§ Mr. Paullrose and spoke as follows;—Though irregular to allude to what passed on any former occasion in this house, still, sir, the occurrences of last night, will render it necessary for me to obtrude on the present occasion, at infinitely greater length than I had any intention of doing. The;house must have observed, that I have had two distinct objects in introducing the affairs of India to its notice. One, sir, an earnest anxiety to bring the whole system of our Indian empire once more under the consideration of parliament,. system which threatens the national prosperity; and the other to prosecute to conviction, if possible, the person to whom I impute all the dangers that now threaten our existence abroad and in this country.—For the first, I could have incurred no obloquy, might have earned some applause from the display of my knowledge, and have made few enemies; but, in the second I was fully aware of the dangers. I had a beacon in the example afforded me in the managers of Mr. Hastings's impeachment calling out to me to beware! I knew I should have to contend, a new, unconnected individual, with obstacles of the most formidable nature. I knew, sir, I should. not be able to sail with wind and tide, but:that I should have to encounter every thing that power, rank, wealth, prejudice, and talent, could throw in my way. These, though no slight obstacles, I was prepared to meet; but I have met with others that I did not reckon on; and as I hold the character and motives of an accuser as his fairest claims to confidence or reprobation, I must, sir, on the present occasion claim the attention of the house on my own account a few moments, whilst I state my motives and conduct; this task once performed, I shall proceed in the way I have imposed upon myself, undismayed by numbers; and hereafter the shafts of malice and slander shall pass by me like the idle wind that I regard not. 410 —Conscious of the rectitude of my own motives, I believed no man could dare to question them; but I favour reckoned too favourably of human nature, and it was not without a mixture of honest indignation and surprise, that I found within the walls of this house, not only surmises as to the motives that stimulated me to stand forth as the accuser of lord Wellesley, not only have these motives been misrepresented, but others assigned, as ungenerous and despicable as they are unjust and untrue. No sooner did I repel the insinuation that I was in any manner or form connected with the nabob of Oude or with any potentate on the peninsula of India, and appealed to the noble lord (Wellesley) himself for the truth of the fact, than it was asserted I must have been injured by that noble lord, who must have thwarted some scheme of my ambition or interposed between me and the attainment of some favourite object. Now, sir, for the last time, I repeat in this house, that to lord Wellesley I have not nor never had, any sentiment of animosity personally, except that proceeding from the detestation of his conduct and principles, and it so happens from an extraordinary circumstance, that my character and the independence of my principles are better known to lord Wellesley and his private secretary, than to any other men in existence; and if I felt a necessity of bringing any man to this bar to vouch for them, it would be that noble lord himself. On this subject I beg the noble lord under me (lord Temple) not to force me to be more explicit, for if that noble lord does not already know it, I could to him even (prejudiced as he is) 'unfold a tale,' and to the house that would insure me the support and approbation of every liberal mind- in the kingdom, but with the declaration I have made, I shall rest satisfied for the present, disclaiming as I again do, any motives but those of a public nature for my conduct to lord Wellesley.—Last night an hon. gent. opposite to me (Mr. Johnstone) whom I am happy to see in his place, made a declaration that certainly excited my utmost astonishment, The annals of parliament and the voice of the country fully establish the fact, that that gentleman was the original accuser of my lord Wellesley, and although I certainly impute no improper motives to this seeming dereliction of sentiment on the part of the hon. gent. still I must certainly state this as one of the many unaccountable circum- 411 stances that have attended the investigation of the conduct of lord Wellesley.—The hon. gent. with whom spent many of the happiest years of my life, certainly never stimulated me to accuse my lord Wellesley, but as to the opinion of his guilty conduct there never was a difference of sentiment between us. It is true, the hon. gent. and myself are not on those terms of intimacy and friendship we once felt for each other. We have differed however on no political sentiment, or on account of any thing connected with lord Wellesley; still I think it would have been but candid and fair in the hon. gent, to have stated to me explicitly that he meant to lay on his oars and to take the safe course he has adopted. The papers however he moved for last night, bring before the public "cause and effect," and having established by his reprobation of eight treaties, the pernicious system of lord Wellesley, he has done more service to the cause of justice and to me than any support he could have bestowed in bringing to conviction this ambitious and misguided nobleman.