Mr. Secretary Windham rose in pursuance of his notice on Friday, to move that the thanks of the house should be given to general sir John Stuart, and to the officers and men engaged under him, in the glorious battle of Maida. He did not conceive that any thing more would be necessary to be said, on his part, in order to obtain the unanimous concurrence of the house in his motion. There had been so very general, so very lively, and so very proper a feeling manifested throughout, the country on the subject, that he was 216 convinced, that as no motion of this description had ever been agreed to with more perfect unanimity than this would, so none had ever more completely carried the feelings and approbation of the country with it. The action to which his motion referred was one of the most distinguished exploits that ever appeared in the annals of this or any other country. Every man must be so thoroughly impressed with its character and importance, that it was altogether unnecessary to dwell upon its value. If he ventured to say any thing upon the subject, it was purely from an impulse to give indulgence to his feelings. The character of the exploit itself, and the advantages that flowed from it, must present themselves to the sober reflection of every man; and, indeed, that house and the country at large had already, by their admiration and gratitude, pronounced upon the value of the glorious achievement. There was not a single one, of the various views in which this exploit could be considered, that did not rank it with the proudest achievements of our ancestors; that did not raise it to a level even with the memorable days of Cressy, Poitiers, and Agincourt. In mentioning these scenes of British fame and valour, he could not omit to state one peculiar character which belonged to this distinguished service, namely, the accession it produced to our stock of national glory, the most valuable possession of a great nation. Other services might cut a greater figure, in relation to their effect in adding to national importance, by acquisitions of strength, resources, or territory, though not of character to call for the sort of honours and distinctions merited by achievements of this kind. In this respect the value and importance of the exploit was highly augmented, even in the midst of those splendid and brilliant triumphs to which this country had been so much accustomed. The glory acquired in this action had not often been equalled, and never had been surpassed in the records of military renown. Of what value it was to keep up this high character for military spirit; how necessary it was to encourage it with every honourable distinction of public approbation and gratitude; how impossible it was for any great country to preserve its character and independence without the possession of such feelings; these were topics upon which it was unnecessary for him to dwell. But if ever 217 there had been a period of the world, when a strong military feeling was wanted for the preservation of the greatness and glory of a country, it was the present. It was this period, when the whole world had become, as it were, one universal camp; when all nations were occupied with military views, military fame, and military services; when these military pursuits were substituted in place of the civil arts of life; when no country could be safe that did not cultivate them, and when any country, that did not cultivate them, could no longer hope to continue its independence. We were come to that state of society when, as had been well said, the soldier was abroad; when, in the language of the poet, "man and steel, the soldier and the sword," were the only productions of a country that could be looked to with confidence for its protection and security. It was not because we had lost any part of the military spirit or character of the country that he dwelt with such pride upon the value of this exploit; certainly not. This country had never forfeited its just character for military superiority. Yet, from the circumstances under which the war had hitherto been carried on, and the pre-eminence of our great and glorious naval exploits, we had not had the same opportunity of distinguishing our arms by land as by sea. The nations of the continent too, as if they derived consolation in their humiliation from the impression, seemed to have been brought over to the opinion, that our military power, in the largest sense of the word, was wholly confined to naval operations. They seemed to think, that this country, was, he should not say proportionably weak, but that it was not proportionably strong by land as by sea. Now, the immediate tendency and effect of the glorious battle of Maida was, that it would meet these opinions, and correct the error in which they originated. It was impossible to contemplate this glorious exploit in all its circumstances, and not give way to a feeling of triumph at the superiority of national valour displayed in it. Yet, it might be said that it was not by naked valour that the skill, the discipline, and experience of the veteran troops of the enemy were to be overcome. It resulted, however, from the experience of this action, that British disciplined troops possessed a decided superiority over those of the enemy. Many persons in this country appeared to entertain, and in their 218 writings avowed the opinion, that the troops of the enemy were superior to British troops. The opinion was flattering to the enemy, but he trusted it had not gone far in the country, and was convinced, that it had not made any impression upon the people or the army. British soldiers were strangers to any feelings that would prevent them, whenever they came in contact with the enemy upon nearly equal terms, from making British valour as conspicuous by land as by sea. It was a general opinion, that all our naval exploits had been achieved by a superiority of experienced discipline and skill; but he could not subscribe to such a position. Many