§ The Speakeracquainted the house, that the house had this day attended his Majesty in the House of Peers, where his Majesty was pleased to make a most gracious speech from the throne; of which, to prevent mistakes, he had obtained a copy. He then proceeded to read the speech from the chair, for which we refer to our report of the proceedings of the Lords, (see p. 1.) After the speaker had finished reading the speech,
The Hon. Henry Augustus Dillonrose, and spoke as follows:—I rise, sir, for the purpose of moving an address to his majesty for the most gracious speech we have just heard. I am aware of the importance of many of the topics which, in the speech that has now been read, arc submitted to the consideration of the house. But, at the same time, I believe, that there are few-points which can disturb the unanimity which ought to prevail at this momentous crisis. Our situation requires unanimity, and therefore I trust that none will be disposed to take any unreasonable grounds of objection to the address, which I shall by. 26 and-by have the honour of moving. I am perfectly persuaded, that there are many paragraphs in his majesty's speech which must occasion universal joy and satisfaction to all those who have the good of their country, and the tranquillity of the world at heart; but I am aware, at the same; time, that there are others where the in formation given may not seem to many gentlemen so complete as they could have wished. These are points, however, which at present ought not to be rashly and prematurely introduced into discussion, till the desirable information relating to them can be conveniently laid before the house. Of these I would particularly advert to the second paragraph, which refers to the war with Spain. Upon this subject the opinions entertained will probably be very different, a cording to the particular view in which each individual may be disposed to regard it. But till the papers which his Majesty has been graciously pleased to order to be laid before us, for the purpose of bringing the affair completely under our view, shall be produced, the propriety of refraining from any long discussion on this head must he obvious to every impartial person. It is impossible that any man can with justice pretend to give any clear and decided opinion on a point, relative to which his information must as yet be considered as extremely defective. Considering the times and the circumstances in which we are placed, every possible regard, it must be obvious, ought to be paid to candour and moderation.—With regard to the pacific overtures which, we are informed, have been made to his majesty, these, I am sure, must have afforded the highest plea, sure and satisfaction to every one; and after the variety of opinions that have been, delivered by many gentlemen in this house on the situation of this country and the continent, it must indeed be highly gratifying that the present state of affairs afford so flattering and cheering a prospect. All of us must have felt no small degree of delight and satisfaction at receiving proofs off the just sense which the Emperor of Russia appears to entertain of the aggressions and outrageous conduct of France. There are now the best grounds of hope that the continental nations will be awakened to a proper sense of what is due to themselves and to the liberties of Europe, in case France should persist in a line of conduct which may render it impossible to restore the blessings of peacet—Sir, with regard to the 27 defence of the country, the measures that lave been adopted for the furtherance of that great object, have, as his majesty Informs us, been attended with the most happy effect. Much of the merit that belongs to this circumstance, may be justly claimed by the wisdom of parliament, and the zeal and ardour of the people. Yet, for the respectability of our defensive situation, much is also due to the exertions of the executive govt. To his majesty's ministers we owe the excellent state of defence in which Ireland has been placed, a part of the empire which the enemy may, per-laps, be disposed to consider as the most eligible point of attack. His majesty has directed us to turn our attention to another point, which he justly states as of the utmost importance. He has requested that we should give him that support which alone can enable him to bring the present contest to a safe and honourable termination. The greatest eagerness has been manifested by this house, to give his majesty the most effectual support in its power, and I trust that, at this moment, the exertions of parliament will not be discontinued. His majesty has particularly adverted to the support of public credit, and I have no doubt that in this respect the house will feel every disposition to concur with his majesty. That the burdens which the people must endure are heavy and unpleasing, must be confessed; but considering the magnitude of the object for which we are contending, and the great efforts that must necessarily be made, I hope that these burdens will be borne with patience and unanimity.—These, Sir, are the principal circumstances to which I have thought it right to advert. With regard to the war with Spain, I trust that we shall not press to a rash and premature conclusion; but that gentlemen will wait with patience till the information ordered by his majesty shall bring that affair completely before them: Without trespassing further on the house, or going more minutely into the particulars contained in his majesty's address, I shall conclude with moving, that the following address be presented to his majesty, viz.