§ 3.6 p.m.
§ LORD SNELLMy Lords, I have to ask His Majesty's Government whether they have any statement to make on the present position in foreign affairs.
§ THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (VISCOUNT HALIFAX)My Lords, since the debate on August 24 the international situation has not substantially changed. The position remains one of great anxiety and danger but, until hope must be finally abandoned, there is still hope that reason may prevail. I gave the House on August 24 some account of the message which was sent to Herr Hitler by my right honourable friend the Prime Minister on August 23 and of the reply which had been received from him. On August 25 Herr Hitler invited His Majesty's Ambassador in Berlin to call upon him and asked him to transmit a further message to His Majesty's Government. Herr Hitler also suggested that Sir Nevile Henderson should fly back to London, and personally report upon the communication which had been made to him. The communication was received here late on August 25 and Sir Nevile Henderson came to London on the afternoon of the following day. His Majesty's Government have now studied the German Chancellor's communication with all the care and the attention which it demanded and His Majesty's Ambassador left yesterday afternoon for Berlin bearing with him a considered reply. He saw Herr Hitler late last night.
I should be glad if I could disclose to the House the fullest information as to the contents of the communications exchanged with Herr Hitler, but I hope noble Lords will understand that, in a situation of such extreme delicacy, and when issues so grave hang precariously in the balance, it is not in the public interest to publish these communications or to 908 comment on them in detail. I am, however, able to indicate in quite general terms some of the main points with which they deal. Herr Hitler was concerned to impress upon His Majesty's Government his wish for an Anglo-German understanding of a complete and lasting character. On the other hand, he left His Majesty's Government in no doubt of his views as to the urgency of settling Polish-German questions. His Majesty's Government have frequently stated their desire to see the realisation of such an Anglo-German understanding, and, as soon as circumstances permit, they would naturally welcome an opportunity of discussing with Germany the several issues a settlement of which would have to find place in any permanent agreement. But everything turns upon the manner in which the immediate differences between Germany and Poland can be handled and the nature of the proposals which might be made for any settlement. For we have made it plain that our obligations to Poland, cast into formal shape by the agreement signed on August 25, will be carried out. But, as noble Lords will remember, His Majesty's Government have said more than once publicly that German-Polish differences should be capable of solution by peaceful means.
Meanwhile, the first prerequisite, if there is to be any chance of useful discussions, is that the tension created by frontier clashes and by reports of incidents on both sides of the border should be diminished. His Majesty's Government accordingly hope that both Governments will use their best endeavour to prevent the occurrence of such incidents, the circulation of exaggerated reports, and of all other activities that result in dangerous inflammation of opinion. His Majesty's Government would hope that if an equitable settlement of Polish-German differences could be reached by free negotiation, this might in turn lead to a wider agreement which would accrue to the lasting benefit of Europe and of the world at large.
I need not discuss in detail the background of events against which the communications between His Majesty's Government and Herr Hitler have been taking place. Further military preparations have been made in many European countries, there have been many incidents of the kind to which I have just referred, and 909 there has been more interference with the existing Polish position in Danzig. On the other hand, there have been moving appeals from many quarters for a peaceful solution. The position, therefore, at this moment is that we are awaiting a further reply from Herr Hitler which every member of the House will hope may not close the door to peace.
In this moment of anxiety, His Majesty's Government have not neglected to take all steps which seem necessary to place this country in a state of complete readiness for all eventualities. These steps cover, of course, all the three Services and the wide range of civilian defence. The air defence of the country is now in a state of instant readiness. The whole of our Fighting Fleet is ready at a moment's notice to take up the dispositions which would be necessary in war. The appropriate instructions have already been issued to merchant shipping on the various routes, and the necessary preparations have been made for expediting the completion of the mobilisation of the Regular Army and the embodiment of the Territorial Army, if this should prove necessary. Instructions to complete the organisation of civil defence measures have been sent to the local authorities with whom the main responsibility lies. Noble Lords will have seen that a rehearsal of the arrangements for evacuating school children was carried through yesterday. In general, I think I can assure your Lordships that, thanks to public co-operation on all sides, all this action is proceeding smoothly and well, and that all preparations have been made to ensure that effect can be given to further precautionary measures as rapidly as possible as soon as these are found necessary.
I hope the House may feel, from what I have said, that during these last anxious days His Majesty's Government have done their best faithfully to pursue the policy which commands the practically unanimous support of the people of this country. We have sought to be absolutely firm in loyalty to our obligations, but, while determined to maintain any undertakings that we have given, we have thrown our whole influence upon the side of resolving these dangerous issues by negotiation rather than by force, which must immediately bring such incalculable 910 consequences. Your Lordships will believe that the responsibility and the strain are not light, but His Majesty's Government have been constantly helped by the knowledge that in these matters they were speaking for a country that was absolutely united and that was itself facing the unknown future with complete steadiness and resolution. That attitude will, I have no doubt, be maintained, and I would only appeal to all those who speak or write in public to remember that on them, as on us, lies a great responsibility.
§ 3.17 p.m.
§ LORD SNELLMy Lords, the House will be grateful to the noble Viscount for the statement that he has made, and it will probably feel that he has given to the House all the information that he thinks could usefully be supplied. There are occasions when unnecessary words may constitute a real danger, and, except that silence on the part of one of the Oppositions in Parliament might be interpreted as a sullen or reluctant assent to what has been said, we should prefer on this occasion to remain silent. The few words that I shall speak will be designed merely to avoid that possibility. Our position has been many times stated. I have myself tried to state it with plainness and, I hope, with restraint on a good many occasions. There is no need, to-day, to repeat it; it stands. There is nothing to recant, and no qualifications to make. We believe that peace can, even now, be obtained, and obtained with honour, if the way of conference—rather than of strife—is chosen. But we also feel that if war does come it will not be of our choice. Indeed we offer alternative possibilities, and, if the immediate difficulties could be overcome, I merely desire to say that the Labour Party would support to the full extent of its power a friendly consideration of all those additional problems with which Europe is at present confronted, There is no need for me to say more. The Government have once again stated the British position, and I wish once more to affirm that in this matter at least they have behind them a sorrowful but entirely united people.
§ 3.20 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF CREWEMy Lords, I have indeed very little to add 911 to what has fallen from the noble Lord who has just sat down. We all, I think, feel that His Majesty's Government were right in summoning Parliament to-day, not with any question of satisfying the idle curiosity of the crowd, but people in every part of the country feel that, having expressed their full backing of His Majesty's Government in their present attitude, they are entitled to partnership in knowledge of the policy of the Government so far as discretion enables it to be disclosed. The noble Viscount opposite has abstained from touching further upon any of the difficult points connected with the German-Polish dispute which he developed on Thursday last. Therefore it would be altogether unnecessary and unwise for anybody else in your Lordships' House to enter into that discussion. I would merely say that I feel confident that His Majesty's Government will look to every and any way in which it is possible to find any form of arrangement or compromise not involving departure 912 from the road of honour in solving the difficult question which is before them to-day.