HL Deb 09 May 1978 vol 391 cc892-903

7.50 p.m.

Lord GORONWY-ROBERTS

My Lords, I have it in command from Her Majesty The Queen to acquaint the House that Her Majesty, having been informed of the purport of the Tuvalu Bill, has consented to place Her Prerogative and interests, so far as they are affected by the Bill, at the disposal of Parliament for the purposes of the Bill. I beg to move that this Bill be now read a second time.

The essential purpose of this Bill, in the words of the Long Title, is: to make provision for, and in connection with, the attainment by Tuvalu of independence within the Commonwealth". Tuvalu, better known under its former name of the Ellice Islands, comprises nine coral atolls in the South-West Pacific. The total land area is some 10 square miles, stretching over some 360 miles. The capital, Funafuti, lies 650 miles north of Fiji. The islands are mainly covered with coconut palms, and enjoy a tropical climate. Although north of the main hurricane belt, they have been struck twice, in 1894 and in 1972, by severe hurricanes. The population is currently about 9,000, but the population density in the islands is high. The people are mostly Protestant Christians of Polynesian stock. Tuvalu is the traditional name for the islands, and in the Polynesian language means "cluster of eight".

Britain's first official involvement in the islands was in 1877, when the Western Pacific High Commission was established in an endeavour to protect islands in the region from being raided by " black-birders ", as they were called, for labour to work in the sugar plantations of the South Pacific. The first missionaries, from the London Missionary Society, arrived in 1865. They installed Samoan pastors, and the islanders were quick to embrace the new faith. In 1892 the Ellice Islands were proclaimed a British Protectorate. In 1916 they were joined with the Gilbert Islands, to the north, to form the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony. During the Japanese occupation of the Gilbert Islands, many Tuvaluans worked to help the Allied Forces and showed outstanding courage and loyalty. Indeed, one of those, who had received an award for his bravery in the last war, was amongst the Tuvalu delegation at the Constitutional Conference which I chaired this year.

In 1972 the first Governor was appointed to the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony. The Micronesian Gilbert islanders differed culturally, socially and linguistically from the Polynesian inhabitants of the Ellice Islands. During the early 1970s these differences were reflected in a desire by the Ellice islanders to separate from the Gilberts and to make their own way to independence. There was no objection to separation on the part of the Gilbert Islands. A referendum was held in 1974 in the Ellice Islands, which was observed by representatives of the United Nations Committee of 24 and in which an overwhelming majority voted in favour of separation. On 1st October 1975 the Ellice Islands were formally established as a separate colony with the traditional name of Tuvalu. Independence Day is planned to be on the third anniversary of separation.

The present Constitution provides for a Cabinet, chaired by the Chief Minister, comprising three other Ministers and one ex-officio member, the Attorney-General. The Cabinet is responsible to a House of Assembly consisting of 12 elected members. Her Majesty's Commissioner remains responsible for external affairs, defence and internal security. In February 1978 a Constitutional Conference took place in London under my chairmanship, and it was agreed that, subject to the approval of Parliament, Tuvalu should become independent, as a constitutional monarchy under Her Majesty, in October 1978. The report of the Conference was published as a White Paper (Command 7144) and presented to Parliament on 31st March 1978.

I now come to the provisions of the Bill itself. Clause 1 provides for the independence of Tuvalu within Her Majesty's Dominions as from the 1st October 1978, and Schedule I deals with the consequential enlargement of the powers of the Tuvalu Legislature. Clauses 2 and 3 deal with nationality. They are similar to the nationality provisions usually found in independence Acts, and have no unusual features. Clause 4 and Schedule 2 deal with consequential modifications of other enactments. Clauses 5 and 6 deal with interpretation and citation.

May I now turn to more general matters not covered by the Bill itself. The Independence Constitution will provide in detail for the protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual; for a Legislature of 12 members elected by universal sufferage; for a Cabinet responsible to the Legislature, and for an independent Judiciary and public service. Tuvalu's economy and development will depend for some considerable time to come on outside donors of aid. For the first two years after separation from the Gilbert Islands much of our aid programme was directed towards providing the necessary infrastructure for good government, and creating the administrative backbone of the new colony. This work has included the construction of Government buildings, hospitals, schools, harbour works and protection against further devastation by hurricanes. Much of this work has been completed, and a start has now been made on development aid projects which will widen the revenue-earning base of Tuvalu.

Agreement reached on the financial settlement during the Constitutional Conference provides for a Special Development Fund of £2.5 million with no time limit. This special fund will be used for projects agreed between the British and Tuvalu Governments which are of a developmental nature. In addition, budgetary aid, ordinary capital development aid on grant terms and technical co-operation until 1980 have been agreed. Finally, we agreed that the requirements for the period beyond 1980 would be decided at a meeting between the two Governments in 1980. In addition to Britain, the European Development Fund, Australia and New Zealand are aid donors. Tuvalu intends also to accede to the Lomé Convention.