of those heroic achievements which raised the glory of our navy to the highest pitch, had been effected by the naked valour of Britons, without the aid of skill or discipline. Of this description were the exploits performed in boarding ships, in cutting out vessels from under the protection of batteries, and in various other operations performed by British seamen on shore, in every one of which the native valour of our countrymen was uniformly triumphant. There were no such instances to be found recorded in the military annals of the enemy. The enemy, however, had persuaded other nations, that they were as superior to us by land, as we are to them by sea; and the delusion seemed to have prevailed on the continent. But the battle of Maida had broken the charm. Every circumstance of its progress, the conduct of the officers, and the bravery of the men, had established the ascendancy of British valour, and maintained that superiority, which this country possessed in all ages. In proof of this he could appeal to the determination, as appeared by the gazette, of sir John Stuart, to advance with his inferior force to the attack of the enemy, even in the strong position be occupied, if the enemy had not advanced to meet him. The issue of the action that ensued would prove to the chief of the enemy, and to his troops, who arrogated to themselves a superiority over all other troops, that they are not invincible, as they would represent themselves, that they could not withstand the valour of British troops when fairly committed against them in action. And yet, from whatever causes, certainly not from want of courage in their adversaries, the events of the late wars had contributed to countenance this opinion of their being invincible. They conquered because they thought they could 219 conquer: "Possunt quia posse videntur." This victory, however, had dissolved the spell. It was obtained in the face of Europe, in the view of the nation for whose interest the expedition was undertaken, and had proved to the world, in a manner not to be disguised or concealed, that French troops are inferior to British troops. And here it was necessary for him to take some precaution to guard against any possible misconstruction of his meaning. Nothing could be farther from his intention, than to represent this exploit as exclusively glorious for the reputation of the British arms. The whole of the campaign in Egypt was equally conspicuous for the lustre it cast upon the military character of the British nation. This achievement condensed into a single action, all the same merits, that had been displayed in every operation during that glorious campaign. It was a lesson to this country, to the enemy, and to the world, of the comparative value of British and French troops, and thoroughly confirmed the decisive superiority of British valour. There never had been an action so completely calculated in all its circumstances, so perfectly framed, to establish that truth. He could not more forcibly illustrate this fact than by adopting the eloquent language of sir John Stuart on the subject: "It seems," said the gallant general in his dispatch, "as if the prowess of the two nations was to be brought to trial before the world." Certainly no action, under any circumstances, could be better calculated for such a trial. If two sets of philosophers were to have undertaken to make an experiment, by doing away every thing extraneous to their process, they could not have succeeded more accurately. In the first part of the action the two armies advanced against each other with the bayonet; an operation, though much talked of, that very seldom took place between great bodies of men. Every circumstance, even in the most minute detail that had happened previously to the shock, concurred to bring the courage and intrepidity of the two rival nations to the trial. The contest was decided, not by any superiority of corporal strength, but by the predominance of personal intrepidity. Both armies advanced firmly to the charge, until within half a yard of each other. In this moment of perilous trial, British resolution and valour held out, and the enemy shrunk back with panic from the terrible contest.—It was not improper to state here, that hardly any of our men 220 were wounded by the bayonet.—He had to apologize to the house for having trespassed so long on their attention; but really the theme was so pleasing, that he could not refrain from dwelling upon it with peculiar satisfaction. The detail of the action exhibited merits of all sorts, equally honourable to the skill of the officers, and the firmness and valour of the soldiers. Having been led thus far by the natural pleasure one felt in speaking of so grateful a subject, he should not detain the house longer than whilst he could state some circumstances respecting the action, which were not generally known. By these circumstances it would appear, that the victory had been more decisive, and the defeat of the enemy more complete than was at first supposed. Sir John Stuart had correctly stated the amount of his own force as under 5000 men; but he had not the means of accurately ascertaining the force of the enemy, when he wrote his dispatch. In that it had been stated at nearly 7000, but it should have been stated at nearly 8000 men. This fact had been discovered from returns found upon the persons of some of the officers that had been killed. The next circumstance he had to mention respected the amount of the enemy's loss. Sir J. Stuart stated the numbers of the killed at 700; but it had been afterwards ascertained, by observations made upon the spot, that the number of killed in the action amounted to 1300. Fifteen hundred prisoners had been the immediate fruit of the action, and a considerable number more fell into our hands from the consequences of the action. So that thus a number, nearly equal to the whole of the British force, had been disposed of by this brilliant action. Another consequence of the exploit was, that it had set the Calabrians free from the presence of the enemy, and had totally broken up the force of general Regnier in these provinces, which amounted to 13,000 men.