§ EARL GRANVILLEMy Lords, with your Lordships' permission, I propose to give the House some information as to the course which Her Majesty's Government intend to pursue, in consequence of certain events which your Lordships are no doubt aware have occurred in another place. Her Majesty's Government having found themselves there in a minority, the usual course under such circumstances would have been for them to tender their resignation to Her Majesty. After a calm consideration, however, of all the circumstances of the present case, they have come to the opinion that at present it is not their duty so to do. Looking at all those circumstances, considering that in the same place, on a most important question concerning the finances of the country, they have found themselves supported by a large majority; having received support, for which they are grateful, from your Lordships' House on this Chinese question itself; looking, also, to the composition of the present House of Commons, in which it does not appear to be clear that a strong Government could be formed in the present state of that House; further, considering that that House has now had an existence of five years; that during those five years three different Governments have been in existence; that it has seen this nation enter into a war, has seen that war concluded, and peace again established—I say, my Lords, that all these circumstances 1886 having been taken into consideration, Her Majesty's Government think it would be most for the advantage of the country and for the interest of the public that reference should be made to the country, to ascertain what its wishes are with regard to the future. My Lords, without giving any detailed reasons for adopting this course, all that I have to add is this, that Her Majesty's Government will only ask the sanction of both Houses of Parliament to measures of a temporary character, so as to enable that appeal to be made as soon as possible, with the view of calling another Parliament as soon as a new Parliament can be elected, and thus ascertaining what are the wishes of the country as to the party who are for the future to rule the nation. I cannot anticipate that in these views they will meet with opposition from any party in the State, but that all will admit the reasonableness and fairness of thus ascertaining what the real feeling of the country is.
§ EARL GREYI have certainly no wish to raise discussion on this occasion, but it occurs to me that there is an omission in the statement which the noble Earl has just made. I will remind your Lordships that on former occasions, when a Government has been defeated in the House of Commons, and, upon that defeat, instead of resigning their offices into the hands of Her Majesty, has thought fit to appeal to the country—in all prior cases of this kind the difference has arisen with regard to the legislative policy of the country. It was so in 1784, when Mr. Pitt in that memorable instance held office against a majority of the House of Commons. It was so in 1841, when a question arose as to the commercial and financial policy of the Government. In all these cases no material public inconvenience arose from leaving in uncertainty until the new Parliament met what should he the policy of the country. But allow me to point out to your Lordships that this case is widely different. The House of Commons has condemned the policy of Her Majesty's Government, not upon a legislative question, but upon the highest question of executive policy with which they have to deal. It is upon a question of peace of war. The House of Commons has come to a Resolution, which I am perfectly in order in quoting from the Votes laid on your Lordships' table—
That this House considers that the papers which have been laid upon the table fail to establish 1887 satisfactory grounds for the violent measures resorted to at Canton in the late affair of the Arrow."Consider, my Lords, what is the serious effect of that Resolution. It is this—that the country is now virtually engaged in a war which has been branded as unjust by the House of Commons; the affairs of England are intrusted in that country to the management of a person who by a vote of the House of Commons is branded with having without due justification entered on these violent measures. Now, my Lords, having just heard that the end of May is the earliest period at which Her Majesty's Government anticipate that another House of Commons can be called together, I wish to know whether in the interval of time which will be occupied in making this appeal to the country, during which events of tremendous importance may take place, the policy branded by the House of Commons is to be pursued, and whether the treatment of these most important questions which must arise in China is still to be committed to the hands of the man whose moral authority in that country is, I say, destroyed by the vote which has taken place. My Lords, it appears to me impossible that, in the face of the vote recently given by the House of Commons, the policy which has hitherto been pursued can be persevered in, or the affairs of England in Canton be intrusted to the hands in which they are at present placed. I submit that if the two Houses of Parliament are called on to give those facilities which are expected by Her Majesty's Government, in order that they may make the appeal to the country which they desire—if we are to give those facilities which I need not tell your Lordships either House has the power of refusing—we are entitled to satisfaction on this point from Her Majesty's Government. I can venture to say what, in my opinion, they ought to do. I think they ought at once and forthwith to recall Sir John Bowring. I think they ought to send out a person of high character, in whose discretion and judgment great confidence can be placed, with very wide discretionary powers, to bring the war, if possible, to a conclusion. I think they ought to do—what I have no doubt they have done already—namely, taken all the measures in their power to protect the lives and property of Her Majesty's subjects in China. But I say this is, of all things, most essential, that the individual who has brought the country into its present 1888 critical position and involved it in hostilities should not remain intrusted with the high duties of Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary. Certainly, unless Her Majesty's Government are prepared to give satisfaction on that point, I think it is the duty of this and the other House, by humble Address to Her Majesty, to express the wish, I am sorry to say, they must feel; and if no other Member of your Lordships' House more able to undertake the task present himself, I shall be prepared to move such an Address.
§ EARL GRANVILLEI could perfectly understand the question which has been put by the noble Earl being put in another place, where the Resolution has been affirmed; but I do not see the same propriety in the noble Earl's putting the question in your Lordships' assembly, when, after full discussion, you have come, by a large majority, to a contrary opinion. At the same time, I should be most unwilling to refuse any general information as to the course of the Government which it is in my power to give. I can only assure your Lordships that even before the close of the debate we had taken into our deepest consideration the best means of determining the present unsatisfactory state of relations between China and this country. We do not consider that the House of Commons intended by that Resolution to indicate that we should refrain from taking every necessary step for the defence of the lives and property of British subjects in China, or that we should patch up matters in a rash and precipitate manner, without reference to the position of things at the time. We think we act in consonance with the decision of the House of Commons, though not admitting its justice, if we take every step which, in our judgment, is best calculated to settle the question as a whole, and that we shall not incur blame by so doing either from your Lordships or from the other House, even in its present state—still less, we hope, when Parliament is re-elected after a dissolution.