§ The EARL of HARROWBYsaid, that he was now about to call the attention of their Lordships to a subject, on which he should be obliged to occupy some of their Lordships' time. He begged to present a petition signed on behalf of the Standing Committee of the West India Merchants and Planters. It was no agreeable subject that he had to call their Lordships' attention to, considering that the tale was one that had been often told, and presented but one continued series of disappointment, embarrassment, and distress. He thought that the whole history of the conduct of the British Parliament to the parties connected with the West India islands was one of the most melancholy and unfortunate that could be conceived, and was accompanied by a very largo amount of injustice. He was not one of those who wished to throw any blame on the great measure of emancipation; on the contrary, accompanied as it was, on the part of this country, with the sacrifice of 20,000,000l. sterling for an object in which no national or personal interest of a sordid nature was engaged, he thought it one of the most noble acts which had over distinguished any nation. But since that time he confessed his own feeling was that the glory of that achievement had been much tarnished, partly by the want of wisdom and consideration which had been displayed in the measures which ought to have accompanied and followed emancipation, and partly and more particularly by the manner in which Parliament had neglected the interests of our own colonies, and exposed them to unlimited competition 1102 with parties who had the full benefit of that iniquity which had been put an end to in our own colonies. He felt that he was himself in some degree an accomplice in the act by which this was accomplished, having voted for the measure of 1846. The original step was taken by the Act of 1845, which admitted sugar from foreign colonies, not having slaves, to competition with the sugar produced by free labour in our own colonies. The full effect of that measure was hardly anticipated at the time. It was, in public apprehension, an encouragement given to countries which were limited in extent, and having peculiar claims to the favour of this country, on account of their not permitting slavery within their dominions. But, unfortunately, the effect of that measure was practically to bring our colonies into competition, not only with foreign colonies working by free labour, but also with the white market of the world, with countries not only having slaves, but also extensively engaged in carrying on the slave trade. The second stage of progress, therefore, by which foreign slave-labour sugar was formally and directly admitted into our markets, was the natural and logical consequence of the first, although that consequence was not apprehended at the time; and, in fact, no step for the exclusion of slave-labour sugar could be effectual for its object. However unjust, however inconsistent, however ruinous in their consequences these steps had been, he still did not expect they would be retraced; and he should only be doing mischief if he held out such expectations. Even if the attempt succeeded, it could only be, after all that had passed, for a time: without going back and excluding all foreign sugar whatever, hopes would be excited which would not be realised, and parties would be induced to embark their capital upon a basis which could not be long maintained. Other remedies, or at least mitigations, must be looked to, more in consonance with present views of legislation, less likely to become the object of party struggle or popular agitation; and to these only would be direct the attention of their Lordships. The great deficiency in our emancipated colonies notoriously was a security for continuous labour; and it should have been the first object of the emancipation to provide for it by every possible means. Attempts had been made in the colonies to get permission for the Colonial Office to 1103 endeavour to prevail upon the emancipated negroes to enter into engagements to labour for a longer period of time. But, unfortunately, the influence of the struggle for emancipation was still too strongly felt. Parties were still under the impression that they could not benefit the employer without injuring the labourer, and the permission was refused. But whatever might be said against allowing the emancipated negro of the colonies to fetter himself by long engagements, surely it might have been permitted in the case of labourers imported as strangers. Without such engagement, individuals would not incur the expense of their introduction; and when they were introduced at the expense of the colonial fund, they in too many instances formed no permanent connexion, but wandered about the colonies as idle and useless vagabonds. In the case of such importations, or of those of the emancipated negroes by the slave ships, surely such engagements should not only be permitted but encouraged. It was a point, therefore, which he wished to urge on their Lordships' consideration, whether, with a view to the interests of the immigrants themselves, greater encouragement should not be given to the making of contracts to servo for a longer period than was at present allowed. He believed that they were now limited to a duration of twelve months, and it was full six months before any advantage whatever was derived by the employer from the labour of the immigrant. On this point there was very strong testimony. He knew that much jealousy was felt lest, under the name of apprenticeship or contract labour, a modified system of slavery should be introduced. But he thought that all apprehensions on that score might safely be dismissed from the minds of their Lordships, when he stated that Sir James Carmichael Smith, Lord Metcalfe, and Sir C. Grey, the past and present Governors of Jamaica and Guiana—parties quite sufficiently jealous for the interests of the labouring population, and most competent to form a sound judgment—were all of opinion that eon-tracts to serve for a longer period than one year, were not only admissible