—It was not perhaps necessary to have dwelt so much on the advantages that resulted from this battle; but the glory that had been acquired in it, he considered of infinitely greater importance than any immediate benefits that had been derived from the action. This it was that would carry the effect of the brilliant exploit beyond the single instance, by restoring the military renown of this country, which had been called in question. He who gave glory to his country, gave that which was far more valuable to it than 221 any acquisition whatever. Glory alone was not to be taken away by time or accidents. Ships, territories, or possessions, might be wrested from a country, but the mode of acquiring them could never be forgotten, and the glory of the conquest was independent of all accidents. The acquisitions that were the consequence of the glorious days of Cressy and Poitiers, had long since passed into other hands; but the glory of those illustrious achievements still adhered to the British name, and was immortal. It was that fine extract, that pure essence, that indured to all ages, whilst the grosser parts, the residuum passed away, and were lost in the course of time. On this ground it was, that he thought that the victory of Maida would stand as high as any exploit upon the records of our military achievements, and that the glory of general Stuart and his brave army, would survive to the latest posterity, unless the country should, at any time, sink into such a state of degradation, that the memory of former glory would be a reproach to existing degeneracy. Even in such a state of degradation, he was sure, that such an instance as this, would be calculated to rouse a nation to emulate the exploits of its ancestors. The name of general Stuart would justly be ranked among the foremost in our military annals. The right hon. secretary said, he had felt pleasure in dwelling upon the various merits of this brilliant exploit, because it revived and resuscitated, as it were, that half of our national character which had been called in question, and proved that Britons had the same superiority over the enemy by land as they had by sea. The right hon. gent. concluded by moving: 1st, "That the thanks of this house be given to major-general sir John Stuart, knight of the most honourable order of the bath, for the distinguished ability displayed by him on the 4th of July last, in the brilliant action on the plains of Maida, which terminated in the signal and total defeat of the superior forces of the enemy. 2. That the thanks of this house be given to brigadier-general the hon. George Lowry Cole, brigadier-general William Palmer Ackland, and the several other officers, for their distinguished exertions on the 4th of July last, in the brilliant action on the Plains of Maida, which terminated in the signal and total defeat of the superior forces of the enemy; and that major-general sir John Stuart do signify the same to them. 3. That this 222 house doth highly approve of, and acknowledge, the distinguished valour and discipline displayed by the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers of the forces serving on the 4th of July last, under the command of major-general sir John Stuart, in the brilliant victory obtained on the Plains of Maida, and that the same be signified to them by the commanding officers of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their gallant and exemplary conduct."
Sir John Doyle, in seconding the motion, expressed himself, in a maiden speech, in the following words:—Mr. Speaker; in rising to address you for the first time, I feel, sir, how much I shall stand in need of your countenance, and the kind indulgence of the house; but I trust that the motives which induce me to trouble you, while they plead my excuse, may obtain for me a patient hearing, and I shall endeavour to mark my sense of that indulgence, by trespassing upon it but for a moment. Sir, having witnessed upon many trying occasions the zeal, discipline, skill, and courage, in this instance so brilliantly displayed, by this gallant officer and his brave companions, I cannot reconcile it to my feelings to confine myself to a cold and passive assent. I should not, sir, trust the cause of these valiant men to so feeble an advocate as myself, did I not know that they will find a ready and warm advocate in the breast of every man I have the honour to address. The thanks of parliament were never better deserved, nor would they be any where more highly prized; and I feel that the motion is not more justly applied, than it is happily timed; for as the crisis is fast approaching, when the country will expect that every man shall do his duty, what a noble incitement will it be for men, not barely, but enthusiastically, to do their duty, when so well assured of being rewarded by the gratitude of their country. It is in upholding and encouraging the high sense of honour so conspicuous in the fleets and armies of Great Britain, that the country will find its best security, and it is because the measures of the right hon. mover are built upon this foundation, that they not only meet my approbation, but, as a soldier, demand my grateful acknowledgement. I know, sir, so well the feelings of these gallant men, that whatever privations they may have endured, whatever labours sustained, or whatever dangers encountered, 223 they will find themselves amply repaid by the most glorious of all rewards, the approbation of a beloved sovereign, and the thanks and plaudits of a brave and free people. The exclamation of every man will be, "When I cease to be actuated by such motives, I trust I shall cease to exist." I rely upon the good feeling of the house to pardon this effusion so naturally drawn forth, and which, if I were willing, I am unable to suppress.