—But a declaration made by a right hon. gent. (Mr. secretary Fox) is of an importance that cannot escape without some most serious observation. My respect, my esteem, my veneration for that revered, enlightened, and highly. respected character, make me the more deeply deplore his declaration of last night—he has stated all idea of retrospect to be out of the question. Where then, are we to look for a change of system, where is our fast hold on sir George Barlow, or any other Indian governor, if a solemn enquiry is not instituted? I presume to say that the declaration of that truly great character has damped the spirit of every friend of freedom, and every friend of justice. What, said the hon, gent. was the pale, emaciated, worn-out frame of Mr. Hastings dragged to the bar for vengeance by political opponents or for example! Now the right hon. gent. has said—(here Mr. Paull was reminded by the speaker that he was not quite in order in noticing to the house what passed on a former debate) the hon. gent. bowed and proceeded to the statement of the charge he had given notice of.—I shall proceed, said he, to lay the grounds for the charge I mean to bring against lord Wellesley, and if I abstain from any terms on this stage of the business that can be considered as objectionable by any man, it will not be out of compliment to the delicate 412 ears and fine feelings of a right hon. gent, (Mr. H. Addington) who on another occasion volunteered a good deal of advice; not, sir, out of any dread of the reprehension of the noble lord (Temple) under me, who is so ready on every occasion to throw the broad shield of his protection and that of his family over the late governor-general of India.—To the southward of Mulrah and Agrah on the peninsula of Hindostan is a native prince called the Rajah of Bhurtpore, and though his fortress of that name has not yet found its way into the map, both his own name and that of his citadel will be remembered in the annals of India, of the British power, and in the annals of the English army when the battle of Placey, of Delhi, and Laswarie shall fail to excite interest in the page of history.—His first character and connection with the English nation I shall give in the words of lord Wellesley, and which I read to the house last night, and his fatal renown from the records of his gallant but unsuccessful opponent lord Lake. Previous to the commencement of hostilities against Dowlat Rai Scindia and the Rajah of Berar, as appears from the notes of lord Wellesley to lord Lake in the Marhatta papers, the friendship and alliance of this chieftain were appreciated as of the highest importance, and lord Lake was instructed to gain them at any price.—But the Carnatic, Oude, Furruskarbad, Surat, Bundlechand, Hyderabad, Pomah, and Rohillehund, all exemplified, that short is the span between a treaty and the seizure of a province; and the prince of Bhurtpore before the commencement of hostilities refused on any terms or on any account to have any connection with the East-India company.—On the 4th of Sept. 1803, lord Lake carried the Fort of Alle Ghur by assault, and the faithless, unprincipled surrender of Perron the French general of Scindia, in the Douaub and the battle of Delhi, brought the victorious general and his gallant army into the country of Bhurtpore. Promises and threats were alternately held out, and in an evil hour this hitherto happy, highly respected, and fortunate prince signed the treaty I shall read to the house. A fortunate succession of events subdued for a time the spirit of Scindia, and the other confederated chieftains who purchased a peace, by the surrender of their most valuable provinces. In a very short time however, Holkar appeared in the field with an army of upwards of 413 50,000 men, and in his approach to invade the British dominions, he reached Bhurtpore, to which it is now said he was invited by the once respectable, and highly esteemed, but now the treacherous and contemptible character the Rajah of that country. I trust the gentlemen of this house have I not one set of principles and morality for England, and one for India, which however, I very much suspect they have; therefore admitting, which however is not yet proved, that the moment this prince became connected with England, he, belying his former character, tarnished all the acts of his past life, that he became the most profligate, perjured, abandoned, treacherous wretch that he is represented to have become, will even that conduct excuse in India, a war of vengeance and an ignominious peace! I answer, sir, no; but, be the Rajah's character what it may, be his former character true or false, he his treachery real or fictitious, that Holkar obtained supplies and assistance in the Bhurtpore country I readily admit, and the noble lord (Temple) may make the most of the admission.