§ This day, at a quarter past three o'clock, his Majesty came down to the House of Peers in the accustomed state, and being seated in his royal robes upon the throne, Mr. Quarme, the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, was dispatched with a message from his Majesty, commanding the attendance of the House of Commons, who forthwith appeared at the bar, with the Speaker at their head. His Majesty was then pleased to deliver the following most gracious speech from the throne:
§ "My Lords and Gentlemen,
§ Since I last met you in Parliament, it has been my chief object to carry into effect those measures which your wisdom had adopted for the defence of the United Kingdom, and for the vigorous prosecution of the war. In these preparations I have been seconded by the voluntary exertions of all ranks of my people, in a manner that, has, if possible, strengthened their claims to my confidence and affection: they have proved that the menaces of the enemy have only served to rouse their native and hereditary spirit; and that all other considerations are lost in a general disposition to make those efforts and sacrifices which the honour and safety of the Kingdom demand at this important and critical conjuncture.—Though my attention has principally been directed to the great object of internal security, no opportunity has been lost of making art impression on the foreign possessions of the enemy. The Islands of St. Lucia, of Tobago, of St. Pierre, and Miquelon, and the settlements of Demerara and Essequibo, 2 have surrendered to the British arms. In the conduct of the operations by which those valuable acquisitions have been made, the utmost promptitude and zeal have been displayed by the officers employed on those services, and by my forces acting under their command by sea and land.—In Ireland, the leaders, and several inferior agents, in the late traitorous and atrocious conspiracy, have been brought to justice; and the public tranquillity has experienced no further interruption. I indulge the hope, that such of my deluded subjects as have swerved from their allegiance are now convinced of their error; and that having compared the advantages they derive from the protection of a free Constitution, with the condition of those countries which are under the dominion of the French Government, they will cordially and zealously concur in resisting any attempt that may be made against the security and independence of my United Kingdom.
§ Gentlemen of the Mouse of Commons,
§ I have a perfect reliance on your public spirit for making such provision as may be necessary for the service of the year. The progressive improvement of the revenue cannot fail to encourage you to persevere in the system which has been adopted, of defraying the expenses of the war, with as little addition as possible to the public debt, and to the permanent burthens of the State.—I lament the heavy pressure which, under the present circumstances, must unavoidably be experienced by my people but I am persuaded that they will meet it with the good sense and fortitude which so eminently distinguish their character, under a conviction of the indispensable importance 3 of upholding the dignity, and of providing effectually for the safety of the Empire.
§ My Lords and Gentlemen,
§ I have concluded a convention with the King of Sweden, for the purpose of adjusting all the differences which have arisen on the subject of the eleventh article of the treaty of l661 I have directed that a copy of this convention should be laid before you; and yon will, I trust, be of opinion that the arrangement, whilst it upholds our maritime rights, is founded on those principles of reciprocal advantage which are best calculated to maintain and improve the good understanding which happily subsists between the two countries.—In the prosecution of the contest in which we are engaged, it shall be, as it has ever been, my first object to execute as becomes me, the great trust committed to my charge. Embarked with my brave and loyal people in one common cause, it is my fixed determination, if the occasion should arise, to share their exertions and their dangers in the defence of our constitution, our religion, our laws, and independence. To the activity and valour of my fleets and armies, to the zeal and unconquerable spirit of my faithful subjects, I confide the honour of my crown, and all those valuable interests which are involved in the issue of this momentous contest.—Actuated by these sentiments, and humbly imploring the blessing of Divine Providence, I look forward with a firm conviction, that if, contrary to all just expectation, the enemy should elude the vigilance of my numerous fleets and cruizers, and attempt to execute their presumptuous threat of invading our coasts, the consequence will be to them, discomfiture, confusion, and disgrace; and that ours will not only be the glory of surmounting present difficulties, and repelling immediate danger, but the solid and permanent advantage of fixing the safety and independence of the kingdom on the basis of acknowledged strength, the result of its own tried energy and resources."