—"Most gracious sovereign, we, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in parliament assembled, beg leave to return your majesty the thanks of this house for your most gracious speech from the throne. —We have witnessed with pride and satis- 28 faction the skill and intrepidity of your majesty's navy, the respectable and formidable state of your majesty's army and militia, the unabated zeal and improved discipline of a numerous volunteer force, and the general ardour manifested by all classes of your majesty's subjects. Although the preparations for the invasion of this kingdom have been continued with incessant activity, we are firmly persuaded that while this spirit animates the country, and its voluntary exertions for its own defence subsist in their full vigour, they will be found sufficient to deter the enemy from attempting to carry their repeated menaces into effect; and we shall never forget that as our security has arisen from the resolution with which we have met-and provided against the danger, we can be preserved only by steady perseverance and unremitting activity.—We beg leave to return your majesty our humble thanks, for having been graciously pleased to direct that a copy of the manifesto which you have caused to be prepared in consequence of the rupture with Spain should be laid before us, together with such papers as are necessary to explain the discussions which, have taken place between your majesty arid, that court; and we assure your majesty that we will take them into our early and serious consideration.— While we regret the extension of hostilities, your majesty may rely on our constant support to such measures as may be necessary for maintaining the honour of your crown, and asserting the just rights of your people.— We feel in common with your majesty, that on the continent the general conduct of the French govt. has been marked by the utmost violence and outrage, and has shewn a wanton defiance of the rights of neutral territories, of the acknowledged privileges of accredited ministers, and of the established principles of the law of nations.— We humbly acknowledge your majesty's goodness in having been pleased to inform us, that notwithstanding these transactions (so repugnant to every sentiment of moderation and justice) your majesty has recently received a communication from the French govt. containing professions of a pacific disposition; and while we feel deeply sensible of your majesty's paternal regard and unremitting solicitude for the welfare and happiness of your people, expressed in your majesty's earnest desire to embrace the first opportunity or restoring the blessings of peace, on such grounds as 29 may be consistent with the permanent safety and interests of your majesty's dominions; we, at the same time, cordially agree with your majesty, that those objects are closely connected with the general security of Europe; and we acknowledge the propriety and wisdom of your majesty's determination to decline entering into more particular explanation, till you have had time to communicate with those powers on the continent with whom your majesty is engaged in confidential intercourse and connection with a view to this important object.—We learn, with peculiar satisfaction, that your majesty has received the strongest proof of the wise and dignified sentiments by which the Emperor of Russia is animated, and of the warm interest he takes in the safety and independence of Europe.—Much as we lament the necessity of imposing additional burthens on your majesty's subjects, we are, at the same time, so sensible how much their future safety and happiness depend upon the vigour of our exertions, that your majesty may rely upon our granting such supplies as the exigency of the public service may require, preserving, at the same time, an anxious desire effectually to support public credit, and to restrain as much as possible the accumulation of the national debt.—It affords us great consolation and satisfaction to observe, that the proofs of the internal wealth and resources of the country appear to keep pace with the efforts and sacrifices which the nature of the contest requires; and your majesty may firmly rely on our zeal to maintain and improve these advantages, and to adopt such measures as, by enabling your majesty to prosecute the war with vigour, may afford the best prospect of bringing it to a safe and honourable termination."
§ Mr. Charles Adams.—Sir; I rise for the purpose of seconding the motion which has just been made by the hon. gent., and I do it the more readily, as the able statement which he has made renders it unnecessary for me to enter upon the subject of his majesty's speech at any length. Sufficient has been said to justify the concurrence of this house in the motion that has just now been submitted to them. At a time when we are engaged in a war about matters of the highest moment, at a time when our enemies have menaced us with invasion, and when their schemes have been rendered abortive only by the persevering zeal of our countrymen, and our 30 fleet, which has blockaded every port of the enemy, from the Adriatic to the Texel, at such a time, and in such circumstances, I trust that every one will feel it his first duly to grant his majesty that support which he now requires, and which every thing tells us ought to be given. At the time, sir, when we are told that we have a new enemy to contend with; an enemy, I fear, misled by weak counsels, and goaded on by the tyrannical and despotic power of France; an enemy whose hostile disposition every circumstance has concurred to prove; we ought not to be backward in meeting our difficulties with that resolution and firmness which the