HC Deb 21 January 1806 vol 6 cc13-21
The Speaker

acquainted the house, that the house had this day been at the house of peers, at the desire of the lords commissioners appointed under the great seal, for opening and holding this present parliament; and that the lord high chancellor, being one of the said commissioners, made a speech to both houses of parliament; of which he had, to prevent mistakes, obtained a copy.—He then proceeded to read the speech from the chair, for which we refer to our report of the proceedings of the lords, sec p. 1. After the Speaker had finished reading the speech,

Lord Francis Spencer

rose, and spoke as follows:—I rise, sir, for the purpose of moving an humble address to his majesty, in answer to his gracious speech, in which address I trust I shall have the unanimous concurrence of the house. For those, brilliant successes of his majesty's arms by sea, which have so eminently distinguished the naval history of the past year, I am confident the house will fully coincide in the sentiments expressed in his majesty's speech;? but, above all, in what relates to the glorious and ever-memorable victory off cape Trafalgar, under the gallant and justly regretted hero who achieved that proud triumph for his country before he had nobly fallen in her cause, and left her to deplore a loss, in which, I am convinced, every man who hears him, sincerely participates the concern expressed by his majesty: and I feel the strongest reliance that the house, in its liberality, and justice to the memory of that great and gallant commander, will cheerfully meet the royal wishes, and enable his majesty to add to the honours already conferred upon his family such signal rewards as shall mark the public gratitude for the important victories, and the public security which the nation so eminently owes to his prowess. But, sir, while the country has such proud and distinguished cause of triumph in her naval successes during the last year, and more particularly in that of the victory off cape Trafalgar, I am confident the house must deeply participate in those feelings of regret, expressed by his majesty, for the reverses sustained by our allies on the Continent, and the melancholy issue of the late campaign. At the same time the house and the country must feel high consolation in the manly conduct, and the unshaken attachment manifested by our faithful ally, the emperor of Russia, to those principles and that enlightened policy, which have uniformly distinguished his reign: a circumstance, which still affords us reasonable ground to hope, that affairs on the Continent may yet be brought to a favourable issue. In the crisis, however, in which this country now stands, we have nothing to fear from the haughty menaces, or the insatiable ambition of the common enemy, while defended by the known loyalty and valour of his majesty's subjects, and the unexhausted resources of this empire; in the vigorous application of which, I am confident the wisdom and spirit of the house will cheerfully co-operate with his majesty, for maintaining the contest in such a manner, as to sustain the country in her wonted rank amongst the nations of Europe, and for bringing the present arduous contest to an honourable and advantageous conclusion. Without troubling the house any farther, I shall conclude, sir, with moving, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this house for the gracious speech delivered by his majesty's command to both houses of parliament:—To express to his majesty our sincere condolence for the loss which his majesty and the royal family have sustained by the death of his late royal brother the duke of Gloucester:—To assure his majesty, that we have not failed to observe, with satisfaction, the unwearied activity and perseverance of his majesty's fleets in the pursuit of the squadrons of the enemy, which have led, in every encounter, to a diminution of their force:—But that we beg especially to offer his majesty our warmest congratulations upon that unexampled victory over the combined fleets of France and Spain off cape Trafalgar, with which Providence vouchsafed to bless his majesty's arms, under the command of the late lord viscount Nelson:—And, while we feel, with pride and exultation, that the skill and enterprize of his majesty's officers and seamen have thus signally confirmed the maritime superiority of this country, and so essentially contributed to the security of his majesty's dominions, we participate in the deep regret expressed by his majesty, that the day of that memorable triumph should have been clouded by the fall of the heroic commander by whom it was obtained:—That we are fully sensible that this lamented but glorious termination of a series of transcendent atchievements claims a distinguished expression of the lasting gratitude of the country; and to assure his majesty, that we shall proceed, with heartfelt satisfaction, to enable his majesty to annex to those honours he has been graciously pleased to confer upon the family of the late lord viscount Nelson, such a mark of national munificence, as may preserve to the latest posterity the memory of his name and services, and the benefit of his great example:—That we beg leave to return his majesty our humble thanks, for having been graciously pleased to direct to be laid before us copies of the several treaties which have been entered into by his majesty with such of the powers on the Continent as had evinced a determination to resist the formidable and growing encroachments of France, and to assure his majesty that we shall proceed to take them into our most serious consideration:—That while we deeply lament that the events of the war on the continent have led to an unfavourable issue, we feel, in common with his majesty, the consolation to be derived from the assurances his majesty continues to receive, from his august ally the emperor of Russia, of his unshaken adherence to that generous and enlightened policy by which he has hitherto been actuated; and that we are fully sensible of the great importance of preserving at all times an intimate connection with that sovereign:—To assure his majesty, that we shall proceed to grant such supplies as in the present posture of affairs the public exigencies may appear to require; and that we beg to return his majesty our humble thanks for the gracious and tender concern manifested for the welfare of his people, in having directed the sum of one million sterling, part of the proceeds arising from the sale of such prizes made on the powers with whom we are at war, as are by law vested in the crown, to be applied in aid of the Public service:—That we assure his majesty, that the pride and confidence we feel in the success of his majesty's arms, has not diminished our sense of the necessity of unabated vigilance and exertion; and that his majesty may firmly rely upon our attention being invariably directed to such measures as may appear best adapted to the improvement of those means, which are to be found in the bravery and discipline of his forces, the zeal and loyalty of every class of his subjects, and the unexhausted resources of his dominions, for rendering the British empire invincible at home, as well as formidable abroad; convinced that by such efforts alone the contest in which we are engaged can be brought to a conclusion consistent with the safety and independence of the country, and with its rank among the nations of the world."