§ After his Majesty had left the House, Lord Hawkesbury was introduced by the Earl Marshal and Lord Great Chamberlain in their robes, between Lords Hobart and Auckland, on being created Baron Hawkesbury, and took the oaths and his seat in the House. Lord Westmoreland then moved the first reading of a bill, according to ancient usage, before they proceeded to take into consideration his Majesty's speech. Their Lordships then adjourned during pleasure. After a short interval, the House 4 was resumed, and his Majesty's speech was read, first by the Lord Chancellor, and afterwards by the Clerk at the table.
The Marquis of Sligothen rose to move an Address lo his Majesty, on his most gracious Speech from the throne, which their Lordships had just heard read, and spoke as follows: My Lords—In calling your Lordships' attention to the speech which has been delivered from the throne, I trust I shall not be considered as arrogating to myself an extraordinary claim to your consideration. Little in the habit of addressing you on such occasions, and not, perhaps, suited to it on any, I shall require much of your indulgence, while I endeavour to express those sentiments to which that speech has given rise; though I am persuaded I feel them only in common with your Lordships, and with all those who have had the opportunity of attending to it. The importance of perfect unanimity at this moment, I feel most strongly, and I trust nothing will fall from me to stand in the way of that most desirable object. We must recollect that we have to contend with an overbearing and vindictive enemy, avowing, as his object, our destruction, and one who we know, by the melancholy experience of Europe, will stop at no means to effect his purposes. If ever there was a period of more importance in the annals of history than another, this is the period. If ever there was a moment for peculiar pride in the name of Briton, more than another, it is at the present moment. If ever there was a period when this nation, long the envy and admiration of the world, could more properly be looked up to for imitation, it is now, when every individual, born to the protection of equal laws, stands forward, without distinction of rank, class, or situation, to shed his blood in defence of that invaluable inheritance. The measures which the prudence of his Majesty's ministers has suggested for the defence of the empire, and which the wisdom of Parliament has adopted, have been outdone by the zeal and patriotism of its inhabitants, and Great-Britain offers itself to the admiration of the world in a novel attitude, a nation of soldiers, not brought together by the terrors of revolutionary laws, not assembled by the unbridled power of a despotic government, not invited by the hopes of plunder, from the destruction of neighbouring nations, but voluntarily stepping forth on the noblest and wisest principles, the possession of an unequalled form of government, a proper sense of its value, and a determination to die in its defence.—France, assisted in her views upon other 5 nations, by their internal dissent ions, may have the same expectation here, but she will find, that, however the wisest may differ in political opinions, or however we may be divided in another part of the United Empire by distinctions of religion, there are points and principles in which we shall be actuated by one mind; we will not be invaded by a foreign enemy; we will not be dictated to by any one; we will live as an independent people, as our forefathers have done, or we will not live at all.—But, though much of the attention of the King's ministers must have been bestowed on our extensive preparations for home defence, their labours have not been confined to that only. Enterprizes for conquests abroad have been planned, and several colonies of considerable commercial value wrested from the enemy and added to the dominions of Great-Britain, opening new markets for our manufactures, and, at the same time, cutting off the last remnant of foreign trade from France. She is effectually deprived of the means for the restoration of her naval power, the remnant of which, still smarting under the recollection of former defeats, confined to her own harbours, remains blockaded in one of her naval arsenals by the persevering vigilance of Admiral Cornwallis, and in the other, by a noble admiral, with whose exploits in the same quarter, she has had some former acquaintance.—With respect to the recent events which have taken place in Ireland, I can address your Lordships on that subject with a considerable degree of confidence, having been there previous to the breaking out of the insurrection, pending it, and for many months after it was put down. A conspiracy, fomented by the intrigues of France, was formed, having for its avowed object the overthrow of the government. The energy, the firmness, the vigilance, and the moderation with which it was followed up by the King's servants there, gave universal satisfaction to all the loyal inhabitants. It was traced to its wry source: not only even ring-leader, but also every conspicuous person concerned in it, was discovered and brought to punishment, after being allowed the fullest benefit of those mild, just, and lenient laws, which, in their madness, they wished to have overturned. I will also further assure your Lordships, that French fraternization is now appreciated in Ireland, at its just value, and if, by the misinformation of their emissaries, the enemy should direct their meditated attack to that quarter, they will find, I here pledge myself to your Lordships, a vigorous resistance from every rank and every persua- 6 sion of the inhabitants.