but desirable; and had expressed this opinion in the strongest way in the official papers which had been laid on their Lordships' table. This was one of the points to which he wished the attention of Parliament should be directed, as a supply of 1104 continuous labour was essential to enable the colonists to carry on the cultivation of sugar successfully. Another point to which he wished to call the attention of their Lordships was the loan which was granted last year by Parliament to these colonies. Among other measures of relief, recommended by the Committee appointed last Session by the House of Commons to inquire into the distressed state of the West Indies, authority was given by Act of Parliament to the Treasury to advance 500,000l. to the different West India colonies, which was to be distributed among them for the purpose of enabling them to undertake great works of internal improvement. But no part of that loan had been so applied, for the conditions imposed upon its acceptance by the colonists had discouraged them from taking any advance; and he believed that the noble Earl opposite was satisfied that all hope had disappeared of inducing the colonies to accept any portion of this 500,000l. for the purpose of undertaking great public works or arterial drainage, as they would have to tax the white community for the interest, and the benefit would be in many cases only to individuals. But although there was no hope that advances would be accepted in this shape, yet if the money were advanced to individual proprietors for the improvement of their several properties on the same footing as money advanced to English and Irish proprietors, by taking first mortgages on their estates, he believed that it would have a very beneficial effect. It might be said that 500,000l. would be a small sum for such a purpose; but he had been informed that it would prove most serviceable by introducing into the islands attempts at local and general drainage, which would induce others to follow the example set them. He was informed that the expense of drainage would amount to 5l. an acre, and the drainage of 100,000 acres would give an immense increase to the productive powers of the land, and set an example which would probably beget confidence in the future destinies of the colonies. He could hardly imagine that the principle could be objected to, as it was the same which was adopted in lending money to England, Scotland, and Ireland. He thought that the noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies could hardly object to it on the ground of want of security, as he had on a former occasion expressed his conviction, that no investment could 1105 be more advantageous—he, at least, could hardly say that the estate of a West India proprietor was not as good a security as the estate of an Irish landlord. These were the two points which would be practically most advantageous to the West Indies, He could not urge on the House to reimpose the differential duties which existed at one time between our colonies and other countries, because he felt, that, if reimposed, they would not be long maintained, and the attempt therefore would only be a deception; but he felt that the situation of the West Indies was a matter of great importance to this country, both with reference to the interests of the colonies themselves, and to the carrying out of the great experiment of slave emancipation, and that no moans should be omitted by which the chance of a successful issue to that great experiment could be improved. If, after having emancipated our slaves, we exhibited to other countries the spectacle of ruined colonies, it could hardly be expected that they would follow the example set to them. At another period of the Session there would have been much that he might have pressed on the attention of their Lordships in connexion with this subject; but he did not wish to do more now than to press these two practical points, without entering into general subjects connected with the welfare of the colonies. He was aware, that the general distress in the colonies had been much disputed in another place, and that many figures had been quoted to disprove it; but on that occasion, as well as on others, the figures had been somewhat curiously selected. The figures quoted related to the year 1847, and the returns for the last year for 1848 were loft out, although it would have appeared from them that instead of an increase there was a decrease of 40,000 tons in the production of our colonies. The increase of 1847 was evidently the result of the impetus given to cultivation by the transactions of 1844 and 1845, which arose out of an expectation, not well founded, as it proved, that this country had determined to exclude foreign slave-grown sugar. He did not think that the noble Earl himself, who was apt to take rather a sanguine view of the condition of the colonies, would now deny that the West Indies were in a distressed state, he would hardly deny that the verdict of the House of Commons last year, in a Committee which was by no means favourable to the 1106 West India interests, had affirmed the great necessity for the immediate application of relief. If their Lordships looked to the low prices of sugar which at present prevailed, and to the general state of discouragement of all the planters in the colonies, it would be found that the condition of the West Indian colonies was not better, but even worse, than at the period when the Committee of the House of Commons came to the conclusion to which he had just referred. The verdict of that Committee was, that the British West India colonies were not yet prepared to enter into competition with the slave-grown sugar of other States, and on that ground they recommended a postponement of the term when that competition should be complete. Circumstances had not since materially changed, wages were not materially lower, credit was not improved. He wished he could hope that that period would be still further postponed for a definite period. At any rate he would beg his noble Friend at the head of the Colonial Department to state whether he could not hold out some hope to the colonies, if not by a return to the system of protection, or by arresting in some degree the rapid approach of that unfavourable competition to which they were so soon to be exposed with colonies carrying on the slave trade—at all events, that every possible facility should be afforded them in the management of their internal affairs, and for making engagements with immigrants, and the same advantages for availing themselves of the credit of the mother country for raising loans for the improvement of their property, which had been extended to the landed proprietors of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