My Lords, many people have contributed to the successful outcome of the 'processes which have led to the introduction of this Bill. I am sure the House will wish to join me in congratulating the people and Government of Tuvalu, and especially their Chief Minister, Mr. Toalipi Lauti, on the great progress they have made in the past three years, and for the statesmanlike way in which they have worked to ensure a successful and peaceful future for an independent Tuvalu. I am sure that our long association with their country, and the friendship between us, will continue for many years to come.

With the assent of Parliament to this Bill Tuvalu will become the smallest territory to which Britain has given independence. She has expressed her intention of joining the Commonwealth, and I am pleased that it is as fellow members of the Commonwealth that we have the prospect of continuing those close ties which exist between us. My Lords, I beg to move that this Bill be now read a second time.

Moved, That the Bill be now read 2ª.—(Lord Goronwy-Roberts.)

7.58 p.m.

Lord ELTON

My Lords, it is impossible not to admire the courage and vision of a people which is prepared to embark upon the hazardous state of sovereign independence in today's uncertain world, faced by such a formidable array of handicaps, some of which the noble Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, has enumerated. They inhabit a scant 10 square miles of the earth's surface, spread out over 360 miles in distance, none of it more than 15 feet above the surface of the ocean and subject, on one recent occasion, to devastation by hurricane. Their population amounts, according to the Year Book of the Commonwealth, to 10,000 people; according to the Working Party of the General Assembly of the United Nations of 17th March, it is some 7,500; and the noble Lord tells us it is about 9,000. Whichever is the accurate figure, it is a very small company of people, who would not look a big crowd in an English football stadium.

These people inhabit islands which can be approached by vessels of deep draft only with peril in anything but calm weather; two alone offer shelter in anything approaching a storm to any vessels at all; and the solitary vessel which maintains internal communciation between them, displacing, I think about 600 tons, cannot approach the jetty because of its draft. Its only airfield will not take jet aeroplanes and it is 2,500 miles from Sydney.

Under these circumstances, it is, indeed, a great gesture of faith in the future that Tuvalu is prepared to embark on this odyssey. Their economic position must also give them cause for reflection. The value of their imports is roughly six times the value of their exports. This makes one recognise the necessity for a modest burden on the British taxpayer and one must also recognise (and they too must recognise) the threat of dependence upon outside Powers when nominally they are politically independent; because the aid that the noble Lord enumerated adds up to some £6 million over four years according to the figures I have—which would be about £600 per head of their population. This situation will be reviewed in 1980, by which time I am happy to hear that they expect to be members of ACP and of Lomé—and more strength to their elbow for that; and the European elbow as well.

Turning to the Bill itself, while I am reassured by what the noble Lord said about the citizenship clauses, we will look at them in Committee, I think with no difficulty. But there are differences between those and the equivalent clauses in the Solomon Islands Bill which was taken last week upon which I should like elucidation. But I do not expect difficulty. It is merely that one is always careful of precedent.

In overseas affairs, one wonders what this small and gallant band of people sees as its future role. It is open to them, I understand, to take up full membership of the United Nations and, if they so do, the 10,000 people of Tuvalu will have a voice in the General Assembly of the United Nations equal, incredibly, to that of China. If it should so fall out, and they are not content with associate membership, I hope that they will think not unkindly of the United Kingdom, whose Sovereign we shall happily share. If we did them a questionable service in drawing them in 1892 into the main stream of international life, I hope we have given them a few benefits in return. The noble Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, has already referred to their hospital and dispensaries, the resources for X-ray radiography and the means by which 1,540 children—amounting almost to 1 in 6 of the population—are being educated in schools. If they are to raise their voice in the General Assembly, I hope that they will remember this and sometimes do so in favour of our own much criticised but, I believe, honourable country.

The suggestion that 10,000 people can help a nation of 50 million is not, perhaps, absurd. If in those same schools they have copies of the fables of Aesop, they will recall the fable of the lion and the mouse. The lion one day rescued the mouse from a terrible danger in the forest and the mouse volunteered his help to the lion if he should be in a future difficulty. It caused the lion some amusement at the time; but almost immediately he became enmeshed in a net from which the sharp teeth of the mouse freed him.

