GIBRALTAR

HL Deb 09 March 1966 vol 273 cc1195-207

7.31 p.m.

LORD MERRIVALE rose to ask Her Majesty's Government whether they will bear in mind the strong tics that have existed between Gibraltar and this country since 1704; whether they will seek to obtain the lifting of the restrictions on the frontier before the beginning of the negotiations with the Spanish Government; and finally what support and assistance is proposed for the future economic development of Gibraltar. The noble Lord said: My Lords, we now turn from the consideration of the Defence White Paper to the defence of Gibraltar from an economic blockade. I am conscious of the fact that next month there are to be negotiations with Spain on the question of Gibraltar, but abnormal restrictions over the last sixteen months have existed on the frontier of Gibraltar. That is why I think it is right that I should bring certain facts to the attention of your Lordships.

It would seem that the Spanish Government, anxious for reasons of national prestige to take any opportunity of recovering Gibraltar, saw and took the opportunity of invoking the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht within the Committee of 24, when this special committee was set up under the United Nations General Assembly Resolution passed in December, 1960, and November, 1961, which affirmed that: All peoples have a right to self-determination".

At this point, I think it right to put a few words of Mr. Alisa, the representative of Iraq, when speaking before the Committee of 24 on October 6, 1964. He said: They …"—

the Gibraltarians—

" … exist as surely as the populations of many other places in the world, to whom there has been no suggestion that self-determination should be denied simply because they have been migrant people over the centuries in an area which they now call home. Through the very fact of their existence these people have rights as people."

Discussions were started on Gibraltar, which was considered as a colonial case, on September 11, 1963. On April 10, 1964, following a Constitutional Conference in Gibraltar, it was announced there that a Council of Ministers would be set up and that changes were to be made in the Executive and Legislative Councils. Therefore I think it is interesting to note the remarks which Senor de Pinies, the representative of Spain, made before the Committee of 24 on September 24 of that same year. If I may, I will quote his words. He said: As the sine qua non condition for any possible contact between our country and the new political entity in Gibraltar, there would have to be a complete withdrawal of the British presence on the Rock, since the self-determination of Gibraltar would presuppose for my country a cancellation or abrogation of all the obligations of Spain towards Great Britain. If this withdrawal of British presence on the Rock were not to occur, then I take it that this new Gibraltarian entity would be no more than a trick to maintain and perpetuate a Colonial situation there. The means of communication between Spain and Gibraltar would, of course, be broken for the 17,985 agents of this manœuvre we have denounced, and they would be considered persona non grata in Spanish territory. In view of such a statement, I sincerely hope that there are no grounds whatsoever for the first few remarks contained in the leader article of last Sunday's Sunday Express.

If I may now refer to these 17,985 agents mentioned by Senor de Pinies, elsewhere referred to as "these 17,985 psuedo-Gibraltarians", I would add that after Gibraltar was captured in 1704 by an Anglo-Dutch force, under the command of Admiral Sir George Rooke, only about 100 persons remained in Gibraltar. By 1826 there were 15,480 civilians, predominantly of Genoese extraction; the next two largest elements, apart from British, being Portuguese, and Spanish from Minorca on account of its former connections with Britain. In 1940, 16,700 men over 45, women and children were evacuated to this country from Gibraltar, and by 1951 repatriation was complete for all those Gibraltarians who had homes to go back to. Since then the Gibraltarian population has remained around 24,000 or 25,000, and not 17,985.

What struck me so forcibly, when I was in Gibraltar last January, with such a fusion of peoples where Spanish is perhaps more readily spoken than English, was the universal desire for a close association with Britain, with its traditions and its institutions. One is very struck, too, by the strong links and ties between Gibraltar and this country which have existed for over 260 years, and still persist—as shown, for example, by relics that can be found in the museum. I would mention, for instance, the relics of the great siege of 1779–1783, under the Governorship of Sir George Elliott (later to become Lord Heathfield), which is one of the finest pages of British military history; the inscriptions on the gravestones in the Trafalgar cemetery; the R.A.O.C. plaque to the effect that "Ordnance" had served there continuously from 1704 to 1963; and, also, the Gibraltarians' admiration for the principles of British law and justice, and their appreciation of the British way of life and purpose. In a lighter vein, Gibraltar now even has its "Bull and Bush" pub.