—In a short space, however, Holkar was defeated and his forces dispersed, and it was then that lord Wellesley determined on an act of singular and most sanguinary vengeance, and without example in ancient or modern times, unless in the recent instance of Buonaparte to the ill-fated king of Naples; who, too, is accused by the French emperor of treachery and foul play! Now, sir, the conduct of Naples is exactly in point. The king made a treaty, broke it, and invited the English and Russians to come into his dominions, and to aid him against France; so did the prince of Bhurtpore to Holkar, it is alleged: but will any Englishman say that the conduct of either merited extermination and ruin? It is said too, that the Rajah's troops turned upon our own forces and joined the enemy. Let the noble lord (Temple) avail himself of this further admission, and it will only prove, that lord Wellesley's system has, revolutionized the nature of the mild Hindoo and excited a thirst for blood, unknown before. I admit the fact, I believe it, and that Hindoo and Mussulman, that all ranks of the natives, all casts, all conditions, are ripe for revolt acid vengeance, against their oppressors. Lord Cornwallis confesses the fact, though in milder terms, and to recover what however is lost for ever, he was willing to surrender all but our honour. Instead of endeavouring to reclaim 414 this guilty and, infatuated prince, as he is represented, whose alliance lord Wellesley had courted, and whose character and example on other powers a few fleeting months before he rated and stated so highly, instead of manifesting to the minds of irritated India, that mercy, forbearance, magnanimity and justice, were the characteristics of a Christian governor, lord Wellesley determined on extermination and vengeance, and lord Lake was ordered to advance for the easy annihilation, as it was supposed, of his seemingly unequal opponent! No terms short of unconditional surrender being proposed, this prince determined to repel the assailants or to bury himself and his family and friends in one common ruin.—The account of the different assaults made by lord Lake and the different overtures made by the Rajah it is unnecessary to state, but the particulars of the sanguinary assault on the 22d of February after the British army had been 61 days before Bhurtpore, I shall read to the house. (here the hon. gent. read lord Lake's accounts of the 4 assaults)—On the 108th day after the commencement of the siege on the 9th of April 1805, six weeks after the last assault, lord Lake after a loss of 4000 of our best troops, and 116 of our best and most gallant officers, concluded a shameful and disgraceful peace, with, as he is represented, this abandoned, faithless and profligate prince, under the walls of that fort, where had withered the laurels of our brave troops, and when the reputation of our gallant army was completely and unnecessarily sacrificed. For having thus tarnished the. British name and character, for the waste of blood and reputation occasioned by this sanguinary war of vengeance, I accuse lord Wellesley, and to lay the grounds for a charge of high crimes and misdemeanours, I shall conclude, sir, with moving, "1. That there be laid before this house, a Copy of a Treaty concluded by general Lake (now lord Lake) commander in chief of the forces, and afterwards ratified by marquis Wellesley, late governor general of India, and a prince of Hindostan, called the Rajah of Bhurtpore, dated the 29th Sept. 1803. 2. Copies of all applications from the Bengal govt., or those acting under its authority, demanding, explanation and satisfaction previous to the commencement of hostilities, and the answers to such applications. 3. A Copy of the declaration of war against that prince, 4. A Copy all letters from lord Lake, 415 or those acting under his authority, to lord Wellesley, or the Bengal govt.; and from lord Wellesley, or the govt., to the British Commander in chief, relating to the Rajah of Bhurtpore, previous to the signing of the treaty of 1803, and from that period to the commencement of the war against that chieftain. 5. Copies of any terms or conditions offered by the British govt. to prevent the war; and as indemnification for any imputed injury sustained by the British interests in India from the Bhurtpore Rajah. 6. Copies of all overtures made from time to time by the Bhurtpore Rajah to the British commander in chief, for terminating the war, and the answers to such overtures. 7. Copies of the returns of the killed, wounded, and missing, in the various assaults made to storm the fortress of Bhurtpore, together with the casualties of the army during the siege; and the communications made publicly and privately by lord Lake on these occasions to the Bengal govt. 8. Copy of the treaty of peace between the Bengal govt. and the prince of Bhurtpore, with the communications made on that event to the court of directors, or select committee, on that occasion."