Nor should we, on our side, think ourselves indispensable to the hardy Tuvaluans. Did they not survive for countless generations before any European set eyes on their homelands? Is it not a mere 86 years since they were formally adjoined to the British Empire? It is no wonder they embark on their new and hazardous voyage with all the calm confidence with which for thousands of years they and their forbears have ridden the surf in their traditional boats. This Bill will soon complete its course through Parliament. I hope that 1st October will be a thoroughly auspicious day for the launching of this frail and tiny ship of State when it can join the greater flotilla of the Commonwealth.

8.4 p.m.

Lord McNAIR

My Lords, I must follow the noble Lord, Lord Elton, in congratulating the noble Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, on having brought these negotiations to this happy state. I must also welcome what the noble Lord was able to tell us about our continuing aid after independence. After two such speeches as informative as they were mellifluous there is little left for me to say about this Bill; but I shall not be put off by that. It would be unthinkable that this great moment in the life of this Tuvalu archipelago should pass without any expression of the good wishes of the Liberal Party. I hope your Lordships will allow me a minute or two in which to convey them.

It might be thought that as one of the, as it were, fringe benefits of gaining independence one would reasonably expect to be spared the good advice of one's friends. I do not want to disappoint the Islanders in that respect; but would I be making too subtle a distinction if, without presuming to give them any advice, I were to think aloud for a moment to speculate on how I would hope, if I were a native of Tuvalu, that my fellow-Islanders would use their newly-won independence? I am trying to imagine myself into the skin of a native of the Archipelago who has had the advantage of a little travel and has seen what the 20th century and economic man between them have done to one or two other island paradises.

If I were such a man, I think I would hope that my newly-autonomous Government would not rush too precipitately into the 1980s. I would suggest to my compatriots that coconuts and fish may well be a safer economic base for a nation of atoll dwellers than, for example, phosphates. I would suggest that, as'an export industry, copra has none of the dangers and corrupting side-effects of expensive tourism. The new wharf at Funafuti, I would welcome; and I would be duly grateful to the Australians who are helping to construct it. At this point, I might say that I would hope that my Government would always maintain the very closest links of friendship with Canberra. The new wharf is one thing; but I would not thank anybody for building an airstrip long enough to bring in the big jets. I take comfort from the fact that that is probably a physical impossibility.

What else might an Islander reasonably hope for? In the field of public health, I would regard the eradication of tuberculosis as the greatest benefit which my country's friends could confer on it; and I would be looking to the World Health Organisation to co-ordinate attempts to that end. These, then, would be some of my aspirations if I had happened to be born in Tuvalu rather than in Cambridge, England.

My Lords, reverting from that imaginary role to that of a mere Member of your Lordships' House, I will end by saying that everyone who ever sits on these Benches will wish the people of Tuvalu on their independence good health, freedom from hurricanes and other natural calamities, a growing but modest and manageable prosperity and, above all, unlimited good fortune.

8.9 p.m.

Lord AUCKLAND

My Lords, I rise very briefly on this Second Reading debate to extend every good wish for the independence of Tuvalu. The very name almost conjures up magic in one's mind. My own excuse for taking part is that some seven years ago en route to a very hectic official visit to the North Island of New Zealand, my wife and I spent nearly three days in Fiji which, according to the map, is not all that many miles away from these fascinating-sounding islands.

I imagine that Tuvalu may well lean quite heavily on Fiji in time to come, particularly from the point of view of communications. If there is no airport at their capital Funafuti which will take aircraft of any size, I imagine that traffic at Nandi Airport may well become much heavier. I wonder, too, whether the 31-bedded hospital at Funafuti—this is information which I gathered a short time ago from a document in the Library—will be sufficient, and what plans there are, through the Commonwealth Secretariat, presumably, to give loans or finance for any extension of hospitals. Clearly this is going to be very necessary, particularly for children and elderly people, even in an island with such a relatively small population as Tuvalu.

Through the kindness of the noble Lord, Lord Goronwy-Roberts, I was privileged to be present at the reception at Lancaster House, and I spoke to one or two of their leading churchmen. Had there been time they would very much have liked to come down to our church in Surrey, where I live, to meet our minister. Unfortunately, time did not permit, but possibly in future something along these lines could occur. This is an excellent opportunity, even if it is not within the ambit of the Bill as at present drafted, for young people who are interested in church matters and who are interested in travel, to set up links. After all, it has been done in other areas, in Bangladesh and in the Sudan, and, who knows? in time to come, this is the kind of area, being very much a Protestant area, as I understand it, where such links could be undertaken.

There remains little more to say. As the Minister has said, this island is seeking independence at a very challenging time. Her Government is going to face many problems, but from what I have seen of them they are a very fine people, from a fascinating part of the world. From this House, and, I am sure, from Parliament as a whole, we send them the very best of good wishes for the future.

8.13 p.m.