My Lords, it is interesting to note that it was approximately 150 years ago that the concept came into being of a Gibraltarian population, as distinct from immigrants living in Gibraltar. In 1830, Gibraltar became a Crown Colony, with a new Charter of Justice and the grant of civil liberties, and it was in 1950, still as a Crown Colony, that Gibraltar was granted its first Constitution, with legislative powers from then on vested in the Legislative Council, the Executive Council (which is now known as the Gibraltar Council) having been first set up in 1922. So I think it is very true to say that the Gibraltarian has a deep-rooted loyalty to the British Crown, and he also has a strong desire to remain British. As the leaders of the two political Parties (now united in a Coalition Government) said in a joint communiqué issued in July, 1964—and I quote: Their common objectives were to strengthen Gibraltar's links with Britain and to preserve the fundamental freedoms and standard of living". Again, my Lords, only a few days ago they stated—and I quote: We are sure that, in the crucial period which may lie ahead, we shall, as on past occasions, speak with one voice in our fervent desire to maintain our way of life and to strengthen our links with Britain ". I would add, though, that the Gibraltarians naturally have a keen desire to have good neighbourly relations with the Spanish people.

On December 20 last, in a speech delivered before the Plenary Assembly of the Cortes, Senor Castiella, the Spanish Foreign Minister, went on to say that the Treaty of Utrecht had outlived its day. On November 15 last, Mr. de Pinies, the Spanish representative, stated before the 4th Commission of the 20th General Assembly of the United Nations that Gibraltar's situation still remains that of a British colony in Spain"; whilst on September 22, 1964, the Mayor of San Roque, Mr. Pedro Hidalgo, referred before the Committee of 24 to the "loyal city of Gibraltar." Loyal, yes, my Lords—but to this country, and not to Spain.

An article in The Times on March 2, in a report from Madrid under the heading "Gibraltar talks welcomed", stated that the Spanish newspaper, in brief comments, noted that Britain had neither insisted on the suspension of Spain's frontier blockade nor referred to Gibraltar's sovereignty as conditions for the talks. Might I add, my Lords, that since the imposition of the blockade British subjects have, at short notice, had to move out of the Campo area in Spain into poor emergency hutments—they are temporary accommodation, I agree—in order to continue to work in Gibraltar. The Spanish authorities have also denied the validity of certain British passports on the flimsy grounds that they bore a certain endorsement or the title of a particular office; and it looks as if we may be going into these talks without even requesting the lifting of the frontier restrictions.

Also on March 2 of this year, the Daily Telegraph, in an article under the heading, "Two flags plan for Gibraltar", reports from Madrid as follows—and I quote: Spain may propose at the forthcoming Gibraltar negotiations that while her sovereignty over the Rock should be conceded. the base, with its air, naval and military establishments should be "leased" for an indefinite period to Britain, it was learnt to-day. Further on, the article goes on to say: The status of the base would be similar to the American bases in Spain which are legally under joint Spanish and American sovereignty.

May I mention here that it was as recently as July 27, 1964, by an Order in Council, that the present Constitution for Gibraltar came into being: and, as a result of the "Consensus" of October 16, 1964, of the Committee of 24, a series of restrictive measures against Gibraltar have been initiated since then by the Spanish authorities. These restrictions and delays at the frontier have seriously affected traffic movement and trading activities. The import figures for 1965 show a decrease of 40 per cent. over 1964. The cost of living rose 12 points during the last quarter of 1965. There has been an 80 per cent. decrease in trade for the local tobacco industry, which produced tobacco and cigarettes primarily for the Spanish workers. They are now prohibited by the Spanish authorities from taking into Spain any purchases whatsoever. In the past, these purchases amounted to approximately £10,000 per week.