Lord Templeobserved, that the narrow ground on which the hon. gent. had proceeded, had made it an easy thing to answer him; but when he had brought forward charges as they were called, against so considerable, and so meritorious a character, as that of the marquis Wellesley, he should have stated the grounds on which they were to be founded; and he should also have taken the trouble of perusing those papers, which he said, would substantiate them, before he made those charges; if he had, the noble lord said he would venture to assert, it would have convinced the hon. member of the impropriety of his conduct. That he had not taken this course, was to be lamented, on account of what was due to the house, as well as to the noble marquis; for he would venture to assert, without the least fear of contradiction, that when all the papers which had been called for should appear upon the table, and came to tell their own story, there would be found not the least pretence for charging the noble marquis with any misconduct; on the contrary he would deserve praise. He hoped, therefore, that all the papers would be granted, and that there was no formal objection to their production. and he was not aware of any. By 416 them it would appear, that the marquis Wellesley was so far from waging with the Rajah of Bhurtpore a war of extermination, or having a thirst of blood, that he conducted himself with a forbearance and moderation to which that prince was by no means entitled. It was said that the treaty of peace, a copy of which was now called for, was presented to the Rajah at the point of the bayonet. This assertion again would be completely refuted when the papers appeared upon the table; for they would prove that at the breaking out of the war with Holkar, in 1803, the Rajah expressed a desire to unite with the British interest, and a treaty was entered upon with him early in the year 1803, and concluded and ratified in the following September. The hon. member had alluded to three of the articles of that treaty: he would tell him there was a fourth, which was that the contracting parties should afford to each other the aid of troops in the event of the invasion of their territories. This treaty was agreed upon between lord Wellesley and the Rajah of Bhurtpore, and he was to furnish a considerable force of cavalry to act in conjunction with the British; upon which the British government thought themselves justified in making a cession of territory to the Rajah, giving him a revenue equal to one third of all his own. Whether this looked like a treaty forced upon the Rajah at the point of the bayonet, the house might judge when the papers came before it. When the war with Holkar broke out in the month of March, a correspondence was detected between the Rajah of Bhurtpore and Holkar, which had for its object the overthrow of the British power, and driving the British entirely from India; in which plan the Rajah was to have a considerable concern. A copy of this correspondence was sent to lord Wellesley in July, and yet this noble lord, who was said to be a person seeking blood and waging a war of extermination, would be found to have observed a moderation and humanity, the most remarkable, for by some of the correspondence now called for, it would appear, that the noble marquis, even after this detection of the treachery of the Rajah, did not allow him to be punished, considering that he was in the hands of others; but ordered that those who advised him to this act of perfidy, whenever discovered, should be punished in an exemplary manlier; but as to the Rajah, the noble marquis considered that he might have been 417 misguided and deceived by wicked councils, and therefore ordered that no punishment should fall on him; consequently he directed lord Lake to endeavour to discover who the advisers of the Rajah were, but not to punish