§ The negotiations in which his majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, his majesty thinks proper to make this public declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led to an issue which his majesty deeply regrets. He has no object nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the continuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which, even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so burthensome to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiment, either in his own dominions, or in any part of Europe, than that of an increased conviction, that the restoration of general tranquillity is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy.—The French government, unsatisfied with its immense acquisitions on the continent, still openly perseveres in a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security but for conquest; and negociations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object than that of deluding the neighbouring powers into a state of false security, while France is herself preparing, arranging, and executing 210 her unremitted projects of encroachment and aggression.—Her conduct in the recent discussions has afforded but too many proofs of this disposition.—The negociation originated in an offer made by the French government of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession, which was stated to admit of mutual compensation, and a distinct assurance was added, that his majesty's German dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored.—Such a proposal appeared to his majesty to afford a just foundation for negociating: it was therefore accepted with this reserve, that the negociation should be conducted by his majesty in concert with his allies.—No sooner had this basis been mutually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too, in points of so great importance, as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of his majesty, that unless the principle proposed by France herself was adhered to, the communications which had been opened between the two governments must at once be closed.—This produced new professions of the dispositions of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the discussions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of full powers in the person intrusted by his majesty with this communication. Steps were thereupon taken by his majesty for opening a regular negotiation by ministers duly authorized, in order to ascertain, in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honourable to the king and his allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe.—During these proceedings, a minister sent by the emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with his majesty's government, was induced by the artifices of the enemy, to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honour and interests of his imperial majesty.—Unmoved by this unexpected event, the king continued to negociate precisely on the same principles as before. He relied, with a confidence which experience has amply justified, on the good faith and steadiness of an ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat, and whose interests he had maintained throughout with the same firmness as his own.—The French government, on the contrary, elated by this advantage, of 211 which it boasted as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more and more widely from its own offers and engagements. Not only did it take upon itself to change at its own will the basis of the negociation with Great Britain, but violated, in points, still more important, every principle of good faith with Russia. The chief inducement offered to that power as the price of all the sacrifices extorted from her minister, had been the preservation of Germany. Yet, before the decision of Russia on this treaty could be known, France had already annihilated the whole frame and constitution of the German empire; had reduced under her own yoke a large proportion of the states and provinces of Germany; and, not content with this open contempt of obligations so recently contracted, had, at the same time instigated the Porte to measures directly subversive of her subsisting enagements with Russia.—While such a conduct was pursued towards his majesty, towards allies, and towards all independent powers there appeared so little hope of any favourable issue to the negociation, that his majesty's plenipotentiaries demanded their passports to return to England.—This demand was at first eluded by an unusual and unexplained delay, and the French government afterwards, by some material concessions, accompanied with intimations that others of still greater conferences, might be the result of further discussion procured a renewal of the conference which were protracted from day to day till at length it was announced at Paris that the emperor of Russia had indignantly rejected the unauthorized and separate treaty signed by his minister.—In consequence this important event, the strongest assurances were given to his majesty's minister that France was now prepared to make sacrifices to a great extent, in order, securing peace with Great Britain, to re-establish the tranquillity of the world.—The object of these assurances appeared however to be, that of engaging his majesty in a separate negociation, to the exclusion of his allies; a proposal which his majesty had rejected in the outset, and which he could still less admit of at a time when the conduct of Russia had impost on him an increased obligation not to separate his interests from those of so faithful an ally. To these insidious overtures, his majesty steadily refused to listen; but he 212 took the most effectual method to avoid all appearance of delay, and to accelerate, if possible, the favourable issue of the negociation. The confidential intercourse which he had constantly maintained with Russia, enabled his majesty to specify the terms on which peace with that power might be obtained; and his minister was accordingly instructed to state to France, in addition to the king's demands, those of his ally, to reduce them into distinct articles, and even to conclude on those grounds a provisional treaty, to take effect whenever Russia should signify her accession.—This form of negociating was, after some objection, acceded to by France; terms were now offered to his majesty more nearly approaching than before to the original basis of negociation; but these were still far short of what his majesty had uniformly insisted on, and was now more than ever entitled to expect; and the decisive rejection of the just demands of Russia, as well as of the conditions proposed by his majesty in behalf of his other allies, left to his majesty no other course than that of ordering his minister to terminate the discussion, and return to England.—The foregoing short and simple exposition of facts stands in need of no comment. The first overtures which led to negociation were made by the enemy, and they were accepted by his majesty in the sincerest spirit of peace. Every opening which seemed to afford the most distant prospect of accommodation has been anxiously embraced, nor was the negociation finally broken off, while any hope of a favourable issue could be entertained. His majesty's demands were uniformly just and reasonable; directed to no objects of personal aggrandizement, but to such only as were indispensably required by the honour of his crown, his engagements to his allies, and a due consideration of the general interests of Europe.—It is with heartfelt concern that his majesty contemplates the continuance of those evils always inseparable from a state of war; but it is with his enemies that this awful responsibility rests; and for the issue of the contest his majesty trusts, with confidence, to the justice of his cause; to the resources and bravery of his people; to the fidelity of his allies; and, above all, to the protection and support of the Divine Providence.—In contributing to the great efforts which such a contest must unavoidably require, his faithful and affectionate subjects will not forget 213 that all their dearest interests are at stake; that no sacrifices they can be called on to make, are to be compared with the certain disgrace and ruin of yielding to the injurious pretensions of the enemy; that with the inviolable maintenance of the good faith and public honour of their country, its prosperity, its strength, and its independence, are essentially connected; and that in asserting the rights, and upholding the dignity of the British empire, they defend the most powerful bulwark of the liberties of mankind.