danger calls for. There are moments, sir, when to much forbearance becomes pusillanimity. One of these moments has now arrived. I shall not enter minutely into this question till the documents promised by his Majesty are laid before us. Then will be the proper time to consider it particularly. To discuss it at present at any length, would be altogether premature. I am most happy, at the pacific overtures that have been made to his majesty by the French govt.: God grant they may be sincere, and that they may pave the way for a safe and permanent peace! In the mean time, I have no doubt that the govt. of this country will act with that dignity and moderation which become the character of a great nation, which is anxious to preserve the peace of the world, though it cannot suffer its own honour and security to be trifled with. We have heard, sir, of the internal prosperity, the increasing, commerce and; wealth of our country, and who could, hear it without the greatest satisfaction I While they secure us the means of prosecuting the war with vigour, in case that should be necessary, they at the same time furnish us with the ability to secure a peace on safe and honourable terms, in case our enemies should begin to be, swayed by principles of justice and moderation. I hope, sir, we shall carry to the, foot of the throne the strongest assurances of our firm determination to support his majesty, in whatever measures he may judge advisable for attaining the great objects which we have in view—security and national prosperity. With these sentiments, sir, I most heartily second the motion of the hon. gent., and hope that we shall all willingly and zealously rally round our. King and constitution to preserve them in safety and honour, at a crisis the most 31 momentous that G. Britain or Europe ever experienced.—After the motion had been thus seconded, the speaker read the address to the house, and was proceeding to put the question, when
§ Mr. Foxrose and spoke to the following purport: It is not my intention, sir, to trouble the house for any long time upon this occasion, for I certainly do not mean to move an amendment to the address now proposed, nor to advert to any but a few parts of it; but I wish to make a few observations on what appear to me to be two considerable omissions in his majesty's speech; for there is one part of the address on which I do not know how, uninformed is we are at present, we can give an opinion; although, perhaps, there would be no material difference of sentiment, if we understood it, but of which, without information, we cannot judge. I allude to that part of the address in which we say we approve of his majesty's determination not to explain himself further to us on an interesting subject, until he has had intercourse with certain powers. Now, it does not appear to me, I confess, upon the first view of it, that there was any necessity of entering into, that sort of explanation. It may be necessary, or wise, for his majesty to express his wishes for peace, and to communicate to the world that he is willing to enter into the discussion of, and to accede to such terms as were likely, or which ought to produce it; but, when he says he cannot enter into such considerations, until he has consulted certain courts, I do not see how we can approve of this conduct, until we know what is the nature of the intercourse between this Country and the continental powers. Now, though if this were understood generally, or if I understood it, there would probably be no difference of opinion, yet as I do not know, and am not permitted to know, those circumstances, which call for intercourse with other powers, I must think feat the address pledges the house to too much; that it pledges it to approbation of the determination not to explain at present the nature of the communications in question. But as to this explanation in itself, I, for one, must confess that I see no necessity for any explanation, but what appears already on the face of the speech: for his majesty there expresses himself clearly, making professions of a wish for peace. His majesty says directly, that he entertains this wish, but can give no fur- 32 ther explanation until he has consulted certain powers, not allies indeed, but powers with which he has certain discustions, certain confidential intercourse. As I said before, it is impossible to judge of the propriety of all this, until we know the nature of that confidential intercourse j though if I did know it, I might, perhaps, be one to approve of it; but how can the house approve of a statement, the occasion and circumstances of which it does not know?—There is one omission in the address which I own has a great deal disappointed me. After what passed three or tour years ago on the subject of the Catholics of Ireland, I did expect, when I heard the name of the lion, mover, that the very first communication from the throne would have had a reference to that subject. I did hope, that his majesty would have been advised, by some one of his present ministers at least, to recommend to parliament the taking of that subject into consideration, in order to afford to us the full effect of the union, and to give to that part of the united kingdom that advantage which I think so essential to its peace. I say, my surprise was increased at this omission when I first heard the name of the hon. gent, who moved this address. I cannot help lamenting, that in the speech from the throne, there is not one word expressive of an intention to recommend that subject to our consideration: a subject so important, that if it be not speedily taken into consideration, no honest man can say there is any thing like stability and security to that part of the British empire. Nor could I collect any allusion to that subject even from the speech of the hon. gent, himself. He spoke indeed of the defensive state of Ireland; but that is a subject I shall not now discuss. I hope Ireland is well defended; but I know the best defence of Ireland is that which is the best defence of England, and of every country in the world-—the pure affection and united attachment of the people to the govt. under which they live, and by which they are protected.