§ Mr. Johnstoneobserved, that it was not his intention to add any thing to the very glowing and eloquent panegyric which the right hon. gentleman had pronounced; but there were one or two observations which so naturally arose out of the speech of the right hon. gent., that he could not refrain from stating them to the house, being deeply convinced that they were of great importance. He had ever regarded the right hon. gent. as one of the persons most sensible to whatever concerned the honour of the army, and the speech he had just then delivered had confirmed him in the opinion. At the same time, he had been led to believe, that the right hon. gent. was convinced, like every other gent. who had reflected much on the subject, that the best means were not found in our present military system, to excite in the army a spirit of enthusiasm, which, whenever it prevailed, was the sure omen of victory. Neither was the military profession followed by public approbation; nor was a soldier honoured and esteemed in this commercial island, in the degree due to him who devoted his life to the protection of his country. This evil was the necessary consequence of the peculiar favour with which we cherished our navy, and of the constitutional jealousy with which our military establishments were regarded. If our armies had still proved superior to those of all other nations with whom they had to contend, it resulted from the natural courage and energy of the British character. Yet every reflecting man must feel, that at the present crisis, it was desirable to practise those means used by all other powers to foster and encourage military virtues and military talents. He had therefore witnessed with much satisfaction the appointment of the right hon. gent. to the head of the war department. And when the splendid victory of Maida had been obtained, it had afforded him no less satisfaction for all the reasons that had been stated, than because it seemed to pre- 224 sent a fit occasion for introducing a fundamental amelioration into our army, by granting promotions and distinctions to such officers as had displayed extraordinary merit. But all the hopes and expectations he had cherished had been disappointed. General Stuart had been honoured with the order of the Bath; but neither the four distinguished officers who commanded brigades, nor any one of the field-officers, had been advanced in military rank for their services on so memorable a day. He did not state this by way of charge against his majesty's ministers; because he was very sensible, that the present military system afforded no precedent for what he suggested. But it would scarcely be credited by posterity, or by other nations, that a victory, which exalted in the highest degree the national glory, which in our annals would be recorded with the triumphs of Cressy and Poictiers, had not obtained military rank or military honours for any of those brave men by whom it had been achieved. It was not thus that our Edwards and our Henries rewarded their companions in arms. It was not thus that our enemy had raised a spirit of enthusiasm in his army, which rendered him more formidable than all the conquests he had obtained. It was a fact well known, that throughout every military establishment in Europe, officers who distinguished themselves in the face of the enemy, were immediately promoted and honoured at the same time with various badges of distinction. In our naval service, when a victory had lately been obtained by admiral Duckworth, each of the captains were honoured by medals, and the senior lieutenant in each ship had been promoted. It was now the unvaried practice to promote every officer who distinguished himself, and not a little of the glory which had been obtained by our navy was the result of the emulation thus excited. Even when a frigate had lately been captured, the captain had been introduced to the presence of his sovereign, and received the honour of knighthood. But who could compare the merit of such an event with the glory that belonged to generals Cole and Ackland, and to colonels Oswald and Kempt, who commanded brigades at the battle of Maida? He trusted that his majesty would be advised to confer on them the like distinction; that all the field-officers would be advanced one step in rank by a brevet commission, and be authorized to wear an honorary medal in consideration 225 of their services. To some, these things might appear trifling, as involving no substantial or solid benefit, but he hoped the number was few who would avow such sentiments. Titles and distinctions were indeed of little importance, when they were the reward of parliamentary labours or private attachments; but every distinction, however inconsiderable in itself, was precious, when it served to remind mankind of the courage and capacity by which it had been acquired.
Mr. Secretary Windhamreplied, that something of the nature of that to which the hon. gent. alluded, had been already done. But the circumstances of the army and navy were so essentially different, that the two services could not, in respect of honours, be exactly assimilated.—The motions were then agreed to, ncm. con.