HL Deb 22 February 1810 vol 15 cc503-5
Earl Grey

presented two petitions from the Roman Catholics of England, the first stating the hardships arising from the disabilities under which they laboured, and respectfully praying to be relieved from them; and the second expressing their willingness to consent to any arrangement that might be deemed necessary for the security of the existing establishments which might not be inconsistent with their own religious opinions.—The petitions having been read, his lordship said he should merely now move that they be laid on the table, and should not probably make any motion relative to them during the session. He could not, however, omit the opportunity of making a few observations upon the subject to which these petitions related, and which, in whatever point of view considered, was one of the greatest importance. At the present momentous crisis, it was surely of the utmost consequence to the security of the empire to unite all his Majesty's subjects heartily and cordially in the defence of the country. Yet, as the petition stated in the most respectful terms, the Catholics of England were placed under the most degrading disabilities, and were not even permitted to attain those situations in which they could render themselves useful to the cause of their country; and this, notwithstanding they were a most loyal and respectable body, at all times ready and eager to join their fellow-subjects in promoting and defending the common interests of the state, and who fulfilled all their duties in society with exemplary propriety. They were indeed placed in a worse situation than the Catholics in other parts of his Majesty's dominions. In Canada his Majesty's Catholic subjects were allowed all the benefits of the most enlarged toleration, or, in other words, were eligible to all offices in common with their protestant fellow subjects. In Ireland Catholics were allowed to act as Magistrates under commissions of the peace—to become members of lay corporations, except Trinity College, at which, however, they might take degrees, and to vote at elections for members of parliament; all the ranks of the army were also open to them, except that of a general on the staff. In England Catholics could not act as magistrates, could not be included in a commission of the peace—could not become members of any Corporation, and were debarred from taking degrees at either of the Universities; the ranks of the army and navy were closed against them, and even if giving up the rank to which they were born and becoming privates in any military force, they were dependent upon the will of others, not merely as to whether they should he allowed to exercise their own religion, but whether they should not be compelled to attend a religious service different from their own. It was surely utterly inconsistent with a liberal and enlightened policy that such degrading disabilities should be continued. The Catholics had uniformly displayed their loyalty, and their zeal, whenever they had had opportunities of being employed in the service of their country, and were in other respects a most respectable body. In the county to which he belonged there were several persons of that persuasion of ancient and respectable families, who, as friends and neighbours, as parents of families, and in all the relations of society, conducted themselves with the greatest propriety, and this he believed to be the general character of that body. He could not, therefore, but hope, upon all these grounds, that a long period would not elapse before the disabilities under which this meritorious and respectable body of men at present laboured would be done away, and that they would not be much longer prevented from attaining those situations in which they might serve the cause of their country in common with their fellow-subjects. He was the more induced to entertain this hope, having been authorised to state, that the Catholics of England were willing to consent that, in granting them those privileges which they asked, such means as might be thought advisable should be adopted for the security of the existing establishments, provided they were not contrary to their religious opinions and feelings. He had stated that he did not intend to make any motion upon this subject during the present session, and he did so with a view to all the circumstances of the case of the Catholics in another part of his Majesty's dominions. He trusted that, with reference to this part of the case, the letter of his noble friend (lord Grenville) would have the wished for effect. He begged leave decidedly to declare, that to every reason, to every sentiment, and to every word of that letter, he most entirely subscribed, and he hoped that so temperate and well reasoned an appeal would lead to these consequences and to that disposition which were so much to be desired. He wished it to be understood, that he could support the object desired to be attained by the Catholics upon no other ground than that every security should be given to the existing establishments consistently with liberality and justice, and with the religious opinions and feelings of that respectable body. The second petition, which was signed by three out of four of the apostolic vicars-general, and by most of the catholic peers, went to this object; It was worded in a general way, and he thought it was better that it should be so. He had little doubt that the object so much to be desired, would be in the end attained, and that a disposition would be brought about under the influence of which those points which were necessary to its attainment, would on both sides be conceded. His lordship concluded by moving, that the petitions do lie on the table.—Ordered.