— There is another omission, which, although not less important, is still more surprising. I have observed on former occasions, that when measures have been taken by parliament for the purpose of increasing the power of the country, it was usual for his majesty to compliment us (when I have thought, very often, we had ill-deserved it) on the wisdom of our measures, but 33 how many such compliments may have been just, (for I hope they were not all unjust), I will not discuss, nor to whom they were to be imputed. Some have declared, what others have denied, this to be a new administration; and that the measures we have now are more vigorous. Be that as it may, I expected we should have been told something of the efficacy of our measures, not merely alluding to the discipline of our volunteers, the skill of our navy, and the public spirit of the people; but that we should have heard something by way of commendation of some of our measures; but no notice is taken of any thing of that kind. Nothing is said of that measure which was supposed to make the whole difference between an administration of imbecility and that of vigour; I mean the measure of the right hon. gent. (Mr. Pitt) for the improvement of our military system. I expected we should have heard something of the difference between the two, but not a word. I believe that measure is now allowed to have totally failed. Speaking in the language of common sense, I take the purpose for which that measure was designed, and with a view to which it was adopted, to have completely failed; the consequence of which must be one of two things: either we must give up the object which we had in view by that measure, or adopt some other mode of carrying it into effect. Yet it did give me some surprise, that nothing was said upon that measure itself: neither was our attention called to any thing of that nature. I hope and trust we shall have these matters soon discussed; and in this I am the more confident, when I recollect that those who had not been generally the first to advise the house to take into its own Lands, as some persons called it, the functions of executive govt. by originating measures for the safety of the country in this house, had been resolute on points similar to this, feeling, as they said they did, they could not safely leave them to ministers. The right hon. gent, not only supported measures of that kind, but brought some of them forward himself; and, although he did not then persuade the house to adopt them, yet he had nearly all the effect of persuasion, by convincing the house that something of the kind ought to be adopted. I hope that system will be followed up now; for as to the efficiency of the new bill I have just alluded to, which kept the house in a suc- 34 cession of debates, I believe that is entirely out of the question. I believe the advantage of it, as a system to increase the military strength of the country, to be none.—As to the Spanish war, his majesty informs the house, that he intends to lay the papers before us relative to that subject, and therefore to prejudge it would be unwise. I have, however, no difficulty in saying, that the seizing of the Spanish frigates, loaded and destined as they were, does certainly bear an unseemly appearance, and one not much to the honour of this country. Never was there a time when this nation ought to stand so clear of all reproaches similar to those which I allude to in, the present instance.—There is mention made in the speech of the violation of the law of nations by the French govt. We should never look at such conduct without the most pointed disapprobation; bur, if we are to make that a part of the war in which we are engaged, it is exceedingly material that we, who thus contend for good faith, moderation, and justice, should be ourselves faithful, moderate, and jus;. 1 should have thought so at any time, and under any circumstances; but more especially at this time, and under the present circumstances, as we make the want of justice and moderation the principal cause of the war. I therefore hope, that neither Spain, nor any of the surrounding nations, whether neutral or at war, whether they vie with each other for outrage, violation, and contempt of the law of nations, or for their reverence for them, will not have it in their power to accuse us justly of any outrage, violation, or contempt of the law of nations, or even, of any indifference to the principles of equity and moderation; and I hope that no partiality for our own country will induce us to overlook any of those principles, whether we look towards Spain or any other power; but that we shall view our own conduct as we would that of a nation that was indifferent to us, with a, due regard to the principles of strict justice and absolute impartiality. I would go further, and say, that, under all the circumstances that belong to this contest, I would not insist on strict justice in every particular, against the power in dispute with us; and I hope the question, whenever it comes to be discussed, will be discussed with good temper and propriety.