HL Deb 20 February 1947 vol 145 cc835-41
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA AND BURMA (LORD PETHICK-LAWRENCE)

My Lords, I will, with your Lordships' permission, make a statement on Indian policy.

  1. 1. It has long been the policy of successive British Governments to work towards the realization of self-government in India. In pursuance of this policy an increasing measure of responsibility has been devolved on Indians, and to-day the Civil Administration and the Indian Armed Forces rely to a very large extent on Indian civilians and officers. In the constitutional field the Acts of 1919 and 1935 passed by the British Parliament each represented a substantial transfer of political power. In 1940 the Coalition Government recognized the principle that Indians should themselves frame a new Constitution for a fully autonomous India, and in the offer of 1942 they invited them to set up a Constituent Assembly for this purpose as soon as the war was over.
  2. 2. His Majesty's Government believe this policy to have been right and in accordance with sound democratic principles. Since they came into office they have done their utmost to carry it forward to its fulfilment. The declaration of the Prime Minister of March 15 last, which met with general approval in Parliament and the country, made it clear that it was for the Indian people themselves to choose their future status and Constitution and that in the opinion of His Majesty's Government the time had come for responsibility for the government of India to pass into Indian hands.
  3. 3. The Cabinet Mission which was sent to India last year spent over three months in consultation with Indian 836 leaders in order to help them to agree upon a method for determining the future Constitution of India so that the transfer of power might be smoothly and rapidly effected. It was only when it seemed clear that without some initiative from the Cabinet Mission agreement was unlikely to be reached that they put forward proposals themselves.
  4. 4. These proposals, made public in May last, envisaged that the future Constitution of India should be settled by a Constituent Assembly composed in the manner suggested therein of representatives of all communities and interests in British India and of the Indian States.
  5. 5. Since the return of the Mission an Interim Government has been set up at the centre, composed of the political leaders of the major communities, exercising wide powers within the existing Constitution. In all the Provinces, Indian Governments responsible to Legislatures are in office.
  6. 6. It is with great regret that His Majesty's Government find that there are still differences among Indian Parties which are preventing the Constituent Assembly from functioning as it was intended that it should. It is of the essence of the plan that the Assembly should be fully representative.
  7. 7. His Majesty's Government desire to hand over their responsibility to authorities established by a Constitution approved by all Parties in India in accordance with the Cabinet Mission's plan, but unfortunately there is at present no clear prospect that such a Constitution and such authorities will emerge. The present state of uncertainty is fraught with danger and cannot be indefinitely prolonged. His Majesty's Government wish to make it clear that it is their definite intention to take the necessary steps to effect the transference of power into responsible Indian hands by a date not later than June, 1948.
  8. 8. This great sub-continent, now containing over 400,000,000 people, has for the last century enjoyed peace and security as a part of the British Commonwealth and Empire. Continued peace and security are more than ever necessary to-day if the full 837 possibilities of economic development are to be realized and a higher standard of life attained by the Indian people.
  9. 9. His Majesty's Government are anxious to hand over their responsibilities to a Government which, resting on the sure foundation of the support of Me people, is capable of maintaining peace and administering India with justice and efficiency. It is therefore essential that all Parties should sink their differences in order that they may be ready to shoulder the great responsibilities which will come upon them next year.
  10. 10. After months of hard work by the Cabinet Mission a great measure of agreement was obtained as to the method by which a Constitution should be worked out. This was embodied in their statements of May last. His Majesty's Government there agreed to recommend to Parliament a Constitution worked out, in accordance with the proposals made therein, by a fully representative Constituent Assembly. But if it should appear that such a Constitution will not have been worked out by a fully representative Assembly before the time mentioned in paragraph 7, His Majesty's Government will have to consider to whom the powers of the Central Government in British India should be handed over, on the same date, whether as a whole to some form of Central Government for British India or in some areas to the existing Provincial Governments, or in such other way as may seem most reasonable and in the best interests of the Indian people.
  11. 11. Although the final transfer of authority may not take place until June, 1948, preparatory measures must 'be put in hand in advance. It is important that the efficiency of the Civil Administration should be maintained and that the defence of India should be fully provided for. But inevitably, as the process of transfer proceeds, it will become progressively more difficult to carry out to the letter all the provisions of the Government of India Act, 1935. Legislation will be introduced in due course to give effect to the final transfer of power.
  12. 12. In regard to the Indian States, as was explicitly stated by the Cabinet 838 Mission, His Majesty's Government do not intend to hand over their powers and obligations under paramountcy to any Government of British India. It is not intended to bring paramountcy, as a system, to a conclusion earlier than the date of the final transfer of power, but it is contemplated that for the intervening period the relations of the Crown with individual States may be adjusted by agreement.
  13. 13. His Majesty's Government will negotiate agreements in regard to matter arising out of the transfer of power with the representatives of those to whom they propose to transfer power.
  14. 14. His Majesty's Government believe that British commercial and industrial interests in India can look forward to a fair field for their enterprise under the new conditions. The commercial connexion between India and the United Kingdom has been long and friendly, and will continue to be to their mutual advantage.
  15. 15. His Majesty's' Government cannot conclude this statement without expressing on behalf of the people of this country their good will and good wishes towards the people of India as they go forward to this final stage in their achievement of self-government. It will be the wish of everyone in these islands that, notwithstanding constitutional changes, the association of the British and Indian peoples should not be brought to an end; and they will wish to continue to do all that is in their power to further the well -being of India.
Your Lordships will wish to know of an announcement Which is being made public to-day. Field-Marshal the Right Honourable Viscount Wavell was appointed Viceroy in 1943 after having held high military command in South East Asia, the Middle East and India with notable distinction since the beginning of the war. I: was agreed that this should be a war-tine appointment. Lord Wavell has discharged this high office during this very difficult period with devotion and a high sense of duty. It has however seemed that the opening of this new and final phase in India is the appropriate time to terminate this war appointment.