—A continued perseverence in the wise system of defraying the weighty charge of war, with the least possible permanent burthen on the public, cannot be too much commended. It is by that only our national credit can be. pre-served, and that France will learn, that the plans she may have formed for exhausting our resources, are as vain as any others she may have in view for our destruction.—With respect to the Convention concluded with the King of Sweden, when the papers on that subject are before your Lordships will be he properest time for examining the merits of that convention; I will, however, take leave to say now thus much: in all I have seen, and all I have read, treaties between independent nations are lasting and beneficial, in proportion as they convey equal and reciprocal advantage to both parties: if, therefore, our just rights are obtained, and all indispensably necessary to us is secured, without infringing on the rights of another independent kingdom, all that could be wished for is accomplished.—I come now, my Lords, to the concluding paragraph of the speech; in which his Majesty, in language never to be forgotten, declares, that, embarked in one common cause with his brave and loyal people, he confides to them the honour of his crown, determined in his own person to share with them their exertions and their dangers. The feelings to which such sentiments give this, it would not be easy to express; I could dwell on them with pride and pleasure: but I have trespassed already too much on your Lordships indulgence, and, in truth, I have nearly exhausted my own strength, and, therefore, though could have wished to have added a few words more, I must conclude with a fervent prayer, that the beloved Sovereign, who has reigned in the love and admiration of his subjects for nearly half a century, may long continue to fill that throne Whatever calamities hang over us, may danger be far from him! And, when taken from us to a other and a better world, may the remembrance of his unexampled virtues be lastingly impressed on his successors, as the highest ornament to this nation in its prosperity, and the best pledge to it for the Divine aid, under any of those dangers or calamities from which nothing human is exempted.—His Lordship then moved, "That an humble address be presented to his Majesty," which address was as usual, an echo of the speech from the throne, and nearly the same as that which we insert in the proceedings of the House of Commons of this day. (See page 15).
The Earl of Limerickrose to second the Address. Though he fully coincided in the sentiments expressed by the noble Marquis who had just sat down, yet he hoped the House would pardon him, if he felt it necessary to trespass upon their patience, by a few observations upon the speech itself. Their Lordships would observe, that in the subject at present before them, no questions were involved, as to the fitness or unfitness of ministers for the councils of their Sove reign; the topics before them were not masters of party consideration; they were of a comprehensive, general and important kind, and presented themselves to the attention of their Lordships in such a point of view, as induced him to trouble them with a very few observations thereon. The opening part of the Speech from the throne, very properly adverted to that impregnable state of protection, which the unprecedented vigour, energy, and unanimity of the population of the country held forth to an aggressive and unprincipled foe. This was such, (and it was with exultation he had to remark it,) as must make the enemy ever feel what he had to expect, in case he should provoke, by an attack upon its territory, the just vengeance of a nation, armed in defence of its independence, its liberties, and its invaluable constitution. A voluntary armament like the present could not be paralleled in the history of any country; not only with respect to the amount of numbers, but in the instance of the sense, nay, the feelings of the people being so clearly and forcibly expressed. As danger threatened, our spirits had increased; and never had energy more conspicuously distinguished any nation, even during the most arduous emergencies, than in the present contest. He was confident, that should the opportunity offer, of those patriotic bands signalizing themselves in action, they would evince themselves the genuine descendant of those who had so gloriously carried the terrors of the British arms into the heart of France, and bore