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer.—I do not, sir, conceive it necessary, at this time, 35 to trouble the house with any observations, but I think it necessary to allude to a few things which have fallen from the hon. gent, who spoke last. The hon. gent, has expressed some degree of surprize that the nature of those communications with some of the continental powers, alluded to in his majesty's speech, has not been more distinctly explained to the house. He has declared it to be impossible to judge of the necessity of making a communication of the recent overture of the French govt. without knowing on what terms our relations with those powers now stand. I confess it appears to me that the speech does state what is fully sufficient to warrant such a communication. It states distinctly, that confidential communications do subsist betwixt his majesty and some of the continental powers; and it gives the house assurances of the magnanimous sentiments entertained by the Emperor of Russia, relative to the highest interests of Europe, as well as the security and independence of this country. All those then, who agree that in making, any peace we should look to the situation of the Continent, and think of the most effectual means of establishing those ancient relations which French ambition has overthrown, must be of opinion, that the speech does disclose all that it is now necessary to discover, and will acquiesce in the expediency of being satisfied with what his majesty has laid before the house. I admit, that a period will come, when the house will have a fair right to demand much more ample information, but I flatter myself it is fully aware, that circumstances may exist which would render it equally imprudent and impolitic to enter into a minute or particular description of our relations with the continental powers. I hope, therefore) that the information furnished by the speech will, in the mean time, be received as satisfactory under all circumstances.—As to the other points to which the hon. gent, has alluded, being connected with subjects which will, in all probability, at no remote period, engage the attention of the house, I think it unnecessary for me to go now into any length of discussion. I cannot, however, help saying a few words on what the hon. gent, has termed omissions in the speech. The hon. gent. began with expressing his astonishment that the state of Ireland was not even alluded to; and argued, that till the situation, of the Irish Catholics was 36 taken into consideration, that country-never can enjoy any thing like permanent tranquillity or repose. In the broad view which the hon. gent, took of the question, it is impossible for Ireland ever to enjoy the smallest advantage from the union, fill the measures which he appears desirous of recommending are actually pursued. For my part, I entertain a very different view of the subject, for though Ireland certainly, has not derived all the advantages from the union, which that measure is capable of affording, I will maintain, that great advantages have already attended it, and many others may speedily be expected. But I beg leave to ask, how it comes to pass, that, though tour years have elapsed since the union, those measures which the hon. gent. now so loudly calls for, have never been even once recommended? What is there at the present moment which renders these measures so necessary now, that did not formerly suggest the propriety of their adoption? If he himself has entertained the same views which he professes to entertain, he could not consistently have suffered the subject to have remained so long dormant. What the reasons are which have induced me, who entertain very different views of the subject, to suffer it to remain dormant, I shall, on a future occasion, have an opportunity of stating, and I flatter myself, that the house and the country, will give me credit for consistency, when I have stated the reasons which induce me still to think that the matter should remain dormant at the present moment.—The hon. gent. has adverted to the bill which I last session introduced for the defence of the country, and has expressed a hope that some more efficient bill will be substituted in its room. This is not the time for a discussion of the subject, but I feel myself called upon to state, that I have seen no reason to alter my opinion of the grounds on which that bill was founded, and though I admit that, its effects, in adding to the numbers of our military force, have indeed been exceedingly small, nothing that has happened, considering all the circumstances under which the bill was proposed, and the principles on which it proceeded, induces me to think that it was not a measure which ought to have been adopted. I am ready at any time to meet the hon. gent, and his friends in reviewing the state of the country in all its various relations, I 37 am ready, in particular, to meet the hon. gent. respecting the state of our military force, and the improved condition in which it now stands, compared to what it was last session. I am ready to shew that, at the present moment, we have a regular disposable force far more considerable than many gentlemen seem to be aware of. But, while I say (his, I am also perfectly willing to agree with these gentlemen, that this regular disposable force should be still further augmented. I will not at all attempt to dispute that means, quite independent of the bill which has been alluded to, might with great propriety be employed for augmenting our regular disposable force to an extent which could render it highly serviceable, whether employed for objects connected, with our separate interests, or the interests and independence of the Continent.