformity to the decision of the Powers who signed the Peace of Paris, to deliver over the provisional government of Genoa to the King of Sardinia, or to such persons as his Majesty may appoint to receive the same. I annex a protest received from the existing Provisional Government; I have every reason to hope, however, that the arrangement made will be favourably received. I have, &c.

CASTLEREAGH.

Earl Bathurst, &c.

(First Inclosure in No. 9.)

Vienna, December 17, 1814.

Sir;—You will receive inclosed the final decision of the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, annexing the state of Genoa, under certain conditions, to the down of Sardinia. The accompanying paper, bearing this dale, declares his Sardinian Majesty's assent to these conditions, as the basis upon which the said Powers have agreed forthwith to intrust to his Majesty the provisional government of Genoa, preparatory to the sovereignty being formally assigned to his Majesty by a treaty to be hereafter executed. I am consequently to signify to you the Prince Regent's pleasure, that you do lake the necessary measures, in concert with the existing Provisional Government, to deliver over the same, in conformity to the decision above-mentioned, to the King of Sardinia, or to such person as his Sardinian Majesty may appoint to take charge thereof; continuing yourself to act with the troops under your command as an auxiliary corps, at the disposal of his Sardinian Majesty, till you receive further orders.

You will carry these orders into execution, in the manner you may find likely to prove most acceptable to the existing Genoese authorities. The deep interest the Prince Regent takes, and will continue to take, in the happiness and future welfare of the people of Genoa, has rendered it a grateful part of my duty to watch over their interests from the moment the British arms were so fortunate as to be the instruments of their deliverance from the oppression of the enemy. I have regretted, in common with the ministers of the other Powers, that we could not, without introducing weakness, and consequently insecurity, into the Italian arrangement, meet that desire to preserve a separate existence which we had reason to suppose prevailed among the people of Genoa: but we persuade ourselves that we have provided more effectually for their future security, and not the less liberally for their commercial prosperity, in the system adopted.

In the liberality of the King of Sardinia, whose desire to meet, as far as possible, the wishes of the Genoese people, has in all these arrangements gone before the desires of the Powers, the state of Genoa has the surest pledge, that they are about to be placed upon fixed and liberal principles under the protection of a paternal Sovereign. Under these circumstances I trust the people of Genoa of all classes will receive this arrangement as beneficially intended for their welfare, and that they will conform cheerfully to what has appeared most conducive to their interests, as combined with those of the rest of Europe. I have, &c.

CASTLEREAGH.

Lieut.-Gen. Sir John Dalrymple.

(Second Inclosure in No. 9)—Translation.

Extract of the Protocol of the 10th of December, 1814.

To leave no doubt on the order of succession to be established for the States of Genoa, the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris have agreed, that the article on this subject should be conceived in the following terms: The States which composed the former Republic of Genoa are united in perpetuity to the Slates of his Sardinian Majesty, to be like them possessed in perpetuity by him and his heirs male, in order of primogeniture, in the two branches of his House, namely, the branch royal, and the branch of Savoy Carignan.

(Third Inclosure in No. 9)—Translation.

Extract of the Protocol of the 10th of December, 1814.

The Plenipotentiaries have taken into consideration the desire of the Genoese, that his Sardinian Majesty should take the title of King of Sardinia.

The Plenipotentiaries observed, that the King of Sardinia is invested with the title of Duke, as sovereign of Savoy, with the title of Prince, as sovereign of the States of Piedmont. They conceived that the consideration due to the above-mentioned countries would not allow the erection of the State of Genoa into a kingdom; and they propose that the title of Duke of Genoa, which was in fact that of the Doge of the ancient Republic of Genoa, shall be conferred on his Sardinian Majesty, to be annexed to the titles commonly used by his Majesty.

This proposition of the Plenipotentiaries was approved in the conference of the 10th instant.

(Fourth Inclosure in No. 9.)—Translation.

Extract of the Protocol of the Sitting of the 12th of December, 1814.

The Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, desiring to insure the tranquillity of Italy by a just repartition of forces between the Powers of that part of Europe, had agreed to give to the possessions of his Sardinian Majesty an increase of territory, by the departments forming the ancient republic of Genoa, reserving to themselves to stipulate in favour of the inhabitants, conditions tending to guarantee their future prosperity. The Plenipotentiaries of the said Powers occupied themselves with the subject, in the first instance, upon the opening of the Congress, by establishing a Commission for regulating with the Plenipotentiaries of his Sardinian Majesty, and the deputies of Genoa, whatever might have relation to this object. The labours of this Commission have received their approbation, and they have found that the conditions put forward by the said Commission were conformable to the tenour of the Treaty of Paris, and were founded on a solid and liberal basis. Desirous now to accelerate as much as possible the annexation of the states of Genoa to those of his Sardinian Majesty, and wishing at the same time to give this Sovereign an unequivocal proof of their confidence, the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris have resolved to put his Majesty in possession of the said states, as soon as he shall have given his formal concurrence to the above-mentioned conditions, as slated in the accompanying enclosures, reserving to themselves the disposal of the Imperial Fiefs, which were part of the former Ligurian Republic, and which are at this moment under the administration of the Provisional Government of the states of Genoa. To prevent, however, the difficulties which might occur from the partial administration of the said Fiefs, as placed between the states of Genoa and Piedmont, it has been agreed, that they shall likewise be provisionally occupied, until the definitive Treaty, by the authorities whom his Sardinian Majesty shall entrust with the administration of the states of Genoa. It has been fixed upon, that the Prince de Metternich, first plenipotentiary of the Emperor of Austria, should be authorized to make known these determinations to the plenipotentiaries of his Sardinian Majesty, and to invite them to give the required concurrence, in case they are furnished with powers to that effect.

