PHOSPHORUS POISONING. (Hansard, 25 April 1907)

THE EARL OF LYTTON

rose to call attention to the death from necrosis recently reported at Messrs. Morelands, and to ask His Majesty's Government whether, in view of the fact that phosphorus poisoning cannot be prevented by the special regulations at present in force, they will reconsider their attitude towards the Convention of Berne prohibiting the use of yellow phosphorus.

The noble Earl said: My Lords, I realise that your Lordships are all waiting to listen to the discussion which will take place on the Motion of the noble Marquess the Leader of the Opposition, and I shall only stand for a few minutes between him and the House. Shortly before the Easter adjournment a number of Questions were addressed to the Home Secretary in the House of Commons concerning the death from necrosis which occurred at Messrs. Moreland's match factory in January of this year. In addition to the Answers of the Home Secretary to those Questions a very full and interesting report has been published, written by Mr. Cunynghame and Mr. Whitelegge, which gives full information on the subject of this particular case. Therefore it is not with the object of obtaining more information about this case that I raise the question again, but rather with the object of drawing attention to the wider issues which it involves, and of trying to elicit from His Majesty's Government some statement as to their general attitude towards this particular dangerous process. And from this point of view the ques- 180 tion has an interest apart from this particular factory, apart from this particular death, and even outside the limits of this country as a whole, because it deals with a matter which has now become one of international concern. During recent years a number of conferences have been held from time to time in some central Continental town by the representatives of the leading European States for the purpose of discussing industrial questions and in the hope of arriving at some common action for the improvement of the conditions of labour generally. At these conferences the regulation of certain well-known dangerous trades played a very prominent part, and with regard to this particular trade, the use of white or yellow phosphorus, considerable progress has been made towards some common agreement between the various States.

I ought, perhaps, to explain that white or yellow phosphorus, which is a very dangerous and poisonous article, is only used in the manufacture of what are known as "strike anywhere" matches. It is not used in the manufacture of matches which strike on the box. Nor is it absolutely essential in the manufacture of the other kind of matches. In fact, other harmless alternative processes have been invented and are in actual use at the present day; and as an instance that it is possible to do without this process I need only mention that in one of the leading and best known match manufactories in this country, that of Messrs. Bryant and May, means have been found of making every class of match which the public require without using any white phosphorus at all. That it is not only possible in the case of a particular firm, but that it is possible for the whole country to do without this commodity is proved by the action of six European States, who signed a Convention in September of last year by which they prohibited its use in their territories. That Convention was signed by France, Germany, Italy, Holland, Denmark and Switzerland. Each of these six States has signed a treaty whereby they prohibit in their territories the manufacture, use, or importation of matches made by phosphorus and it is the attitude of this 181 country towards that Convention to which I wish to call the attention of your Lordships this afternoon.

Great Britain has declared its willingness to join with the other countries and sign this treaty only on condition that every other country which exports these matches does the same, and when that qualified promise was given it was perfectly well known that the qualification could not be carried out by reason of the fact that amongst the nations whose adherence would be required was the United States of America, and that the United States Constitution prevents the Federal Government from entering into an arrangement of this kind which is binding on the other States. Therefore the promise which the Government made does not amount to very much. Reasons have been put forward by the Home Office for their refusal to enter into this treaty, and the reasons are that as an alternative to prohibition we have in force in this country a very strict code of regulations, which it is held diminishes to a large extent the possibility of phosphorus poisoning. These regulations are excellent so far as they go, but the fact remains—and the fact has been proved again by this death which has recently taken place—that these regulations are not sufficient to prevent altogether poisoning by phosphorus.

