Lord Castlereaghpresented, in pursuance of his majesty's command, Copies of the Treaties entered into by his majesty with various powers on the continent, with other official papers relative to that subject; correct copies of which will be found in the Appendix to this volume.—The noble lord said he wished to offer a few observations with regard to the course of proceeding on the discussion of these important papers, and of the conduct to which they referred, and also of the nature of the information which parliament might wish to posses on the subject. It was his most anxious wish, and the most anxious wish of those with whom he had the honour to act, that every thing which could tend to elucidate the great transactions on the continent during the last six months, should be before the house. He trusted that it was not with vain confidence that he and his colleagues looked to a result of the investigation creditable and honourable to themselves. But it was due to the character of the country, it was due in justice to other nations, that some disclosure of considerable delicacy should be withheld. It would therefore not be expedient to lay on the table all the discussions that had taken place with the continental powers since the close of the year 1804. In any situation of Europe the complete disclosure of these discussions would be unnecessary, but in its present situation, it would be peculiarly incompatible with the interests of some of those powers whom we ought to respect. For himself, he regretted, that the discussion of this question did not, in some degree, take place on the first night of the session, as it would have clearly pointed out to the attention of ministers, those 91 parts of these important transactions which the gentlemen opposite wished particularly should be elucidated. It would have served as a land-mark by which they might have shaped their communications. That calamitous event, which all regretted, had prevented this at any subsequent period; all therefore that administration could do, was to follow the course which to them seemed the most adviseable; and it would be open to others to found on that course any additional motions, that might appear to them to be necessary. The house must be aware, that many of the conditions and stipulations with the continental powers must be contingent and eventual, depending on the part that they were induced by circumstances to take in time war. Ministers had not considered it their duty to lay before the house any of those conditions which were never acted upon, but those parts alone which gave activity to hostile operations. He was not prepared to say that these were the military parts merely, although the house could not but be aware, that the military stipulations must have been more productive in imparting activity than the political conditions could possibly be. Delicacy with respect to foreign powers was not so likely to be infringed by the display of the one as the other. With regard to the stipulations of the military force to be brought forward by the different powers with whom the treaties had been concluded, there were two main features to which he wished that he attention of the hour might be peculiarly directed. The first was, what was the actual force which government had every reason to believe was in the field against France, and which justified them in inducing the continental powers to resist her? And the second, to what causes the failure of this grand confederacy was to be attributed? In order to enable the house to judge of the latter, ministers had ordered that there should be laid before the house details of the plan of the campaign, and of the system on which it was wished, and indeed resolved to act, to he compared with the system which really was carried into execution. The plan of military operations did not proceed front this country, because this country could not be supposed so well acquainted with their expediency. It did not proceed from Russia, because time remoteness of that power gave it little advantage in this respect over Great Britain; 92 but the plan of the campaign, in which was to be employed that immense force, that, exclusively of any troops that might be furnished by Sweden, exclusively of any troops that might proceed from the future decision of the court of Berlin, exclusively of any troops that might be added by the minor powers dependent on that decision; independently of all these considerations, and highly estimating the armies of Russia and Austria, government had every reason to suppose, that on the first of October, the actual force, in the field, of these two combined powers, if France would not agree to the terms of peace proposed to her, would amount to 500,000 men. Austria declared that she had 320,000 regulars ready at a moment's warning, beside 20,000 militia in the Tyrol. Russia had engaged to furnish 180,000 men, and did so. The plan of the campaign proceeded solely from Austria, and it would be for the house to decide whether she adhered to it according to compact. He would not pretend to say that the councils of the emperor of Germany had acted in opposition to the interest of that sovereign; he would not enter into any comments on the conduct pursued on that occasion: he should content himself with stating, that the advance of the Austrians beyond the Inn, and to time position taken by general Mack, at Ulm where, in a military view, it might be said that 80,000 men were annihilated, was a breach of tile plan of operations formed by Austria herself. The court of St. Petersburgh had strictly conformed to the plan: 50,000 Russians arrived at Brannan, on