HL Deb 20 February 1912 vol 11 cc132-6
THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWN

My Lords, I move for a Return of the Military and Civil Forces which were specially detached to Belfast in connection with the recent meeting addressed by the First Lord of the Admiralty, and of the cost thereby incurred. The hour is late, but I must ask to be allowed for a few moments to recall to your Lordships' minds the events which occurred immediately preceding that meeting. It had, of course, been for long notorious that the Government intended in the present session to bring in a Home Rule Bill, and therefore it caused considerable surprise in Ireland and no doubt great surprise everywhere else when an announcement appeared in the first days of January that the First Lord of the Admiralty would, on February 8, only five days before the meeting of Parliament, address a meeting in Belfast in favour of Home Rule. One was naturally puzzled to imagine what could be the object of such meeting. We hoped that we were immediately to see this Home Rule Bill. That pleasure, which I suppose is only deferred, was, we thought, on the point of being vouchsafed to as. But, ray Lords, the surprise was much greater when it was announced that the First Lord of the Admiralty proposed to hold this meeting in the Ulster Hall, in the centre of the Protestant quarter, knowing, as he must have known, the opinion of the Protestants with regard to this question.

Now, everybody knows that the feeling of the loyalists in Ulster is extremely bitter on this question of Home Rule. They have made some very strong declarations; they have said that they would never submit to a Home Rule Parliament, and other things of that kind, and they have been taunted by many speakers on Government platforms that these were mere words and that they would not dare act up to their declarations. When they saw that it had just been resolved to deliver a lecture on Home Rule in the Ulster Hall, is it to be wondered at that they were extremely indignant and ultimately resolved that the meeting should not take place in that hall? For some days there was every prospect of riot and bloodshed, and for some days the First Lord of the Admiralty persevered in his intention to address this meeting in the Ulster Hall. But after some further consideration and some meetings in London, at which I noticed the Master of Elibank (the Government Whip), and representatives of the Ulster Liberal Association were present, it was at last determined that they had better hold the meeting somewhere else, and on January 25 Mr. Winston Churchill wrote to Lord Londonderry— As I now gather from the newspapers that the main objection of yourself and your friends is directed against, our holding the meeting in the Ulster Hall, I will, although I think that such claims are neither just nor reasonable, ask the Ulster Liberal Association to accede to your wishes. The First Lord of the Admiralty must, indeed, be very simple if he was not aware from the very first of what the consequences of this proposal to use the Ulster Hall for this purpose would necessarily be, but it is only fair to say that he has repudiated and disclaimed all responsibility for the choice of the Ulster Hall and thrown the responsibility upon the Ulster Liberal Association.

The chairman of that association is Lord Pirrie, who also was chairman of the meeting when it was ultimately held. I regret to say that owing to illness he is I not able to be here to-night, and therefore I shall abstain from making certain remarks and from asking certain questions which I certainly should have put to him if he had been present, because I think that any member of your Lordships' House who knows Belfast as Lord Pirrie knows it—he has been Lord Mayor of Belfast, and is, perhaps, the most prominent citizen in Belfast—will agree with me in venturing to think that when he allowed his name to be used as chairman of the Ulster Liberal Association for such a purpose as this, and at such a moment, he incurred—whether it was Lord Pirrie or other members of the association who authorised the announcement I do not know—a very culpable, and, indeed, almost criminal responsibility. The manifest and only result that could follow, knowing what Belfast is and what these times are, was riot, and probably bloodshed. However, wiser counsels prevailed, and the meeting was shifted to the Celtic Football Ground.