Lord GORONWY-ROBERTS

My Lords, I hope that our friends in the Tuvalu islands will read the report of this short debate. I think they will, and that they will derive very great pleasure and encouragement from all the speeches made on this occasion. The noble Lord, Lord Elton, paid tribute to their courage in facing the hazards as well as the opportunities of independence in this troubled world and in this troubled age, and very lightly pointed to the possibility of their over-dependence, as a very small community, on outside sources. I share his view, and I am sure the islanders too are well aware of the dangers of this kind of over-dependence.

Of course it is cheering that the outside sources are congenial to them. Apart from the United Kingdom, whom they hold in high regard and affection, as we do them, they will be helped by our good friends the Australians. I was glad that the noble Lord, Lord McNair, particularly mentioned the Australians, and I join with him and pay tribute to the generosity and imagination with which Australia, not for the first time in this area, has come to the aid of smaller communities. They will be helped also by New Zealand, always a staunch friend to the Pacific Islands, and by the European Development Fund. They will benefit substantially from all three sources, all of which are congenial, democratic, acceptable sources for a new Parliamentarydemocracy, sharing with us the distinction of having the Queen as Head of State, as it is launched on its path.

The noble Lord, Lord Elton, mentioned the question of citizenship. In this Bill we revert to common forms, as it were. Last week, in discussing the Solomon Islands Bill, we had to draw attention to certain differences from the usual way in which citizenship is dealt with in independence Bills, because the Solomon Islands' leaders and people wanted it that way. We did our best, and I think the system which they have secured will be worked equitably and fairly. There is no difficulty about this Bill. The Solomon Islands Bill contains special provisions dealing with the status of citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies and British protected persons who have a right to apply for Solomon Islands citizenship within a two-year period after independence. But in the case of Tuvalu there is no such complication. All those citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies who owe that status to a connection with Tuvalu will, on independence, be granted citizenship of Tuvalu. There is therefore no need to make special provisions regarding the period after independence.

Incidentally, I should like to say, as I assured the House last week, that the provisions in the other Bill did not carry with them any intention of creating a precedent. It was indeed a derogation. Here is the proof. We are now reverting to the mainstream of independence legislation. The noble Lord also asked about membership of the United Nations. It is a cardinal principle of United Nations that States, large and small, are equally members of the General Assembly. There are some who believe that that principle might be looked at again.

I am bound to say that we in the United Kingdom—and I think I speak for both sides of the House—certainly up to now would wish to adhere to that principle, however anomalous in certain respects it may seem from time to time. Once we tamper with that principle we may be opening up possibilities of worse abuses than accrue from this rather automatic equality. However, the Tuvaluans, who are practical people, good to do business with, are now examining the possibilities of what they call special membership of the United Nations—a kind of selective membership; and we of course have said that we stand ready to assist them with advice and information about the possibilities of their adhering to the United Nations, possibly in a more selective way than full membership would suggest.

The noble Lord, Lord McNair, very properly stressed the importance of continuing aid. As I said, we shall review the position in 1980, to see what the further requirements will be. This is not a once-and-for-all position, however generous it is—and it is quite generous, as the noble Lord, Lord Elton, reminded us. In this case, in a very small community, it is right that we should get together in another two years and see how things are going. If it is necessary to review the arrangements, certainly we shall do so.

The noble Lord also spoke of the aid available from various sources. I have a full note of the sources of aid and the detail of the Australian, New Zealand and European contribution. Perhaps I should not detain the House unduly at this time but make available to the noble Lord, possibly in a Written Answer to a Question, further details of the extraneous aid, that is the non-British aid, which the islands are now receiving and may expect to receive. They are in support of the various excellent projects that have been mentioned.

The noble Lord, Lord Auckland, raised the important question of the adequacy of services and in particular he selected for emphasis communications, health and hospitals. I take very careful note of what he said. It is important that as they move into independence and face the difficulties of independence they should be continuously assisted, technically and otherwise, in these important areas. Communications, including air communications, will be very important to them, as a group of islands. The point he made about health, which was echoed by the noble Lord, Lord McNair, is very present to our minds.

I am very grateful to the House for the welcome it has given to this Bill. As was said, here are a fine people, firm friends of the United Kingdom, whom we in turn hold in deep respect. They are a courteous people in peace and war. They are also a people of faith: they were among the first in the Pacific area to embrace the Christian faith. Having met them, spoken to them and done business with them over a period of weeks, I should think they would be among the last in the world to abandon that faith.

On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

Lord WALLACE of COSLANY

My Lords, I beg to move that the House do now adjourn during pleasure until 8.45 p.m.

[Sitting suspended from 8.22 p.m. until 8.45 p.m.]

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