HC Deb 15 March 1881 vol 259 cc1062-5
MR. GLADSTONE

I think, Sir, that the House will be unanimously of opinion that the assassination of a great Sovereign, placed upon one of the highest Thrones upon earth, would, under even ordinary circumstances, supply a fitting occasion for us to carry to the foot of the British Throne the expression of our sentiments of sympathy and condolence; but, Sir, in the present instance, there are many heightening circumstances which cannot be excluded from our view. There is, first, the noble self-forgetfulness with which it appears that the Emperor, having escaped from the first deadly attack made upon him, was induced to disregard the cautious advice of those around him, that he should again seek the shelter of his carriage, and to say, "No—it was his duty to see to the wounded." Again, Sir, we cannot but bear in mind that the circumstances of this assassination have reached a pitch of cruelty and horror, perhaps hardly known in the melancholy annals of such deeds. And, finally, we must express our feelings of the black ingratitude to such a Sovereign, which alone, according to all human judgment, could have led to the conception and execution of such a crime. It recalls to my mind some lines in which the patriarch of all poets has recorded his feelings upon the case of a very ancient Sovereign, whose wise and good reign had failed to elicit the universal gratitude which ought to have been its consequence and its reward. As his thought is represented by Pope, Homer says— Let tyrants govern with an iron rod, Oppress, destroy, and be the scourge of God; Since he who, like a father, held his reign— So soon forgot—was just and mild in vain. For, Sir, all know that, whatever there may be in that great Empire, as doubtless there may be found in all communities, to call for criticism or for censure on the imperfection of human institutions, none of it was owing to Alexander II. If it existed, it was part of the inheritance he received. The sole labour of a devoted life was, with him, to improve that inheritance for the benefit of his subjects and of mankind. But, Sir, I believe it is not the language of flattery, nor even the language of mere feeling, naturally excited by what has occurred, which leads me to state with confidence that there cannot be a doubt that the reign of Alexander II., in the history of Russia, and in the history of European and Christian civilization, will ever be regarded as an illustrious and memorable reign. He came to the Throne when his country was locked in a deadly struggle with three of the Powers of Europe, two of them among the greatest Powers in the world, and he extricated her from that struggle with all the promptitude and all the honour that the most loyal citizen of his country could have desired. It was not his fate to pass through a long reign without again seeing his country involved, towards the close of it, in another great and dangerous struggle; but that great and dangerous war was ennobled, at least to him, and to many who shared with him the deep conviction of his heart and mind, that it was a war of duty and a war of liberation. But, passing from considerations of peace and war, which must ever awaken in our minds mixed associations, let us only ask ourselves whether modern times have exhibited any reign more distinguished, more remarkable for the great works of peaceful legislation which he bequeathed to that great Empire. Perhaps, Sir, we are none of us aware—I certainly cannot pretend to any accurate or minute knowledge—of those works; but even the outlines of the names of a few of them are such as to demonstrate that they were due not only to a sense of high duty and Christian philanthropy, but also to an enlightened intelligence and a powerful will. It was the happy fate of Alexander II., by one of the greatest acts ever peacefully accomplished in the annals of civilized change, to give civil and social freedom to a population of serfs estimated at more than 20,000,000 of human beings. It was his happy lot to establish in Russia a system of local government which, as a local government, I believe to be thoroughly free, independent, and popular. It was also among the triumphs of his reign to introduce into Russia an institution which we fondly think to be especially associated with our own history—the institution known as trial by jury. Nor were these the only acts for which he may claim the favourable judgment of the enlightened historian. My duty is not to enter into a catalogue of these acts; it is only to point to a few of the more memorable among them; and it is, indeed, sad to think that such a man should be reserved for such a fate. Doubtless, there are counsels of Providence behind which it is not for us to scrutinize, and which, we must believe, will tend to all that is wise and good. In the illustration which I just now cited it was deplored that the mild Sovereign was so soon forgot. That will not be the case with Alexander II. The fond affection of his people will ever cling around his memory, as well as the sympathy and admiration of the world. In these circumstances, it is easy for us to understand with what feelings the Queen, allied as she is with the late Emperor of Russia by domestic ties, and thoroughly cognizant of all that has taken place in a reign contemporary with her own—it is easy to understand with what feelings she must have heard of this terrible catastrophe. Therefore, I have no more to do than to invite the House, loyally, earnestly, affectionately, and unanimously, to go to the foot of the Throne, and assure Her Majesty of the grief and the horror with which we contemplate this act, and of the sincere and respectful sympathy with which we enter into all the feelings which she must entertain with regard to this act. I move— That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to convey to Her Majesty the expression of the indignation and deep concern with which this House has learned the Assassination of Her Majesty's relative and ally, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, and to pray Her Majesty that She will be graciously pleased to express to His Majesty the present Emperor, on the part of Her faithful Commons, their abhorrence of the crime, and their sympathy with the Imperial Family of Russia, and with the Government and people of that Country.

SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE

Sir, it must be quite unnecessary for me to add anything to the eloquent language which has just proceeded from the Prime Minister. I only rise that there may be no doubt whatever in the minds of all who may take note of the proceedings of this House on this occasion, of the universal feeling of sympathy and the universal feeling of admiration for him whose life has just been cut short, which animates the people of this country and the Members of this House. I believe that throughout the European family there is no member which has felt the thrill of that horror more sincerely or more deeply than has England. We have known of, we have watched, we have sympathized, with the works which have been now so eloquently and so truly set forth. If there have ever been moments in which political differences may have caused the shade of jealousy with regard to the external policy of that great Empire, I venture to say that never even for a moment have the hearts of this people ceased to beat with feelings of sympathy for the personal character and the great domestic labours of the Emperor Alexander II., who has just been taken from his people. We have seen and we have known how truly, and in what spirit of self-sacrifice, he has laboured in a field strange to us in some respects, and we have, perhaps, appreciated his labours all the more on account of the great differences which existed between that Empire and our own. We have, indeed, shuddered to think of the long agony he must have endured under the crime which has been, one may say, in the course of commission now for more than two years, and which has culminated, which has been at last consummated, in a manner the most terrible and most repulsive; and we can but share the feeling expressed by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister that, sad as has been, in one sense, the termination of that career, the sadness and the horror will after a time pass away in the recollection of the great work which has been done and the great name which has been left behind. I cordially—and I know that I speak in the spirit of the whole House—agree to and second the proposition which has now been placed in your hands and read by the Prime Minister. Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, to convey to Her Majesty the expression of the indignation and deep concern with which this House has learned the Assassination of Her Majesty's relative and ally, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, and to pray Her Majesty that She will be graciously pleased to express to His Majesty the present Emperor, on the part of Her faithful Commons, their abhorrence of the clime, and their sympathy with the Imperial Family of Russia, and with the Government and people of that Country. To be presented by Privy Councillors.