Mr. Ainslie

seconded the motion, in a short speech, in which he observed, that the events which had taken place on the continent, had been rapid and unexpected; and that France had acquired by war, in a short space of time, those accessions to her power and territory, which she had before been gaining under the mask of peace. Still, however, we had to console ourselves with the pleasing reflection, that our own national character remained un- sullied, and our resources unimpaired. Although our commerce might suffer some little injury by the occupation of such a large part of Europe by hostile armies, yet experience had frequently shewn, how difficult it was, with every exertion and every restriction that tyranny could avail itself of, to prevent the introduction into foreign states of those productions of British growth and manufacture which were so much needed by them. The armies of the foe were now rapidly marching to avenge, what they termed the perfidy of this country, but he trusted the house would assure his majesty, that an independent and gallant nation like great Britain, could not be intimidated by any menaces that might be thrown out against it. With regard to the victory off cape Trafalgar, and the regret for the hero who had achieved it, it was impossible that two opinions could exist in the house, or in the country. The exigencies of the times certainly required great efforts, and great sacrifices. His majesty, with that paternal solicitude for his people, which had ever distinguished his conduct, had set a noble example, which well deserved the most grateful acknowledgments of the country. Our freedom, our enjoyments, and, above all, the power which we possessed of repressing the ambitious views of the emperor of the French, were, with him, most heinous political sins. He had no doubt, however, that if Providence continued that fostering attention to this nation, with which it had so long been favoured, that we should yet be enabled to bring the arduous contest in which we were engaged, to a safe and honourable termination.

Lord Henry Petty

rose and addressed the house as follows:—To that part of the proposed address which relates to the glorious victory off cape. Trafalgar, and the respect to be paid to the memory of the hero whose loss the country has too deplore on the occasion of that memorable day, I am sure there is none in this house can have any objection, When alive, he united all men around him in the cause of his country; and now he is no more, all men are and ought to be animated with but one sentiment and one feelings, to honour and perpetuate his memory. But to the other parts of the address, I cannot so freely give my assent; and it was, therefore, my intention to have submitted an amendment thereto, which I conceived more consistent with the alarming state to which the country has been brought, and more consistent with my own feelings on the subject. But reports have reached my ears, and must have reached the ears of other members of this house, which would render the discussion to which the proposal of such an amendment must have led, so painful to my feelings, so painful to the feelings of the house, and to the feelings of the individuals whose conduct must be more peculiarly implicated in the investigation, that I have thought it better, for the present, to wave any amendment. That it may be known, however, what are; the feelings in which I arraign the conduct of ministers, which I am convinced are also the feelings of a great majority of this house, and of the country I beg leave to read the amendment. It was this: 'That this house feels the deepest concern at the series of disasters which have attended the arms of your majesty's allies on the Continent, and will, without delay, proceed to enquire into the cause of such disasters, as far as they may be connected with the conduct of your majesty's ministers. This house is perfectly sensible that alarming and unexampled state of public affairs renders the most vigorous exertions necessary for the preservation of the Empire; and we feel it our peculiar duty, when. we call for these extraordinary efforts, to provide that the resources we furnish, and the powers we confer, may not in future be so employed as to increase the perils they were intended to avert, and to aggrandize that power to which it is the common interest of all Europe, as well as of Great Britain to set proper limits.' Such, sir, is the nature of the amendment, which I intended to propose this evening. But although, for the reasons I have mentioned, I am induced to wave it at present, yet, such is my conviction of the alarming state of the country, that I cannot, consistently with my duty, suffer many days to elapse without bringing forward the subject, for ample discussion, in some shape. On Monday next, therefore, it is my intention to bring the subject before the house in another shape; and, perhaps, to introduce such other topics as may be necessary for a full investigation of the business.

Mr. Fox.