§ EARL GREYthought that their Lordships would fully concur with him in opinion as to the inexpediency, at the present period of the Session, of entering into the discussion of so wide a question as that involved in the state and prospects of the West India colonies. It would be impossible to do justice to so largo a subject, and he should therefore simply confine himself to the subject of the loan to the West India Colonies, which had been referred to by the noble Earl, as having been sanctioned last year by Parliament. Upon that subject he had to inform the noble Earl that the Act of Parliament authorising the loans most scrupulously limited the discretion of the Government, and deprived them of the power of lending money 1107 to individual proprietors; and most undoubtedly he could hold out to their Lordships no expectation of any alteration taking place in that measure, because he felt perfectly persuaded, from his experience of former loans for the purpose of repairing damages by earthquakes, hurricanes, and similar misfortunes, that Her Majesty's 'Treasury possessed no adequate means or machinery for entering into arrangements with individual proprietors in the colonies, and that the only safe way in which the money could be advanced by this country to the colonies was upon the credit of the local legislatures, leaving to those bodies the task of providing for the distribution of the money for the purpose for which it was required. It was this consideration mainly that was the cause of the Act introduced last year having been framed in the manner it was. From all that he had heard and seen of the operation of former loans in the colonies, the more convinced he was of the absolute neccessity of adhering to that principle, and that it was altogether unsafe, in consequence of the British Treasury being totally without any adequate machinery for ensuring the proper application of the money, to enter into any arrangements with individual proprietors. So far, therefore, as the question of the loan was concerned, he could not hold out any expectation that Her Majesty's Government would recommend to Parliament any alteration of the Act.
§ The EARL of HARROWBYwas understood to ask whether any alteration was proposed to be made with respect to the duration of the contracts?
§ EARL GREYsaid, that upon the question of the duration of contracts, very ample information would be found in the despatches upon the table of the House, and he should be exceedingly sorry to enter into a subject of that nature which he could do only in an extremely imperfect manner, without the documents to refer to. He would only state that whatever arrangements had already been made, had been entered into with a view to what was considered the benefit of both planters and negroes. His conviction was, that the utter failure of the old scheme of apprenticeship had proved conclusively that the system of long contracts in day labour was no real inducement to industry, and would be, of all other systems, the one most likely to prove injurious to the interests of 1108 the colonists. From information which he had received from the Governors of some of the colonies, however, he was not prepared to say that the Governors would refuse their assent to any well-considered law providing for the extension of the period during which contracts might be legally made, subject, however, to this restriction that in no case should it be compulsory upon the emigrant to enter into such contract; and with this further restriction also—that with respect to liberated Africans who might be sent to the colonies, not at the expense of the colonies themselves, but at the expense of this country, and rescued by the cruisers of this country that with respect to them contracts should not be entered into on their behalf by the officers of the Government, except within that period which the Governor might think most advantageous, which would certainly be limited to a short period. He stated, that in the papers which he was about to present to the House, some valuable information would be found on the subject of the liberated Africans. When the time came for the proper discussion of the subject, he had no doubt but that it would be in his power to show that it was in the highest degree important with respect to liberated Africans that they should not be allowed to enter into long contracts.
EARL ST. VINCENTsaid, that the present state of the West India colonies was such as to call for the serious attention of Her Majesty's Government, with a view of devising some remedy for the protection and benefit of both labourers and landed proprietors in colonies. He felt satisfied that unless some remedy were speedily brought forward, a great number of estates would be entirely abandoned. Several instances had come to his knowledge of owners of estates having been compelled to abandon them in consequence of the great difficulties with which they had to contend. During the last year a considerable number of Coolies went to one estate where other Coolies had been at work for a considerable time, and persuaded them to demand such a sum for their labour as the proprietor of the estate could not afford to give, although he offered them a considerably larger sum, provided they would work by task-work, which they would not accept; ultimately both parties of the Coolies walked off the estate, and went to another part of the island.