(Fifth Inclosure, No. 9.)—Translation.

Extract from the Protocol of the Conference of the 14th December, 1814.

The sittings opened by reading the minutes of that of the 10th December, which were signed and approved. It was resolved that in order to bring to a close the question of the reunion of Genoa to Piedmont, Prince Metternich should be requested to apply to the Marquis de St. Marsan, for his full powers, and for the Act of Accession of his Court to the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris, and to the different arrangements which had been taken to realise and complete these stipulations: and it was agreed, that when Monsieur de St. Marsan should deliver the said instrument, it should be communicated to all the members of this meeting.

(Sixth Inclosure in No. 9.)—Translation.

Vienna, 15th December, 1814.

Sir;—The Plenipotentiaries of the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris have authorized me, by a resolution declared at their sitting of the 10th of this month, to communicate to you, Sir, the conditions and the restrictions which are to serve as bases in the annexation of those departments which formed the ancient Republic of Genoa, to the possessions of his majesty the King of Sardarnia, conformably to the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris. I acquit myself of this communication, by transmitting to your excellency, the extract of the accompanying Protocol, to which are annexed the conditions approved of by the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris.

(Signed) METTERNICH.

The Marquis de St. Marsan.

(Seventh Inclosure in No. 9.)—Translation.

Act of Accession of his Sardinian Majesty.

Vienna, December 17, 1814.

The undersigned, his Sardinian Majesty's Plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Vienna, in virtue of the full powers of their Sovereign, which they have presented upon the invitation conveyed in the Declaration, which was published on the 1st of November last by the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May of the present year; and the Marquis de St. Marsan in particular, in virtue of special and most ample full powers from his said Majesty the King of Sardinia, for negociating, agreeing on, and accepting all the conditions relative to the annexation of the Slates of Genoa to those of his Majesty, which full powers he presents in original, to give, by the present Act, an accession formal, entire, and without restriction, to the conditions contained in the three papers annexed hereto, which they have signed for this purpose, and which are entirely in conformity with the papers annexed to the extract of the Protocol of the sitting of the 12th instant, which the Prince de Metternich has transmitted to the undersigned.

They accede, in the name of their Sovereign, to these conditions of the annexation of the departments composing the ancient Republic of Genoa, to the other possessions of his Majesty—an aggrandisement, the object of which is to establish a just repartition of forces in Italy, which may insure its tranquillity, and testify to the high Powers the acknowledgment of their Sovereign, both for the above-mentioned annexation, and for the mark of confidence which they give him, by putting him in immediate possession of his new States.

They consent to the reservation made with respect to the Imperial Fiefs which formed part of the former Ligurian Republic, and which are now under the administration of the Government of Genoa, the disposal of which the Powers have declared their wish to reserve to themselves; and that they shall only be provisionally occupied and governed by the administration of the King, which shall be established at Genoa until the definitive treaty; declaring, at the same time, that they do not intend thereby to prejudge in any wise the claims which his majesty the King of Sardinia may have upon these Fiefs, and which his Majesty reserves to himself the right to make good.

In testimony whereof, they have signed the present Act, and each of the annexed Papers, separately, and have affixed thereto the impression of their arms. Done at Vienna, the 17th December, 1814.

A true copy.

(Signed) Le Marquis DE ST. MARSAN,

Le Comte ROSSI.

(Eighth Inclosure in No. 9.)—Translation.

Vienna, December 10, 1814.

My lord;—I have the honour to transmit herewith to your excellency, the copy of a note which the Government of Genoa, by its dispatch, dated the 23d of November last, ordered me to lay before their excellencies the ambassadors and ministers assembled at the Congress. I seize with avidity this opportunity to offer to your excellency this fresh homage of my highest consideration.

The minister of the Government of Genoa,

(Signed) Le Marquis DE BRICNOLI. Lord Castlereagh.

(Ninth Inclosure in No. 9.)—Translation.

Protest of the Government of Genoa.

Vienna, December 10, 1814.

The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from Genoa, has the honour to lay before their excellencies the Ambassadors and Ministers assembled at the Congress, the Declaration which his Government transmitted to him for the eventual case which has unfortunately occurred, of the note of the 3rd of October having produced no effect.