Hotels received numerous cancellations last summer. Restaurants have suffered a 50 per cent. decrease in receipts. The sale of petrol and oils has decreased by 40 per cent. Servicing and repairs by garages have decreased by 90 per cent. Self-drive car-hire firms have virtually ceased operation. Traffic to Gibraltar from Morocco by car-ferry has strongly declined. A large number of British residents in Southern Spain used regularly to drive into Gibraltar to buy substantial amounts of food, tobacco and spirits: this is now prohibited. The number of cars crossing the frontier decreased from 105,118 in 1964 to 7,182 in 1965. In 1964, my Lords, there were 1,526 coaches: in 1965, no coaches crossed the frontier. Due to the decrease in air passengers in transit, four weekly flights between London and Gibraltar have been withdrawn.

Since last January there has been a complete embargo on all exports from Gibraltar to Spain by tourists. Previously, tourists could take into Spain articles purchased in Gibraltar, with the option of paying high rates of duty. Also since last January, Spanish workers have been prohibited by the Spanish authorities from crossing the frontier on their motor-bicycles or bicycles. The reason given locally was the avoidance of traffic congestion. The reason given over the Spanish radio, and by the Spanish information services, was that the Gibraltar authorities had in mind the imposition of taxes on these vehicles. My Lords, nothing could have been further from the truth.

I understand that Spanish trade unions have been endėavouring—with some success, I am advised—to convince Spanish workers in Gibraltar to "go slow"; and, according to figures I have seen, productivity by these Spanish workers has decreased by 10 per cent. No new permits have been issued to these workers by the Spanish authorities since 1954, and these permits are withdrawn at the slightest provocation. I would add, finally, that the Spanish authorities have a "black list" of Gibraltarians who are prohibited from entering into Spain—and I do not mean criminals.

My Lords, I trust that I have painted a fair and true picture of the difficult situation in which the residents of Gibraltar now find themselves. I think one should realise that the strain of this blockade, and of being permanently restricted to an area of only two and a quarter square miles, is indeed severe. Therefore we must take their plight to our hearts and see what can be done; in other words, we must not let them down.

What assistance or support are Her Majesty's Government prepared to give? First of all, I would humbly urge them to request that the Spanish authorities lift the restriction on the frontier before the negotiations are entered into, with a view to creating a propitious climate for the holding of these talks, having regard to the consensus of the Committee of 24 which specifically stated that the interests of the people of the territory should be borne in mind during the negotiations; and in view, too, of Her Majesty's Government's recognition in the White Paper that constitutional developments in Gibraltar could be a matter for discussion.

In his speech on December 20 last, the Spanish Foreign Minister, Senor Castiella, went on to say: Apart from my country's interests and the unswerving defence of them, there will always remain inside me a friend of England who is bound to think of the future rather than of the past. Later, in the same speech, he said: Firmness and friendship; that is the spirit in which we must face tomorrow. May Her Majesty's Government also be firm and friendly! If these negotiations are to commence in a mutually friendly spirit, with the hope of ending in a satisfactory negotiated solution, is it too much to ask that the frontier restrictions be lifted now?

Secondly, from an economic point of view, I think it is generally recognised that the development of tourism can make a large contribution towards improvement in the economy of Gibraltar. It has a good climate, good hotels, attractive gardens, good shops, an up-to-date casino, a cable-car, a marina which is developing as a full-scale yacht port, pleasant beaches, and easy access to North Africa. And the English language is spoken, and British currency is used. Finally, a low return air fare from London is available. I think that a further development, and a desirable one, would be more flats and houses attractive to retired persons who might wish to settle there and end their days in Gibraltar. I understand that that is the desire and wish of His Excellency the Governor, among other persons.

Can the noble Lord, Lord Walston, say whether the Ministry of Defence are shortly to relinquish some of the land that could be made available for such projects as the building of attractive houses and more flats for these retired people? But such schemes cost money, and I imagine that they will be the subject of discussion between Her Majesty's Government and Sir Joshua Hassan and Mr. Peter Isola who are coming to this country shortly.