him in any respect; to warn him, however, of what he was about; to tell him it was not the wish of the East-India company to interfere with his territory or his concerns; but to call on him to dismiss the agents who had so misguided him. This was another of the proofs of the war of extermination, which the hon. gent. imputed to marquis Wellesley. My lord Lake acted on his instructions and left directions with gen. Frazer to abide by the same line of conduct, not to attack the Rajah of Bhurtpore, or bring on a war with him, but if attacked, to resist; but the Rajah cut the matter short, for, not content with his correspondence with the enemy, he himself began the war, and commenced an attack upon us. The first direct act of hostility was committed on the part of the Rajah, whose fortress of Deeg afforded a protection to the remains of Holkar's army, and fired upon the British troops, which enabled Holkar to carry off a great part of his army, and place his artillery in that fortress. After the fort of Deeg was taken, and, notwithstanding the several unsuccessful attacks on Bhurtpore, the Rajah at last came to his senses, and was glad to conclude a peace, by which he agreed to pay to the company 20 lacks of rupees in 4 years, and the company guaranteed him his territories. He was also bound to keep no Frenchmen or Europeans in his army. On these conditions, the conquered countries, and even the fort of Deeg itself, had been since restored to him. In all these transactions, he could perceive nothing of that implacable vengeance which was imputed by the hon. member to the noble marquis. His lordship said, it was not then the time for him to go further into this subject; he wished to wait till the papers in question should be laid upon the table, as they would not only support the statement he had made, but display the conduct of the noble marquis to have been moderate and forbearing in the highest degree.
§ Mr. Paullsaid, he had quoted the treaty such as he found it in the Mahratta papers, and sent home by lord Wellesley, and could not be accused of a want of fairness in not reading what really had never been given to the house.
§ Mr. Johnstonesaid, he was sorry that it had been thought worth while to advert to any thing that had passed between himself and the hon, mover; and he would have said nothing about the matter, had it not been that his silence might lead the house to imagine that he really had encouraged the hon. gent. in his proceedings in this business. In fact, he had dissuaded him from becoming a candidate for that, of which he (Mr. J.) was set down as the representative, and afterwards from following up these charges. He did not say, however, that these were fundamentally wrong, but he thought this proceeding, under all the circumstances, inexpedient. both as far as regarded the hon. gent. and himself. His own reasons for not coming forward with any such charges were, first, the impossibility which he foresaw of procuring redress for the wrongs of a prince of India (the nabob of Oude), to whom he was much attached, which attachment, perhaps, rendered him incapable of conducting the affair with impartiality; 2dly, the suspicions that might arise, that he could not judge fairly and candidly in the case of lord Wellesley; and 3dly, the treachery of which the Rajah of Bhurtpore had been guilty, almost to an unparalleled extent. He did not deny this, but he asked, where, was the wisdom or policy of making a treaty,with this very person on whom no dependence whatever could be placed? How came the ceded fortresses and the money to be returned? It was because lord Cornwallis saw the futility of such treaties, and was resolved to abandon them, if possible. He gave up their lands, he gave up their money, he would give op any thing to such persons, provided they would agree not to burthen us with their friendship.