away the palm of signal and complete victory at Cressy and Polctiers. When had there such a number of voluntary defenders stepped forward to vindicate the cause of their country? If he was rightly informed, there was at least half a million of men in arms, prepared and eager to meet the boasting foe. Indeed the country appeared to him as one vast camp, filled by armed myriads, who, instead of feeling a particle of dismay or apprehension, instead of evincing themselves a "nation of shop-keepers," as they had been tauntingly called by the enemy, ardently wished for nothing 8 so much as to be brought to the test of action. When we came to cope with our enemy in war, we displayed the same superiority, as when we contended with other traders in mercantile effort. We were not mere merchants who could traffic, but could not fight; not mere soldiers who could fight, without excelling in other arts; but in whatever we undertook we were superior. Greatly as he admired the volunteer-corps, yet, there was one circumstance which he wished to see different from what it now was; he wished that every corps of that kind, and also the militia, should have been engaged to serve in any part of the United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, where occasion might require a large portion of the national force: not only that the volunteers and militia should march to their own coasts, but also to the sister island, reciprocally and respectively, if they be want ed. Meritorious as were their services, and momentous, even under the present tenure, yet he thought they would be still more valuable, if they were more extensive as to place; and he wished a clause to that effect had been introduced into that part of the defensive system, which recommended the formation of volunteer corps. With such a numerous and effectual force, some persons asked, why were our operations almost entirely defensive? Why did we make no attempt at offensive efforts? Our first and grand object was defence; the defence of our King, country, constitution, laws, religion, property, families, liberty, and lives, from the most cruel enemy that had ever annoyed the human race; and who was inflamed with peculiar hatred against this country, which alone had effectually resisted and repressed his lawless ambition. Unless we had made defence our principal and almost sole object, we could not have provided for our security and independence. Even now, though we had in a great measure ascertained our security by our strength, the vigilant hatred of our enemy would admit of no relaxation of our defensive exertions. He trusted, however, that in a short time we should be so secure, in point of defence, as to admit of offensive warfare. He could not withhold his just tribute of praise from that respectable board, to whose department more particularly belongs the arming of he troops and volunteer force of the country, for their almost miraculous exertions, within the short period of a few months, which had enabled them to issue, if he was rightly informed, above 300,000 stand of arms. Such exertions, though they merited peculiar com- 9 mendation, were only, be was well assured, a specimen of the vigour and alacrity which universally pervaded every department connected with the public force.—The next point of the speech to which he would advert, was that in which his Majesty slated, that while every exertion was directed, in the first instance, to provide for our internal safety at home, yet his arms abroad had been directed to the attainment of new and important acquisitions of territory in the West-Indies. To the wisdom of such conduct, every praise was due. Until our security at home should be placed out of all possible risk, it would be quixotism to direct our arms to projects of foreign conquest; but that security once effected, it became the wisdom and vigour of his Majesty's councils, to seek every mean of annoying the enemy abroad; and the new acquisitions in the West-Indies his lordship hailed as an omen of new triumphs to our arms, to which, the state of forwardness in number and equipment of our public force, unparalleled at so early a period of the war, must enable us speedily to make many valuable additions.—His lordship next adverted to that part of his Majesty's speech which alludes to the concerns of Ireland. He had, on a former occasion, feelingly to lament, the misfortunes which had then arisen in that part of the United Kingdoms: with respect to these, on the present view of that subject, much matter for satisfactory consideration was afforded; the principal leaders in that wicked and flagitious insurrection had since met that fate they so justly deserved. The numbers of those who were embarked in that wretched cause, were certainly contemptible; yet their attempts were matter for precautionary consideration. He had, since the period alluded to, resided in Ireland, and had taken some pains to be correctly informed upon the subject; he had reason to think, that several of those who were deeply engaged in traitorous machinations against the constitution