Concurring entirely in the sentiments which have fallen from my noble friend, I do not think it necessary to trouble the house with more than a few words at present. But I cannot forbear to express my hope now, that this seeming dereliction of our duty will not be so misrepresented by any one, either in this house, or out of this house, as to make it possible to be supposed that we do not feel all that we ought to feel for the unexampled calamities which have been brought on the country; that we do not feel, though not in the way expressed by the address, for the unexampled calamities which have befallen the second military power of the Continent; that power to which we have looked, and to which we may yet have to look for the support of this country, and of Europe in general. I hope we shall not he wanting in our expressions of indignation at those ill-concerted, ill-conducted, ill-supported, and ill-executed plans, which have placed the country in the most extraordinary and most calamitous situation it ever experienced. I hope we shall not be misinterpreted, by its being supposed that we shall be wanting in those proper feelings by which we ought to be impressed. Nay, sir, it is the very strength of those feelings that induces me to agree in the propriety of putting off the discussion. Reports certainly have gone about, which I hope are exaggerated, which I hope will have ceased in a few days; but I will freely say, that feeling how nearly the individual alluded to in them is connected with the discussions which must have arisen tonight, had the amendment read by my noble friend been brought forward, I am ready to allow that it would be injustice to him to press the subject in his absence, while there may be any good reasons to believe that he will be able in a very short time to attend in his place. I therefore cordially agree in the propriety of postponing the discussion; but, at the same time, every private consideration ought to yield to the public advantage; and, for this reason, I hope the delay will not be long. I understand that my noble friend has fixed on Monday to bring forward a motion on the present situation of affairs, whether in the shape now pointed out in his amendment, or, in a more general view, will be for him to determine. At all events, I hope that no material delay will take place, but that we shall speedily proceed to enquire into the causes of our present unexampled danger, and the means by which the calamities that threaten us, may with the best chance of success be averted.

Lord Castlereagh

said, that he fully concurred in the feelings that actuated the noble lord in postponing the discussion for the present; and no expression, however warm, that might have fallen from the hon. gent. who had just sat down, should tempt him to depart from the course adopted by the noble lord, or to enter prematurely into the discussion. The hon. gent. seemed confident that he could substantiate the matter, which had been stated in the form of a charge by the noble lord against his majesty's ministers; but they were no less confident, that, whenever the question should come under consideration, they would be able fully and satisfactorily to justify their conduct. When the discussion should come forward, it would be the duty of his majesty's ministers to state at large what they had to urge in their justification; and until then he should abstain from entering further into the subject. He agreed with the sentiments so honourable to the noble lord, and which had been assented to by the hon. gent. who had spoken last, that the house could not enter into the discussion of this question, consistently with the feelings, by which it was then influenced, if the distinguished personage, who was so intimately concerned with its discussion, should be unable to attend in his place during the consideration or it; [a cry of no! no!] He admitted, that if that distinguished individual should not be able to attend till after a period beyond which, from a sense of paramount duty, the noble lord could not put off the subject, it would be competent to him to bring it forward at whatever time his feelings of public duty might render it necessary in his opinion. He was sure, however, that the noble lord would make that time as distant, as his sense of paramount public duty would admit. Before he sat down, he felt himself bound to repeat what he had before stated, that whenever the discussion should be brought forward, his majesty's ministers would be able to justify, most completely, their conduct and their measures.

Mr. Windham

said, he did not mean to enter into the consideration of topics, which had been for the same cause avoided on both sides of the house. In the few words he had to say, he meant to confine himself solely to stating his, entire concurrence with the sentiments expressed his hon. friend who had spoken last but one, and by his noble friend who had preceded. He agreed, that to enter into the discussion at present, would not be possible, conformably to the feelings which must prevail universally both house and in the country. It was impossible even for those, who had never known what it was to live in any habits of friendly or social intercourse with the right hon. gent. alluded to, not to feel that it would be one of the most painful tasks that could be imposed upon them, to enter into an adverse discussion on the merits of measures in which he was so deeply concerned, at a moment when he was lying on a bed of sickness, not without good grounds, he trusted, for hoping his recovery, but with the danger necessarily incident to such a situation. It was not however what must be the feelings of any one on such an occasion, that was to be considered: men must perpetually be compelled to do, at the call of duty, what was in the highest degree unpleasant and painful to them. But it happened here, that what made the task painful, did, in the same degree, disqualify them for the performance of it. Even this consideration however could not long delay the discussion in question. The moment must be at hand, should the right hon. gent.'s illness be prolonged, when the public interest could no longer wait, and when this task must be performed, with whatever pain or at whatever disadvantage. But the pressure of public affairs, great as it was, would still, it was hoped, allow of a short respite, such as was now proposed; and if so, every one must wish, that such respite should be given. Let us hope, in the mean while, that some favourable change may take place, which, if it cannot remove that part of our embarrassments which arise from the absence of the right hon. gent., may free us at least from that gloom and depression which the apprehended extinction of great and transcendent talent and high qualifications, in the midst of the most splendid fortune, cannot fail to produce even in the minds of those who may have been most opposed to the political system of which they made part.

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