Nothing can equal the respect and veneration with which the Genoese Government is penetrated for this illustrious assembly: but nothing at the same time can prevent his acquitting himself of what he owes to his conscience, to his honour, and to his fellow-citizens, to protest against all resolutions contrary to their rights and independence. His demands are founded on the most respectable titles; a political existence old as the origin of many monarchies; treaties without number during a long succession of ages, with the principal courts of the world; the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, (basis of that of Paris) wherein the Republic of Genoa concurred formally with them in the reciprocal guarantee of their possessions: the evident nullity of its annexation to an empire which was usurped and is destroyed; an independent administration since that period with all the marks of sovereignty, and without the opposition of any one thereto; and what is much more, the immortal declarations of the high Allied Powers. The town of Chaumont and of Chatillon-sur-Seine are yet resounding with the noble assurances, that nations should henceforth respect their reciprocal independence; that no more political edifices should be built upon the ruins of states formerly independent and happy; that the alliance of the most powerful monarchs of the earth had for its object to prevent those invasions which for so many years past had desolated the world; and that at length a general peace, the due effect of their alliances and their victories, would insure the rights, the independence, and the liberty of all nations.

The justice of the Governments which have guaranteed these tutelary maxims, may be tardy, but the result will, sooner or later, be accomplished. The duty of states which are ill known and feeble, is to invoke it incessantly, and to wait for it with confidence and courage.

The undersigned most respectfully demands, that the present declaration may be inserted in the Protocol of the Congress, and he has the honour to offer to their excellencies the homage of his highest consideration.

(Signed) The Marquis BRIGNOLI.

No. 10.—EXTRACT.

Turin, January 24, 1815.

Major Andrews reached this place on the 18th, and continued his journey on the same day to Genoa with your lordship's letter to sir John Dalrymple. Count Revel has succeeded admirably since he has been at Genoa; and the King has received deputations from all classes and all parts of the Genoese territory. Yesterday he gave audience to a deputation of the very highest rank, and was addressed in a most flattering discourse, of which I shall have the honour of enclosing a copy if I can procure it in time. I have, &c.

Viscount Castlereagh, W. HILL.

&c. &c. &c.

(Inclosure in No. 10.)—Translation.

Address of the Deputation from the City of Genoa, to the King of Sardinia.

Genoa, Jan. 5, 1815.

Sire; The city of Genoa, renowned in every age, and constituting no small part of the glory of Italy, has rejoiced to behold the destiny of the Republic, for so many years fluctuating, now fixed by its annexation to the ancient dominions of your Majesty.

Your clemency alone, Sire, and our admiration of the virtues which adorn your paternal and beneficent heart, have produced this unforeseen change in the affections of the Genoese, and have weaned them from those habits of independence which formerly constituted their greatest happiness.

The moment we were permitted to express our sentiments and the satisfaction of our fellow-citizens, we have hastened to the foot of your Majesty's throne, to offer the homage of their loyalty and obedience, determined to rival in attachment the ancient subjects of your Majesty.

The prosperity of Genoa, Sire, was, for many ages, an object of envy to the richest States; but the vicissitudes of years which have passed, have, for the greatest part, destroyed and annihilated her opulence.

It was reserved to your Majesty to reinstate her in her former splendour, The royal patents of the 30th of last month, afford us already a pledge of your paternal benevolence in favour of our beloved country, and are to us the harbingers of a more auspicious futurity.

Navigation and commerce were the principal sources of Ligurian power and wealth. May we presume to implore your exalted protection for these two branches of the public welfare! Let the first act of your beneficence, Sire, be to throw down the barriers which separate two nations, become brethren under a common father: and let those pirates, who, neglecting the fertile lands of Africa, infest the Mediterranean Sea, and are a discredit to our times, disappear from our seas, if they refuse submission to the sacred law of nations. The arms of our Ligurian mariners shall second your orders.

The husbandman of the mountainous and rocky territory of Genoa, is subject to expenses little known, and which far exceed those of champaign countries: we hope that your Majesty will be pleased to take this important subject into consideration when the amount of the land-tax shall be discussed.

Finally, encouraged by your sovereign goodness, we particularly solicit your Majesty, that our municipal administration may, together with its other functions, be continued in discharge of its important duties for the maintenance of the port, and of the public aqueduct, with both of which it was always entrusted, and which require a local and practical knowledge.

We recommend to your Majesty's regard for religion, the hospitals of Genoa, those illustrious monuments of the piety of our ancestors, from which, notwithstanding the disorders of late years, their descendants have not degenerated.

The city has at all times maintained, as far as it was able, these valuable establishments; but the immense losses which they have sustained, urgently demand, that the State should take upon itself to make provision for their funds, in like manner as the royal patents have already secured to the other creditors the payment of their interest, or require that Government should make a fresh endowment in their favour.

Vouchsafe, Sire, to interest yourself in the establishment of the House of St. George, the model of all other banks in Europe. Deign to look upon Genoa as your second capital.

We shall esteem ourselves happy, if, while we convey to your royal throne, the sincere wishes of our fellow-citizens, we should be able to assure them also of your gracious compliance, and flatter them with the hope of speedily seeing within bur walls, our august Sovereign.—Done in the Municipal Council, the Senior Magistrate, (Signed) PASSAGNO.