and unity of these kingdoms, differed materially among themselves as to the plan most expedient to be pursued. Some urged the expediency of an immediate rising, while others preferred waiting for the assistance or co-operation of France. The explosion, therefore, had prematurely broken forth. He sincerely wished, however, that the hopes held out in the speech, that those who had been unhappily misled into the paths of treason and rebellion, would, by comparing the effects of that mild and lenient system of government under which they had the good, fortune to live, 10 with those of that tyrannical and unprincipled usurpation to which they were about to commit their country, would be induced to return to their allegiance, and to habits of tranquillity. Added to this consideration, he trusted the disaffected in that country would be kept down by the strength and vigilance of the Irish Volunteer force. Of that body of men, he could speak in terms of well founded panegyric: he had seen them, and steadier and better disciplined troops were no where to be found: they were confidently to be relied upon: it was not foe review and parade alone that they were calculated, they had been weighed in the balance of actual service, and proved themselves not to be deficient. Here the noble earl adverted to the militia force of the United Kingdom, and avowed himself convinced, as he had done on a former occasion, of the superior policy of reciprocal service. After viewing the effects of the militia system as it now stood, he expressed his wish that these forces, of every part of the United Kingdom, were enabled by law reciprocally to volunteer their services. With respect to the militia of Ireland, he argued for the superior policy of employing them partially, at least, in this country. Such a measure would be, he seemed to think, in strict consonance with the spirit of the union. There might exist an aversion on the part of the English and Scotch militia to crossing the sea; but he repeated his opinion, that with respect to the Irish militia, they would, if brought to this country, behave as well as any troops possibly could.—His lordship then entered upon the consideration of the remaining topics of his Majesty's speech. In regard to the pecupecuniary part of it, he must anticipate the most perfect unanimity, with respect to the affording the necessary supplies under the present circumstances.—In regard to the convention lately entered into with the King of Sweden, it had his hearty approbation, conceiving it was grounded on principles, which would tend to do away those embarrassments which heretofore obtained on the trade of the respective countries; and, further, he was of opinion it would have the desirable operation of counteracting the effects of the armed neutrality. In former contests Great Britain had been greatly annoyed by disputes about the maritime law, and the rights of neutral nations trading with belligerent powers; but this convention adjusted every difference that had arisen, concerning the interpretation of the treaty which defined our maritime right in. these cases.—He had to apologize to their 11 lerdships for trespassing so much upon their attention. Yet, there was one other point, respecting which he could not possibly refrain from offering a word or two; namely, that part of his Majesty's most gracious speech, wherein he expressed his determination personally to come forward in defence of the honour of his crown, and the liberties and independence of his faithful people. To a communication of this nature, he trusted there was no heart so cold, or feelings so deadened, as not to beat responsive to the intimation, or feelingly to appreciate, in its full extent, its magnitude and importance. Weil may his Majesty rely upon the zeal and services of his people. Should such a contingency ever arise, the whole population of the island would rush forward, and interpose its myriads between his sacred person and danger: though an attack should be made by hosts gorged with the spoils and blood of Europe, the result would be, not only security, but triumph to our beloved Sovereign and those who have the happiness to live under his auspicious government. Upon the whole, he was induced to think, that, from the present favourable appearance of the national affairs, and the system adopted by government, that such effects would ensue as must tend to the establishment of a real, permanent, and honourable peace, because founded on the genuine balance of power in Europe, and duly regarding the liberties and independance of the various states concerned, and above all, on the broad principle of reciprocity of benefit and advantage. The noble earl concluded with expressing his hearty concurrence with the address.—The question was put, and the address was immediately voted new. diss.—A committee of their lordships then retired formally to prepare the address, and on their return the Marquis of Sligo reported from the same, when the House ordered that the lords with white staves should wait upon his Majesty tomorrow with the said address.