His Majesty has been pleased to approve the appointment, in succession to Lord Wavell, of Rear-Admiral the Viscount Mountbatten of Burma, who will be entrusted with the task of transferring to Indian hands the responsibility for the government of British India in the manner that will best ensure the future happiness and prosperity of India. He will remain on the active list, in accordance with his wish that his future employment in the Royal Navy shall not be prejudiced. I feel sure that your Lordships will wish Lord Mountbatten well in his great task. The change of office will take place during March. Your Lordships will be glad to hear that His Majesty has been pleased to approve the conferment of an Earldom on Viscount Wavell.

4.12 p.m.

VISCOUNT CRANBORNE

My Lords, the statement to which we have just listened will, I am sure, have been heard by the whole House with a sense of profound shock. It appears to be a reversal of all previous statements of His Majesty's Government in this connexion. It provides no safeguards for minorities, and it amounts to the abandonment of India under conditions which, to many of us, can give no hope of a peaceful and prosperous future for her people. For many years successive Governments have tried to find a basis of agreement between the main communities, and up to now they have, unhappily, altogether failed. What reason is there to hope that success in this gigantic task, with all the constitutional changes that are involved, can be achieved in the few months that remain before our proposed departure? That is an aspect with which Parliament in this country must concern itself. Clearly, the House must have time to study this statement before any debate takes place, but I should like to make it clear now that those for whom I speak find themselves obliged to dissociate themselves entirely from a responsibility which, at first sight, seems open to such fundamental objections.

4.14 p.m.

VISCOUNT SAMUEL

My Lords, let me, in the first instance, express what I am sure is in the mind's of all of your Lordships: our feeling of appreciation of the high sense of duty which led Viscount Wavell to undertake this difficult task. It seemed at times as though he were on the very verge of success. He will carry with him the gratitude of the nation for his great services, not only in the military field but also in India. Rear-Admiral Viscount Mountbatten is setting his feet on a hard and difficult path and he will have with him, I am sure, the best wishes of this House, of the country, and, indeed, of the whole Commonwealth. As to the merits of the course which has been taken, I shall not follow the example of the noble Viscount who has just spoken, but make no statement now. I think it better to reserve any comment until a later stage. I understand that in the very near future we are to have a full debate in this House, and then will be the opportunity which, on behalf of the noble Lords on these Benches, I shall take.

It is, however, necessary to say that it is most lamentable that the course described by the noble Lord the Secretary of State should have been made necessary—as in the opinion of the Government is necessary—owing to the intransigence and antagonisms of the Indian leaders. In every other case in which a transfer of power has been made in the Dominions it has always been preceded by a general measure of agreement among the representatives of the people concerned as to who were to be recognized as the recipients of power. Here there has been no such agreement and, apparently, at this moment there is no prospect of any. Apparently it is not only more blessed but also, in this case, more easy to give than to receive. This incapacity of the Indian leaders to rise above intransigent partisanship may prove to be bringing their people into great peril and, possibly, into disaster. As recent events and the past history of India have shown, they are dealing with a highly inflammable population. When the British withdraw it will be their fault, and not ours, if no authority has been set up, adequately supported, to take charge; and if India passes through confusion and turmoil into civil war it will be useless for them to attempt to blame this country—that being, in fact, the only matter on which hitherto, they have been able to agree. History will place the blame fairly and squarely on the bankruptcy of their statesmanship.

LORD RANKEILLOUR

My Lords, may I ask the noble Lord, Lord Pethick—Lawrence, if the protection of minorities is not now an essential condition of the settlement contemplated?

LORD PETHICK-LAWRENCE

My Lords, I think it better that these questions should be discussed when we have the debate in this House. I do not think it is advisable for me to start answering questions now.

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