—On the subject of the rupture with Spain, the hon. gent, has very prudently declined offering any opinion till the documents referred to in the speech from the throne are laid before the house. He has, however, in alluding to the detention of the Spanish frigates, thrown out a sort of suspicion that this was a violent and unjustifiable proceeding. In a very short time, I am persuaded that the hon. gent. and his friends will see reason to alter that opinion, and confess that their suspicions were erroneous. I fully agree with the hon. gent, that at all times, but especially at the present moment, it is highly necessary to keep up the high character of the country for moderation, justice, and honour, and I am firmly convinced, that when the whole of the late transactions with Spain come to be explained, the detention of the frigates will not at all appear, even in the smallest degree, a departure from the strictest rules of moderation or justice. At the time these frigates were detained, I am persuaded it will be seen that his Majesty might have seized them by an act of open hostility; for Spain at that time was substantially guilty of acts of open hostility against this country. As to the capture of the Spanish frigates, I trust the house will clearly see, in that circumstance, only an additional instance of the moderation and justice of his majesty, who, in circumstances that would have warranted the most decided hostilities, wished as long as possible to leave the door open to conciliation, at the same time that he was absolutely bound to take such measures of precaution as not to 38 allow an enemy, already too formidable, to acquire any additional means and resources to carry on the war against this country. When all the circumstances of the case, shall be laid before the consideration of die house, I make no doubt but that they will be of opinion, that so far from acting with any violence or injustice towards Spain, his majesty has acted with as much moderation, forbearance, and tenderness, as it was possible for him to do. All these topics may, in their turn, be the subject of discussion in tills house; but I am glad that it appears to be the general opinion at present, that until these subjects come regularly forward for discussion, we should reserve the consideration of them for the present, and postpone debating them.
§ Mr. Fox,in explanation why he had not brought forward the subject of catholic emancipation, stated, that it was perfectly well understood that any man bringing forward this question unconnected with govt. would have had very little chance of gaining the object. It was, besides, very doubtful how far the measure, would be acceptable to the catholic body, if not taken up, as a matter of justice and policy, by the executive govt.
§ Mr. Windhamvindicated the conduct of his hon. friend (Mr. Fox) as perfectly consistent. He had not brought forward the subject of catholic emancipation during the existence of a cabinet avowedly hostile to that measure; nay, whose very elevation to power was founded on their opposition to it; but it was very different when the cabinet professed a desire to have this measure brought about, and when the person at the head of the cabinet had given an open avowed opinion in favour both of its policy and its justice. This was sufficient to justify the consistency of his hon. friend in recommending the subject to the right hon. gent, at the present moment.—But, leaving this topic, the right hon. gent, proceeded to make some observations on the information conveyed by the speech, respecting the state of our continental connections. He was free to acknowledge, that he thought the information on this subject extremely scanty and unsatisfactory. He had expected and hoped something distinct and specific, but he had been disappointed. The house were indeed told of the wise and dignified manifestation of the interest entertained by the Emperor of Russia for the independence of the continent; but the 39 house had no means of knowing to what extent that Sovereign was disposed to cooperate with us against France, or what exertions he was willing to make for the restoration of the ancient balance of power in Europe. As, however, a prospect of further information was held out; as the house were led to believe that satisfactory documents would be afforded, he had the less hesitation in agreeing to the address. —Having stated this generally, the right hon. gent, went on to make a few remarks on the language of the address, relative to the rupture with Spain, lie was rather afraid that the language conveyed something too much like an approbation of the rupture, even before the house were in possession of the documents necessary to found an opinion. Perhaps he was mistaken in this, but the words sounded in his ears very much as if this were their import, and he was therefore anxious to guard against any idea that the house gave the slightest sanction either to the rupture with Spain or the detention of the Spanish frigates. Though in the absence of all documents the house could not pronounce either final approbation or final disapprobation, yet he must contend, that it was not therefore necessary or proper that nothing should be said. On the contrary, it was is many cases desirable, that an opinion should be given on the successive stages of a business of this sort as they severally appealed at the time. In private causes, where few were interested besides the parties, where the whole was dispatched in a short time, judgment might, and ought, in general, to be deferred to the last. There was nothing to make it necessary