Five cases of phosphorus poisoning have occurred since these regulations came into force, and in Mr. Cunynghame's report we are led to believe that more cases will very likely occur in the future. I have no wish to exaggerate the facts of the case. Five deaths may not be very many in five years. It is not the object of my argument to prove that deaths from phosphorus poisoning are frequent. At the same time it will be admitted, I imagine, that every human life is worth saving if it be possible, and here is an opportunity which, if the Government chose to make use of it, would enable them to stamp out this disease altogether in this country. That there are difficulties in the way is obvious. Changes of this sort are not made without some sacrifices, and the difficulties have been pointed out in a Memorandum issued by the Under-Secretary of the 182 Home Office, who was our representative at the Conference of Berne. But, if these obstacles stand in the way, there is all the greater credit to the countries which are pioneers in this reform movement and succeed in overcoming them.

It has been pointed out in this Home Office Memorandum that perhaps greater work would devolve upon the Customs officials, who would be required to carry out any measure of prohibition, but I think we may set against any additional work to that Government Department an easement and a diminution of labour to the Home Office, who have at present to see that these very strict regulations are carried out. Then it has been suggested that there might be, as a result of any measure of prohibition, some increase in the price of matches. Cheapness in all things is desirable if we can obtain it without paying too high a price, but I imagine that your Lordships will agree that even cheap matches may be bought at too high a price if they are bought at the price of human lives.

Then other objections have been stated in the Memorandum, some of which I cannot help thinking are a little bit far fetched. For instance, the Under-Secretary states that if Parliament were to carry a measure prohibiting the use of these articles, it would necessitate the postponement of other useful measures of social reform which the Government have in contemplation. We all know perfectly well that the programme of the Government is a very full one, and we will all be ready to admit that the measures which they are going to pass will be of a very beneficial character. One of such measures we shall be discussing in a very few minutes. But, my Lords, when they have succeeded in pacifying the religious consciences of one section of their followers and the land hunger of another section, when they have reorganised the Army and brought good government and peace to Ireland, is it extravagant to hope that possibly a measure for the protection of human life may find a place among their minor efforts? It is in the hope, therefore, that they may be induced to consider this as a measure which is possibly worth their attention that I have raised the subject to-day.

183 In all seriousness, my Lords, if the difficulties in the way of carrying a measure of this sort and if the objections to it were many times greater than they are made out to be in this Memorandum, they are still objections which other countries have had to meet; and what the Government have to show is not what these difficulties are, but why they are difficulties which other countries have succeeded in overcoming and why this country is in such a position that it cannot do what other countries have done. When once the stage of international agreement has been reached it is impossible for one country to stand absolutely by itself and look upon any one of these questions from its own point of view. This is just one of those questions where the moral responsibility is out of all proportion to any consideration of mere economic or administrative concern.

I submit to your Lordships that it is perhaps a little selfish, a little un-chivalrous, for Great Britain to say that because we do not largely use this commodity in our country, because we have a very admirable system of regulations in force, we are not going to help other nations in the efforts which they are making to get this dangerous disease stamped out; and it is not heroic for a Government which claims to have the interests of the industrial classes more especially at heart, to return this answer to the other nations, "What you propose is very good; we have no objection to make to it; it is very admirable in principle and we will leave you to thrash it out among yourselves, and when you have everyone agreed on common action we will come in at the very end and be the last country to put our name to the agreement." If this country is to take part in these Conferences at all I hope the Government will send its representatives to them in rather a different spirit from that which has animated them in the past. I trust they will take some pride in being in the van rather than in the rear of this movement, and that they will seek for this country the position of a leader of European thought rather than that of a tardy follower, a willing initiator rather than that of a reluctant imitator of other countries. With regard to this particular industry a very important step has been taken, and surely such a role as that 184 which I have suggested would be more in keeping with the dignity of this country, more worthy of its traditions and industrial position, and more helpful to the cause of industrial progress in which these nations are engaged. It is with the object of eliciting from His Majesty's Government some statement of the reasons why, when this opportunity has been afforded to them of co-operation with other countries, they have taken up this very firm stand against it that I have raised this question, and I would most respectfully ask His Majesty's Government whether they will not reconsider the reasons which have led them to refuse up to the present moment to sign the Convention.