§ Mr. Hiley Addingtonsaid, that as the hon. mover, in anticipating the contents of the papers for which he moved, had made his assertions pretty sturdily, he was not sorry to hear from his noble friend (lord Temple) assertions of a contrary nature as sturdily and at least as roundly delivered. He must allow that the hon. mover had had the candour to distribute among the members of the board of controul, a number of papers respecting which he moved; but from the great mass of them, they had not had time to profit by this candour. He should, however, individually, as an humble member of the board of controul, say, that he saw no objections to granting the 419 papers; his private feelings would rather induce him to second the motion than to oppose it, for he felt convinced, that when the papers were produced, they would exhibit a great many amiable qualities in the character of lord Wellesley, which many gentlemen were then unwilling to give him credit for. They would shew, that to this very rajah he had exercised an extraordinary forbearance, and an unexampled moderation. Without meaning to oppose the motion, he should just observe, that he doubted whether a sufficient parliamentary ground had been assigned for it. It did not appear to him proper, that any member should move for a vast mass of papers merely to fish out some cause of complaint which they did not know of before. As for the declaration of hostilities against the rajah, no such paper did exist: there never was a declaration of hostilities, but the war began by the cannon of the Fort of Deeg firing upon the British army, and protecting the retreat of Holkar. It was at a time when the rajah was writing the most friendly letters to lord Wellesley, and saying in the oriental cant, "make me happy by your letters," that he was conspiring with the enemies of the company, to expel the British from India. Nothing would be more demonstrable and unequivocal than the perfidy of this rajah,whom the hon. mover now extolled so highly. As soon as we had met a disaster under col. Monson, this faithless prince chose that moment not only to violate his treaties, but to conspire the utter destruction of that power for which he professed so much friendship, and to winch he owed so much obligation. The manner in which the governor-general gained information of his treachery, was most unquestionable. A confidential agent of his at Maturah first informed the British resident of it and about a week afterwards a vakeel was taken, with the correspondence, which went to the whole extent that had been stated. Notwithstanding this certain information of the treachery of this prince, lord Wellesley was still inclined to impute it to intriguers and evil advisers, and did not give directions to go to war with him for above eight months afterwards, and not until actual hostilities had been committed on the part of that prince against our. troops, who were pursuing Holkar in the neighbourhood of the Fort of Deeg. He concluded, by declaring that, in his opinion, no blame could attach to lord Wellesley for the fai- 420 lure of the treaty which he had made, and to which, doubtless, he wished to adhere.
§ Mr. Paulldecidedly affirmed, that he had once experienced an act of justice from lord Wellesley, but never an act of favour; that in India, his situation had been such, that the smiles of lord Wellesley could not benefit him, that his frowns could be of no detriment.
§ Mr. Wellesley Polesaid, he did not wish to take any share in the discussion of this subject; he had only to say, that the noble marquis, and all those who were connected with him, had but one wish, and that was that the whole of his conduct should be examined as closely as possible, and the whole system of the government in India under his direction canvassed with care; for which reasons he trusted there would be no objections to granting these papers, and others which he intended to move for, provided their production would not be inconvenient to the board. Anxious as he was, however, for the production of these papers, for the purpose of preparing for a discussion which he wished to promote, he had so much regard for the regularity of the proceedings of parliament, that he should not persist in asking for them, if irregular to grant them. He was confident that the more the conduct of the noble marquis was examined, the more it would be approved; but should the house, upon enquiry, be of another opinion, of which he had not the most distant idea, neither he nor any other person would attempt to screen him; but what he asked for the noble marquis was this;. that the nature of the charge to be exhibited against him should be stated. The hon. member had this day given notice of laying ground before the house in Friday, of some fresh charge against the marquis Wellesley. The noble lord near him had asked what that charge was? to which the hon. gent. had given no answer. He begged leave to request that the hon. member would now declare what the charge was he meant to make on Friday; for if he did not state that, how could the members who took the most immediate interest in. the discussion, know what they were come to meet? He could not conceive how any difficulty could occur in giving this information. What was to be the situation of those who were most directly interested in the character of the noble marquis, it they were to come down to the house, day after day, to hear an attack, without being prepared to meet it? He trusted the house 421 would feel that he was not asking any thing unreasonable. It would have been impossible for the house to have been prepared for the exhibition the hon. gent. had been pleased to make that night, if they had not had some previous intimation of what it was he intended to bring forward. It was, therefore, equally impossible that they should be prepared for Friday, unless the hon. gent. would let them know what charge it was that he was to bring forward on that day. As for the case of his noble relation, he committed it with confidence to the house, and to the country.
§ Mr. Paullsaid, the house would do him the justice to acknowledge that on every occasion he was ready to answer any question, that was civilly put to him; that he refused to answer the noble lord (Temple), as he should always do, when his manner and mode of putting a question was rude and improper. To the relation of the noble lord (Wellesley) he was ready to say, that the next charge he should bring forward, Was for the assumption of the rights and revenues of the nabob of Surat. The question was then put, and the several papers were granted.