Assistance is certainly needed from Her Majesty's Government with regard to the promotion of tourism in Gibraltar. The amount that the Government of Gibraltar have been able to allocate for that purpose in this country is around £6,000. This is a very small amount. I was wondering whether Her Majesty's Government could give assistance in that direction. In this context, I was glad to see last Sunday a full-page advertisement in the Sunday Times by B.E.A. for a Silver Wing holiday in Gibraltar. The Rock can also be a good stepping-stone to Morocco; for, according to Command Paper No. 2866, Gibraltar Airways is now authorised to operate not only to Tangiers but also on to Casablanca. And, in view of the increasing trade between Gibraltar and Portugal since this economic blockade has been set up by Spain, would it not be desirable for Her Majesty's Government and B.E.A. to give further consideration to the request made last year by the board of directors of the Gibraltar Chamber of Commerce for B.E.A. to introduce a London-Lisbon-Gibraltar air service?

With regard to shipping and the use of the port, it is indeed encouraging to learn that last year there was an increase in the number of cruise liners calling at Gibraltar. However, I feel it might be possible for Her Majesty's Government, and in particular the Admiralty, to give consideration to the question of high Admiralty charges for the use of certain facilities at the port by merchant shipping. I have in mind rental for storage tanks, the supply of oil, tug services, wharfage dues, dry dock facilities, and so on.

I would conclude by hoping sincerely that the noble Lord, Lord Walston, may be able to give sympathetic consideration to the points I have raised this evening, and that he will be able to allay some of the fears in the minds of every Gibraltarian this day—for on Monday, February 28 last, each one of them was, morally, dealt a severe blow.

7.58 p.m.

THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDERSECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (LORD WALSTON)

My Lords, I hope I shall be able to do what the noble Lord, Lord Merrivale, has asked me to do: that is, to allay the fears and uncertainties of the people of Gibraltar. I can assure him that I have the greatest sympathy for them in their present predicament. He, himself, drew a very graphic picture of the decline in their economy over the last eighteen months, or a little less; and he also pointed out—and I am glad that he did so—that it is not only the people of Gibraltar who are suffering; it is also the people of Spain who live nearby who derive a large part of their sustenance from the work they can do in Gibraltar.

It was very largely for those reasons that Her Majesty's Government, when this matter was raised in the Fourth Committee of the United Nations last autumn and again in the General Assembly on December 16 last year, supported the Resolution which invited the Governments of Spain and the United Kingdom to begin without delay the talks envisaged under the terms of the consensus adopted on October 16, 1964. The noble Lord will remember that in that consensus it was specifically stated that talks should take place between the United Kingdom and Spain, bearing in mind the interests of the population of the territory. We therefore thought that, in spite of the continuance of the various restrictions to which the noble Lord has referred, it was undoubtedly in the interests of those people (whose interests the noble Lord and I both have at heart), the people of Gibraltar, that these talks should be entered into.

I am quite sure that the noble Lord will not expect me, in view of the fact that these talks are to take place some time during the next month, in any way to anticipate what may be said there, or what may be decided there or to say anything which could in any way jeopardise the success of those talks. What I can say to the noble Lord, very clearly, is that, as regards the question of sovereignty, we have no doubt of our right to sovereignty over Gibraltar. But we have never sought to make acceptance of our view a precondition to the holding of talks in compliance with the United Nations Resolution. I hope that will to some extent allay some of the anxieties which have been expressed.

I wish to go on to deal with what, perhaps, is the more urgent matter: the economic plight of Gibraltar, whether the talks (as I sincerely hope they will) succeed or whether (which is always possible though I hope it is a remote possibility) they fail. We have already taken considerable steps to help the Gibraltarians in their present situation. In 1965 there was a special grant of £100,000 approved as a form of budgetary aid, as a contribution towards the general increase in expenditure in 1965 resulting from the Spanish frontier measures. But further, and more important than that, is the question of development aid, because it is no good just putting in a small amount of money here and there. What we want is to have a far more comprehensive economic development plan.

In order to bring that about, my right honourable friend, the then Minister for Overseas Development, announced an allocation of £1 million from Colonial Development and Welfare Funds to cover the period from April, 1965, to March, 1968, a three-year period; and this rate of assistance is 2½ times as great as in the previous three years. In addition, £200,000 of Exchequer loans would be available during the same period, if required. So there is a very substantial amount of money, taking into account the relatively small population of Gibraltar, which has been made available for the economic development of the Colony. But I think we all agree that money is not enough: you must have wise plans as to how that money should be spent.

