ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.

HC Deb 17 March 1809 vol 9 cc142-6

Earl Percy rose

in pursuance of the notice he had given to move for leave to bring in a bill for the gradual abolition of slavery in his majesty's colonies in the West Indies. His lordship expatiated feelingly on the wanton cruelties exercised on the unhappy negroes in the plantations, as developed in the late discussions. The object of his bill was to prevent the repetition of horrors, at the very idea of which every man in that house must shudder. If it had been established, as he trusted it had been established, that the slave trade was contrary to the principles of justice, humanity and sound policy, and that therefore it ought to be abolished; it necessarily followed, that slavery itself was contrary to the principles of justice, humanity and sound policy, and ought also to be abolished. It was, however, by no means his intention to propose any immediate abolition; what he had in view was, that the children of slaves born after a certain time to be fixed by the legislature, should be free; and thus a gradual and ultimately a total extinction of this barbarous usage would takes place. His lordship concluded with moving" That leave be given to bring in a bill, for the gradual abolition of slavery in his majesty's colonies in the West Indies." On the question being put.

Lord Henry Petty ,

although it was possible for him not to respect the motives and participate in the feelings of his noble friend, yet deprecated any discussion of this subject at the present moment. The abolition of the slave trade, and emancipation of the slaves, were two distinct questions; and it had also been maintained by the leading characters in that house, that, in considering the one, the other ought to be excluded from their contemplation. To emancipate the negroes, would not be to add to their happiness, even if the legislature had a right to interfere with the property of the colonies. All that could be done by this country with safety and effect had already been done. He put it, therefore, most respectfully, but most strongly, to his noble friend, either to withdraw the motion for a bill to abolish slavery, or to concur in the previous question, which he felt it to be his duty to move.

Mr. Eden

said, that in all great and important questions time was given for the parties, whose interests were affected, to petition against the measure. The present motion was precipitate, and precluded the parties from that opportunity. He would also ask, was the noble lord or any one else prepared to offer any remuneration to the colonists, if they should be deprived of the services of the slaves and their children? This was a measure which would be fraught with ruin to the colonists, and should therefore have his decided opposition.

Sir C. Pole ,

while he deprecated the motion as fraught with the most dangerous consequences, said, he rejoiced that it had been brought forward thus early, because it shewed the cloven foot, which had been attempted to be concealed: he believed that this was one main object in view by the abolitionists. It was fraught with much evil, and he trusted it would open the eyes of the public, to the intentions of the promoters of those measures.

Mr. Wilberforce ,

had the motion proceeded from a less respectable quarter, would have been as glad as the hon. baronet that it had been made, because it would shew that he (Mr. W.), and those who thought with him, made the distinction between the abolition of the trade and the emancipation of the slaves, and not only abstained from proposing the latter, but were ready to reject such a proposition when made by others. How much soever he looked forward with anxious expectation to the period when the negroes might with safety be liberated; he knew too well the effect which the long continuance of abject slavery produced upon the human mind, to think of their immediate emancipation; a measure, which, at the present moment, would be injurious to them, and ruinous to the colonies. He, and those who acted with him, were satisfied with having gained an object which was safely attainable; they had always declared what he now repeated, that the sole point which they had in view was, the abolition of the slave trade, and not of the emancipation of the slaves. The enemies of the abolition had always confounded these two objects; the friends of the abolition had always distinguished them.

Captain Herbert

deprecated any discussion on this subject. If a hope remained that the colonies might be saved, the only mode of realizing that hope, would be by shewing that the house would not for a moment admit the proposal for emancipation.