the Inn, two days sooner than, according to the conditions of that plan, was expected. He troubled the house with these observations, because he thought it indispensably necessary that the house should know what continental force government supposed was in the field; what was the plan of operations by which that force was to be regulated, and how far the disasters that had befallen Austria, were produced by her own acts, or by those of others. Having,stated thus much on the military points of this question, he would say, with respect to the political considerations, that as far as was consistent with the safety of other nations, and with the respect and delicacy which they had a right to demand from us, his majesty's ministers were anxious to afford to any gentleman, who stated the grounds of 93 his enquiry, such information as could be granted with safety. If, however, there was any part of their conduct, and more particularly with regard to Russia, the explanation of which would be attended with disclosures injurious to the interests of this country, and of Europe, the hon. gentlemen opposite would, in all probability soon have an opportunity of examining, whether their doubts of the propriety of the conduct of this country were founded in fact. For his own part, there was no occurrence that he should more sincerely lament, both on private and on public grounds, than that a transaction of such great importance should, from any change of administration, be buried in darkness; or, that the details to which be had alluded, and the policy that was founded on them, should by any circumstance be prevented from being sifted to the bottom. While the country had made great and extraordinary sacrifices and exertions, they ought to know, on what account those sacrifices and those exertions were required. In undertaking this discussion, he was fully aware of the severe loss which the present ministers had sustained, by being deprived of the assistance of that great man, to whom the system was chiefly indebted for its existence, and who was therefore the most completely qualified to uphold and defend it. Still, however, he trusted, that there were individuals remaining, capable of explaining the line of conduct that had been adopted, and in what way government had discharged the sacred trust that had been reposed in them. With regard to the course of proceeding which parliament ought to adopt in this important investigation, in his opinion nothing could be more desirable, than that it should be immediately commenced. But in the present situation in which the administration of the country was placed, he should be sorry by any proposition of his to embarrass their proceedings. It was likewise material, that when this discussion came on, none of those individuals should be absent, whose distinguished talents and political perspicacity qualified them so well for the enquiry. But it might happen, that trusts confided in those individuals, would render it necessary for them to withdraw for a time from the house. For these reasons he should not fix a day for the discussion, but would content himself with merely moving, that these papers do lie on the table. From their nature, it was impos- 94 sible that they could pass by without discussion. The pecuniary and political stipulations which they contained, must subject them to the cognizance of the house. As at that moment he might not be in a situation to exercise a discretionary power on the kind of reformation which it might be expedient to bring forward, he hoped that, while he did not press for any improper disclosures, those gentlemen who should succeed him in office, would be disposed to deal as liberally in affording information, as the present administration had evinced their inclination to do. On to-morrow, or the next day, he hoped to have it in his power to bring down some additional papers, and he should then be happy to receive any suggestions that might be offered to him.
§ Mr. Foxobserved, that from the nature of the subject which had been opened by the noble lord, it was impossible there should be any discussion on it at present, because many of the papers which had been alluded to were not yet before the house; neither was the nature of them at present perfectly known; and as to those which were before the house, they would require time for their perusal, and this must be done before a judgment was formed of the merits of the engagements entered into by the different powers. The question, therefore, which might arise out of them, must be deferred a while; and other questions should be previously determined—Whether the papers already brought forward, and those promised to be added to them, would be sufficient? or whether others might be desirable? And that again might depend on another question, which was, whether, if desirable, they could with propriety be laid before the house? All these matters must be decided before the general question of the conduct of the allies could be considered, as far as Great Britain had any share in their operations. And this appeared to him to answer the observation of the noble lord, as to the regret he seemed to feel that the subject was not discussed on the first night of the session: for either in the view of the case with reference to the papers themselves, or the conduct which followed the agreement to which they related, it was out of the question, until the house had a full perusal of them; but the amendment intended to have been submitted to the house by his noble friend (lord H. Petty) was calculated to have called 95 forth all the information to which the noble lord, who spoke last, had