I suppose it was the municipality of Belfast who in these circumstances thought it necessary to apply for forces to protect them, and a small army was drafted into Belfast. Happily, no rioting occurred; but this remains, that the cost of that army has to be paid. By whom is that cost going to be paid? Is it by the ratepayers of Belfast, or is it to come out of the Exchequer of the country? I do not know what happens in Ireland, but if it were in England I believe that the cost would be borne by the Exchequer. Sometimes Ireland is treated, as we know, much more favourably than we are here. But here is this bill, and it has to be met. What have we gained for the money? In the first place, we have had the inestimable advantage of a speech from Mr. Winston Churchill which leaves us very little wiser, indeed I may say not one whit wiser, than we were before. He informed us, first of all, that Ireland was not only going to call upon us to establish a separate Parliament there, but was also going to ask us to make a grant of money with which to establish that Parliament. That is an old friend. Then, in the second place, British credit is to be used for the advantage of Ireland, and what are known as "all British obligations" are to be met. Lastly, those old guarantees were trotted out and passed over the stage. We all know what the value of those guarantees is. That was all that was contained in his speech. Next, we had the advantage of a speech from Mr. John Redmond, and he, of course, agreed with every single word that Mr. Churchill said. We all know Mr. John Redmond and his style of talking, and it does not follow because he says a thing one day that he will not say very nearly the opposite a few days afterwards as it suits his purpose. Lastly, there was a speech from Mr. Joseph Devlin, and by way of illustrating the reconciliation and the harmony which is to prevail under Home Rule that speech was simply a violent attack upon my noble friend here and the other leaders of his Party. That is all we got for this bill.

Now with regard to Mr. Churchill's mission, was that mission authorised by the Cabinet? I suppose it was. We know that there are one or two Ministers in the present Cabinet who are very fond of hearing their own voices, and who sometimes appear on public platforms and give utterance to speeches and sentiments which I do not think always convey very great comfort to their colleagues. But unless it was one of those occasions, one must suppose that this mission was authorised by the Cabinet. If so, what did the Cabinet expect to get by it? What have they got by it? Did they expect to make any converts to Home Rule? All that they have done, so far as I can see, is to embitter and increase the feeling of detestation on the part of loyalists to Home Rule, and to fortify and confirm their intention to oppose it to the utmost of their power, I beg leave to move for the Return.

Moved, That there be laid before the House a Return of the Military and Civil Forces which were specially detached to Belfast in connection with the recent meeting addressed by the First Lord of the Admiralty, and of the cost thereby incurred.—(The Earl of Camperdoivn.)

VISCOUNT HALDANE

I do not think that I should be conducing to your Lordships' comfort if I entered into the somewhat discursive topics upon which the noble Earl has touched. The conduct of my colleagues in the Cabinet and of the Irish Members is not germane. Therefore I propose to content myself with answering two questions. The first is, Why were these military forces sent to Belfast? The answer is—to prevent a breach of the peace.

THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWN

I did not put that question. When a Motion of this kind is made in this House it is usual that some general remarks are made in support of it. There is only one Motion on the Paper. In it I move for a Return of the Military and Civil Forces recently sent to Belfast, and of the cost thereby incurred.

VISCOUNT HALDANE

If the noble Earl wishes to have the information, I do not think that any Return is necessary. I will give it to him now. The additions made to the troops ordinarily quartered in Belfast on the occasion of the recent visit of the First Lord of the Admiralty were—The 5th Dragoon Guards, two companies of the Royal Engineers, battalions of the East Kent regiment, the Royal Fusiliers, the 2nd South Lancashire regiment, the 2nd Manchester regiment, and the 2nd Highland Light Infantry—amounting in all to 85 officers and 2,486 other ranks. No extra police were employed on this occasion. It is estimated that the additional expenditure incurred will amount to about £2,700, which is certainly primarily payable out of War Office funds.

THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY

May I ask the noble Viscount whether there is any precedent for a large force of troops being dispatched a considerable distance at great expense in order that a Cabinet Minister may address a meeting surrounded by bayonets?

VISCOUNT HALDANE

Whenever a breach of the peace is feared, troops are always sent.

THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY

There is no precedent for it, I think.

VISCOUNT HALDANE

There is plenty of precedent.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.