Mr. Sheridan ,

after the anxious expectation which he had last night expressed, that the bill then passed was but the preamble of the ultimate measure of emancipation, thought that he should be guilty of the grossest inconsistency in giving a silent vote on the present question. With these sentiments he need scarcely say, that the noble earl had his thanks for having directed the attention of the house to this important subject, even at that early period. The noble earl's statement had been misrepresented. He had never proposed to enfranchise the living negroes; his measure, as he understood him, was to commence with infants born after a period, which would remain a matter of future parliamentary discussion. The planters were entitled to fair dealing on this subject. If the house meant to say, that by abolishing the slave trade they had done all that duty demanded, and that they would leave the emancipation of the slaves to the hazard of fortuitous circumstances, let them be explicit, and say so; but if there lurked in any man's mind a secret desire to proceed in that business, a secret conviction that more ought to be done than had been done, it was unmanly, it was dishonourable, not to speak out. For one, he would boldly declare that he had further views; he hoped, that the young nobleman who had done his feelings so much credit, by the proposition which he that evening made, would stand to his ground. If he persevered in the pursuit of his object with the same zeal as his Hon. friend (Mr. Wilberforce) had done, he had no doubt that he would meet with the same success An hon bart. had talked of a cloven foot; he pleaded guilty to the cloven foot, but he would say that of the man who expressed pleasure at the hope of seeing so large a portion of the human race freed from the Shackles of tyranny, it ought rather to be said, that he had displayed the pinion of an angel than the cloven foot of a demon. It was true no immediate connection existed between the abolition of the Slave trade and the abolition of Slavery, but the same feelings must be roused by the consideration of both questions; and he who detested the one practice, must also detest the other. He did not like to hear the term property applied to the subjects of a free country. Could man become the property of man? A colony emanating from the free constitution of England must carry with it the principles of that constitution, and could no more shake off its well-known allegiance to the constitution than it could shake off its allegiance to the sovereign. He trusted that the planters might he induced to lead the way on the subject of emancipation; but he cautioned the house against being too sanguine on this subject. Were the planters themselves always resident on the islands, he should have greater hopes; but it was not probable that because cargoes of human misery were no longer to be landed on their shores, that because their eyes were to be no longer glutted with the sight of human suffering, or their ears pierced with the cries of human distraction in any further importation of negroes, that the slave-drivers would soon forget their fixed habits of brutality, and learn to treat the unhappy wretches in their charge with clemency and compassion. Slavery would not wear itself out; it would become more rigid, unless the legislature became more vigilant, and reminded the planters of the new duty that had fallen upon them, of rearing the young slaves in such a manner, that they might be worthy of freedom. Adverting to a quotation from the historian Gibbon, he contended, that the slavery of the West Indies was unlike any other slavery; it was peculiarly unlike the slavery of ancient days, when the slaves frequently attained to the highest dignities. Esop, Terence, and Seneca were slaves. Was there a possibility that any of the unfortunate negroes now in the West Indies should emulate such men? It might be dangerous to give freedom to the slaves in a mass, but that it was not dangerous to give it to them in detail, was sufficiently proved by a little pamphlet that had been put into his hands the preceding night, in which it was stated, that a Mr. David Barclay, to his eternal honour be it spoken, who had himself been a slave owner in Jamaica, and who, regretting that he had been so, on a bequest of slaves being made to him, emancipated them, caused them to be conveyed to Pennsylvania, where they were properly instructed, and where their subsequent exemplary conduct was the general theme of admiration. With this fact before him, should he be told that he must give up all hope of abolishing slavery? No, he would never give it up. He would exclaim with the Poet, in the words of the motto of the pamphlet which he had mentioned, I would not have a slave to till my ground, To carry me, to fan me when I sleep, And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth That sinews bought and sold have ever earn'd.

Mr. Wilberforce ,

in explanation, denied ever having disavowed his wish that freedom should ultimately be communicated to the slaves. He had deprecated the discussion at present, because he looked to the gradual improvement of their minds, and to the diffusion among them of those domestic charities which would render them more fit, than he feared they now were, to bear emancipation.

Mr. Peter Moore ,

however strongly he had advocated the abolition, was against immediate emancipation. The abolition would ameliorate the condition of the slaves, by forcing the West India planters to treat them well, and they would ultimately be prepared to receive freedom. He hoped the noble lord would withdraw his motion, that he would turn his mind to the object with deliberation, and look at it remotely.

Mr. Manning was proceeding to state the result of his experience in the colonies when

Sir C. Pole

moved that the house be counted. Only 35 members being present, the House immediately adjourned.