In order to bring this about, the Gibraltar Government commissioned a study group of experts, most of the cost of which was met by the Ministry of Overseas Development under the technical assistance arrangements, to examine development needs and prospects. The Gibraltar Government, who are the responsible body for this, have already received a summary of this study group's proposals. They have been studying them and will doubtless themselves make their own decisions about how many of these proposals they will adopt; and then they will, naturally, come and discuss with the British Government the financing of them out of the sums of money which I have already mentioned.

The Ministry of Overseas Development also paid the expenses of a team from the Commonwealth Development Corporation which went out last year to report to the Gibraltar Government on the possibility of setting up a Gibraltar Development Corporation. This report also is being studied by the Gibraltar Government. So I hope that the noble Lord will accept from me (and I am sure that the people of Gibraltar will accept; indeed they know it already) that we are helping them not simply with words but with the actual cash needed for development and with actual experience and manpower to prepare the plans for their development.

My Lords, with regard to the specific questions which have been raised by the noble Lord, so far as British European Airways' services are concerned, this is not a matter for Her Majesty's Government. British European Airways is an independent Corporation, and it is for the Corporation to fly where it considers its duties and its financial profit is likely to take it. But I am quite sure that the Corporation will pay attention to the views of the noble Lord on this matter, and I hope that they will be considered very sympathetically.

Regarding tourism, the Government of Gibraltar are very well aware of these possibilities, and my information is that the total amount allocated to tourist promotion by the Gibraltar Government this year amounted to £45,000, of which £22,000 is allocated to advertising and publicity.

LORD MERRIVALE

My Lords, is that in Great Britain or in Gibraltar?

LORD WALSTON

My Lords, we are speaking of the Gibraltar Government. Where they spend it, of course, is up to them. I am sure that they spend a good deal of it in Great Britain, but they may feel it wise to spend a certain amount in other countries, in order to bring not only British people, but others, to Gibraltar. That is for them to decide, and it is not for us to tell them what to do. But certainly they are very much aware of the matter, and are doing their best to encourage tourism. I have no doubt that the experts who have been studying the development possibilities of Gibraltar will put forward very well-thought-out proposals about how to develop this great asset of the Colony. I also have no doubt that some of the money which we are making available will be used in this way.

The noble Lord asked about making land available for houses for retired people. I hope he did not get the impression that I was in any way scornful of this idea. I am sure that to retire to Gibraltar would be, for many people, a most delightful way to spend their declining years, particularly if attractive and pleasant houses could be made available for them at reasonable cost. The Ministry of Defence is co-operating in this to the best of its ability. It has in fact been relinquishing land in the Colony and in the town itself, but, of course, it will not be in a position to give up all its property in the town for several years to come.

There has, I believe, been a suggestion that land on the Upper Rock, most of which is Ministry of Defence property, may be used for building houses, particularly with the object, which the noble Lord has in mind, of providing accommodation for retired people. The Ministry of Deterice has informed the Gibraltar Government that they can have this land whenever it is required. It is therefore available for them. At present the Gibraltar Government are not in a position to take it over, but I understand that they intend to do so before long. Of course, the whole implementation of this plan depends in a very large measure on the general development plan, and the same will go for the maritime suggestions which the noble Lord put forward.

I think I need say no more than to assure the noble Lord once more of our intention to assist Gibraltar in every way we can, and to indicate that we can do it in many important ways, whatever the outcome of these talks may be. I would also assure him that our objectives in holding these talks are motivated, on the one hand, by our desire for friendship—and continuing friendship—with Spain, with whom we have had many long years of close association. Spain is one of the great and old countries of Europe, with a long tradition of civilisation, which makes me confident that these talks will have a successful outcome. On the other hand, we desire and intend to honour our own obligations to Gibraltar and to ensure the economic welfare, and the welfare in the widest sense, of the Gibraltarians themselves. I hope that when these talks are held both sides will have those objectives in view, and that the outcome will be one which does honour and credit to the traditions and civilisation behind all of us involved in them.