that any opinion should be declared, till the whole was gone through. Bui not so in these causes of nations, tried before the tribunal of the world, and where the parts did not succeed each other but at long intervals. It might then be often of great consequence, that the feelings of people should manifest themselves, on the several states of the question as they successively arose. He should be sorry, for instance, in the present case, if, informed of this cause no further than they then were, any sentiment could be felt about it, but that of strong reprobation, and if, moreover, that sentiment were not expressed. It was useful to have it known, how individuals, bow the country felt upon the question such as it then appeared; reserving, of course, their 40 final judgment till the whole of the case should be finally before them. He was anxious, therefore, to be understood as stating his opinion, subject to such explanations as might here after be given, (which he could not deny to lie possible, but was wholly unable to anticipate, and should be most happy to hear) that the principle and policy of the war wre, to say the least of them, highly questionable, and the mode of commencing it the most disgraceful and criminal of any that he could call to mind. This was the feeling which-he had at present, and which, be feared, he must continue to keep, should it not happily be done away by the disclosure of circumstances not now known, nor easily conjectured. He had an observation to make on the description given in the address of the stale of our regular army, which is said to be in a respectable condition. If the respectability spoken of was meant to be applied to the quality of cur regular force, no one could assent to the statement mere cheerfully. No man had a higher opinion than he had of the valour and discipline of our regular army. If, on the other hand, it was applied to their number, he could by no means admit the truth of this assertion. The address spoke of the improved discipline of our numerous volunteers. On that subject he would only remark, that admitting the improvement really to have taken place, the statement should have been, the improved discipline of our less numerous volunteers.— He really could not help thinking, that the language of the address respecting the invasion was quite superfluous, and might very easily have been omitted. We had no evidence that the enemy had given up the threat of invasion. We only knew that his preparations were now more complete than at any former period. The enemy had not thought proper to disclose to us when his long threatened attack was actually to take place; and there was no sort of evidence, that if once seriously entertained, it was now seriously abandoned. The wording of the speech was, indeed, cautious in that respect. It did not say that our preparations had deterred him, but that they were sufficient to deter him. But even this had better have been omitted. As we knew nothing about the matter, we had better have said nothing about it, The right hon. gent, next touched on the violent and unjust proceedings of the French govt. mentioned in the address, 41 Among these, there were few more marked and direct, than that which was now operating in the person of Capt. Wright, of the Vincejo ship of war. This of-officer, as the house would probably know, was taken valiantly fighting on board his ship, in circumstances of the most clear and legitimate warfare; but, because the enemy chose to entertain suspicions respecting former services performed by him, and which, if true, would be nothing to their purpose, was detained a close prisoner in the Temple, and threatened even with farther proceedings, contrary to every rule and practice of war, as observed among civilized nations. He had now remained in that situation longer than he (Mr. W.) could immediately state (persons who view misfortunes at a distance do not count the period of their duration, as, it was to be feared, he must do who reckoned his days and hours through the bars of a prison), and far longer than it was for the honour of this country that be should have so remained. The right hon. gent, said, he had brought forward the subject at the close of the last session, and he now renewed it at the commencement of the present. If ministers were doing their duty, as he had reason to hope they were, the mention of the subject, and the manner in which, he was sure, it would be received by the house, would give support to their endeavours. If they were not, the same circumstances would serve as an admonition, and co-operate with the opinion which be wished to impress, that if other means failed, it was high time to have recourse to measures, which, whether effectual or not, must at last be resorted to, namely, the use of a similar treatment to all those officers whom the fortune of war had thrown into our power. These were the only means which nations had of enforcing a due observance of the laws of war, in favour of those who risked themselves honourably in their service. —The right hon. gent, before he sat down, expressed his regret that his hon. friend (Mr. Fox) had not given notice of the renewal of his motion, for a committee to examine the state of the national defence. He thought such a committee fully as necessary now as at the period when it was proposed last session. If his hon. friend, or some other gent, did not take up the business, he should certainly think it his duty to bring it under consideration on an early day. The right hon. gent, afterwards 42 named Monday se'nnight for that purpose. The question was then put upon the address, and agreed to ncm. con.—Adjourned.