HL Deb 18 May 1849 vol 105 cc631-4
The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE

said, he wished to make a short explanation of what had fallen from him on a previous evening, in answer to a question which had been put to him by a noble Lord (Lord Beaumont) respecting the affairs of Italy. The noble Lord had asked him whether Her Majesty's Government had received any communication from other Powers relative to any proposed interference in the affairs of Italy; in answer to this, he (the Marquess of Lansdowne) had told their Lordships, that a communication had been made by the French Government to our Government, that it intended to interfere in the affairs of Rome by sending a force to Civita Vecchia, but that no communication had been made of its intention to undertake an expedition against Rome, as it had recently undertaken it. He had further stated upon that occasion, that no regular communication had been made to our Government on that subject by the Governments either of Austria or Naples. In strictness, he was perfectly justified in making the statement that no communication of a formal nature had been made to our Government by Austria, because he found upon inquiry that no record of any such communication was to be found in the records of the Foreign Office. He had learned, however, upon application to his noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that a verbal communication had been made to him by the Austrian Ambassador in this country of the intention of his Government to interfere in the affairs of Rome. The able statesman who now filled that distinguished office had certainly stated to his noble Friend Lord Palmerston, in a conversation which took place twelve days ago, that such was the intention of his Government. He read to his Lordship a communication which he had received from the Austrian Government, explanatory of its intention, and added that that intention was founded on the avowed intention of other Powers to interfere. He (the Marquess of Lansdowne) was not authorised to go further than this—he was not authorised to state what that communication was. He was, however, bound in correctness to declare that such a communication had been made; and further to declare, after having seen it, that it was made in a frank and explicit manner. He thought it right, not only in justice to himself, but also in justice to the Austrian Ambassador, to make this statement; and he had also great satisfaction in making it, as he understood that it would be a satisfaction to the able statesman who now represented the Austrian Government in this country.

The EARL of ABERDEEN

was happy to hear the explanation of the noble Marquess, and had no doubt that it was agreeable to his feelings to make such a statement. He must, however, make one remark upon the position in which the noble Marquess had now placed himself. If the noble Marquess, in answer to the application which the noble Baron behind him had made, for information as to the object and intentions of the Austrian Government in invading the Roman territory, had said that he was ignorant whether any communication had been made or not to the British Government of its intentions, his answer would have been natural and intelligible, although perhaps unsatisfactory; but the noble Marquess had said in a manner the most emphatic and solemn—and no one could be more emphatic and solemn than the noble Marquess when he pleased—that no communication whatever had been made by the Austrian to the British Government. Those were the words of the noble Marquess. Now the noble Marquess asserted that he was in strictness justified in using those words, because no regular and written communication was made, or it would have been found in the records of the Foreign Office. But it should be recollected that the communication of the French Government on this subject was just the same—it was merely verbal—it was not official—and yet that was sufficient, and had been held to be sufficient, to satisfy Her Majesty's Ministers; whereas the communication of the Austrian Government was held not to be regular, though it was made officially, and not verbally, was written and read, and was declared to be in every sense frank, full, and explicit. Furthermore their Lordships must admit that, as the questions of the noble Baron had been printed, and must have been sent to the same quarter with that from which the answer was derived, it was quite unjustifiable that the noble Marquess should have been instructed to give the answer which he had given. He conceived this to be a most unjustifiable mode of dealing with Parliament and foreign Powers. It was not long since he had laid before their Lordships the particulars of a transaction of the same kind, which were very discreditable to the parties concerned in it. He alluded to the publication of an odious accusation against another Power, and to the fact of its having been allowed to circulate uncontradicted throughout Europe for many months, whilst the most conclusive and triumphant refutation of it was in the hands of the parties circulating the accusation. The present was not a case of the same importance, nor likely to produce the same injurious consequences; but he looked upon it as a part of that policy of passion and hatred which had injured the interests of England in so many parts of Europe, and had produced results detrimental to the general tranquillity.

The MARQUESS of LANSDOWE

did not rise to add anything to the statement which he had already made, or to revert to any of the remarks which the noble Earl had offered upon a subject which had long gone by, and had often been made a topic of discussion. He only wished to set the noble Earl right on one point. There was only one mode in which a communication from a foreign Government could be regularly made, and that was in writing. There was this difference, too, between the Austrian and French communications. The first had been made verbally in one conversation only. The other, the French, had been made in many conversations, and a copy of the despatch of the French Government had been formally communicated to our Government, and had been formally deposited in the records of the Foreign Office.

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