INDIA: PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT. (Hansard, 22 April 1941)

§ VISCOUNT SAMUEL

My Lords, I feel sure that the House will concur in the Resolutions which have been placed before us, but at the same time it can hardly pass in complete silence so grave a matter as the continued suspension of Provincial Constitutions in India. It is very satisfactory, as the noble Duke has said, that India is now making so large a contribution in military forces towards the prosecution of the war. Both the Princes and the Provinces have come forward, and, under a system of free enlistment, recruiting is widespread throughout India. Some months ago it was publicly stated that 60,000 Indian troops were serving overseas, and the invaluable services that they have rendered at Sidi Barani, at Keren and in other fields is known to the whole Empire and to the world. But, after all, what is 60,000 from a population of 340,000,000? We are glad to know—and this again has been publicly stated—that before long there will be from India, or in India, half a million men fully trained and—what is not less important—fully equipped. In addition to this, India has been providing munitions and supplies on a large scale.

The fact remains, however, that, as is evidenced by the Resolutions now before 10 us, political discord still unhappily prevails in India, and at the present time a large number of the most distinguished political leaders in the country, many of them men of the finest character, are suffering detention. We have little information in these days about the situation in India. The Press gives us few reports, and there have been no recent debates in Parliament. I do not know whether the Secretary of State is proposing to make any statement at an early date. That His Majesty's Government have made grave mistakes in India is a view held by many of us. I have spoken on this subject before in your Lordships' House, and it would serve no useful purpose to repeat what was said then; but I hold the view strongly—and in saying this I feel sure that I shall be speaking for the whole House—that it is most lamentable that, whatever mistakes have been made on this side, the leaders of Congress in India should have seized upon them, should have emphasized difficulties and differences, and should have embarked upon a great political campaign which cannot fail to embarrass in some degree the Government, and which impairs in a measure the moral position of this country and of the Empire in the face of the world.

Proposals for a settlement were recently made by one of the most distinguished figures in Indian public life, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, whom I have the privilege of knowing well; I was his guest for a week in Allahabad not long before the war broke out. I feel sure that there could be no better intermediary if one were needed—and definitely one has been needed—between the contending parties. Again, we have very little information as to the effect on Indian opinion of the proposals which he made last December, and certainly no overt result is apparent from those suggestions. The first of his concrete suggestions—he made a long and a very elaborate statement—was that "the Mahatma, in whom all the powers and functions of the Congress are at present centred, and Mr. Jinnah,"—who, as your Lordships are aware, is President of the Moslem League—"should meet, and meet promptly, and discuss things in a free, open and large-hearted manner, with the fixed determination that they must come to some sort of settlement." Of that, of course, nothing effective has come. If in 11 any negotiation the two parties are resolved to come to a settlement, then a settlement can always be reached, no matter what the difficulties are; but if the parties in a negotiation do not mind whether a settlement is arrived at or not, or if one or both of them enter a negotiation only on the basis that their full demands should be conceded by the other side, then no negotiation can ever reach a satisfactory result.

At the present time it is difficult to see any indication that either Congress or the Moslem League are really much concerned whether they arrive at a settlement of their grievances or not. That is the essential difficulty of the whole situation. It is lamentable that neither party appears to realise the extreme gravity of the world position. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru said, towards the beginning of the war, that the launching of a civil disobedience campaign at a time when Britain is engaged in a life-and-death struggle would be an act derogatory to India's honour. Nevertheless something in the nature of a civil disobedience campaign, though not fully developed, is in fact taking place. Although it should be apparent that this country and its Allies are fighting for the defence of India as well as for the defence of the rest of the world—and even now with the Japanese appearing round the corner—the Indian contending parties do not appear to realise the seriousness of the situation. Mr. Gandhi undoubtedly is one of the great men of our time, but it must be said that in this matter he has not risen to match the greatness of this hour, nor indeed has India as a whole.

Even the biggest Empire may be parochial-minded. There is now something greater at stake even than India, even than Britain, even than the British Empire—the issue whether the mental and spiritual atmosphere in which mankind are to live in future on this planet is to be one of freedom and peace or one of domination maintained by violence. One-sixth part of the whole human race lives in India, and while very many there realise the nature of the present situation, unhappily it is apparent that very many do not. If they did, they would desire to settle their grievances and their troubles with the Imperial Government and, having 12 settled these grievances, they would wish to engage in a massive, whole-hearted effort to stem the Nazi tide. If there were such a will, I feel convinced the way would be found, and measures such as these which we reluctantly endorse to-day would no longer be necessary.