just alluded; and he could not help thinking, there was good foundation for asking for that information, and also for the expressions in the amendment, the object of which was to convey a sense of the house, against trusting any more of the resources of the country in the hands of incapable ministers. It was the duty of the house to take care, before they granted any farther supplies, that they should not be under the management of improper persons. As to all the detail, part of which had been opened to-night by the noble lord, it was imprudent to go into it now, because the house, at present, had not the requisite information, and that reason he should certainly not comment on the general line of defence for administration, which the noble lord had thought fit to-night, with such imperfect materials before the house, to anticipate. With respect to farther enquiry, that was a point which the house would consider after the papers were laid before it, and after time had been taken to peruse them. Until those papers shall have been duly considered, the house could not possess the means of judging on the subject. The noble lord hinted, said the hon. gent., that it is not probable that he and those with whom he acts will be in power when that discussion may be entered upon. Who are to succeed them I do not know; but I am quite sure that those persons, be they who they may, ought to possess all the information to which the noble lord has alluded, some time before they proceed on that discussion, and that is a question entirely open now, and to which I beg to be understood as not giving any pledge, as to any opinion I may form, for that must depend on the papers, with the nature of which I am at present unacquainted. I say, again, that a correct view of that matter cannot be taken without adverting to the internal circumstances of this country. There may be, indeed, cases, as the amendment states, not necessary for such an enquiry, and on which some resolution might be entered into; but when considered with reference to the papers, it may, perhaps, appear not to be necessary to enter upon such an enquiry, at least for a while. At all events, the propriety of entering into it will stand upon a very different footing from that on which it stood on the first day of the session. Mostclear it is, that the consideration of the papers should come first: that of the con- 96 duct of government is another matter on which, before the papers are considered, as things are now partly explained, he would be a very unwise man who would deliver an opinion.
§ Mr. Greysaid, he supposed that the papers already presented would be printed and delivered in the usual way. He did not exactly understand, whether or not the noble lord had produced those papers which related to paints of the confederacy that had not been acted upon, as well as to those which had. He had listened with considerable attention, while the clerk had been reading the titles of these papers. He had heard him mention treaties between Great Britain and Sweden; treaties between Great Britain and Russia, and the accession of Austria to one of the latter; but he had not heard him state any direct treaty between the king of Great Britain and the emperor of Austria. He wished to know from the noble lord, whether or not this was an omission.
Lord Castlereagh ,in explanation, informed the hon. member, that these papers had been compiled from official acts, and not from correspondences. The hon. gent. would find, that there were three treaties between Great Britain and Sweden, and one treaty between Great Britain and Russia, to which latter treaty, Austria having acceded, it was thereby effectually constituted a treaty between Great Britain and Austria.—As he was on his legs, he should explain a circumstance connected with these treaties. The treaty with Russia consisted of 15 articles, one of which not having been ratified, the remaining 14 only were binding. Of these 14, only 9 had been laid on the table; the remaining 5 being of a complexion, which would render the exposure of them a dereliction of the trust reposed in the administration of this country, of which declaration on his part, the hon. gent. would soon have an opportunity of ascertaining the ground.
§ Mr. Foxwished to learn, whether any thing was now before the house, or intended to be laid hefore the house, relative to the orders sent to the British troops on the continent, either in Hanover or elsewhere.
Lord Castlereaghsaid, that the papers, at present brought forward, were confined to official acts; if the hon. gent. wished any information on the subject to which he alluded, he should be happy to received his commands.
§ Mr. Wickhamasked how the troops of the continent were composed, as to numbers, at the commencement of the campaign?
Lord Castlereaghsaid, that the amount of the force on the continent, exclusive of British, Swedish, and the minor military powers of Germany, which his majesty's government had reason to expect were actually in the field on the 1st of October last, formed an aggregate of only 5000 short of 500,000 men; that is to say, 180,000 Rassinus, and 315,000 Austrians, exclusive of 20,000 militia in the Tyrol; and what rendered this credible to his majesty's ministers was, that in the month of June they were assured, in an official note, received by his majesty's government from the Austrian ambassador at the court of London, that the effective force of that power, actually in the field, was 200,000 men, and that it was expected in the course of the month to carry it up to 300,000 men.—The question was then put, and the papers were ordered to lie on the table.