MR. FEEELANDin rising to call attention to the Papers presented in 1861, 1512 relating to Reforms in Turkey and to the mission of Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster to Constantinople, and to move an Address for copies of their Report on the Finances of Turkey, and of any correspondence that may have taken place between the Governments of France and England, relative to their mission, said: I very much regret, Sir, that my hon. Friend, the Member for Manchester (Mr. Bazley), who had intended to second and speak upon this Motion, has been obliged to go into the North, and that I shall lose the benefit of his valuable assistance. I must ask therefore, for the kind indulgence of the House while I call attention to the matters to which my Motion refers, and to the important English interests, commercial and political, which are involved in this exceedingly grave Turkish Question. I will not weary the House by any attempt to plunge into the mysteries of Turkish Finance, or by laying before it any details or supposed details of Turkish Revenue and Expenditure; we have quite enough to do with the details of Finance at home, and it is our first duty to press upon the Government of this country the necessity, if possible, of reducing our own enormous expenditure especially at a period when a large portion of our population is suffering from extreme distress—distress unavoidable but most nobly borne; and here let me say in passing to those suffering masses, that there is one thing which makes nations great in history, and in the long run populations happy, and that is the triumph of great principles over the lower motives of immediate personal or national gain. What I wish on the present occasion, is to call attention to the position of English interests in connection with the Turkish question; and to ask respectfully for that information of which the Government are in possession, which Gentlemen discharging important functions in this country have been sent to Constantinople to obtain, information which the people of this country, largely interested politically and commercially in everything which relates to Turkey, are I think not less entitled than any Member of Her Majesty's Government to possess. I wish also in very few words to advert to some of the leading reforms in Turkey, of which Lord Russell in able despatches has advised the adoption, and to ask whether substantial progress has been made in giving effect to any of them. At the present moment it 1513 is most desirable that we should have an expression of public opinion upon this subject. The Turkish Government, it is said, wants a fresh loan, and the capitalists of this country will be asked to provide one. Lord Russell in the papers presented to Parliament on reforms in Turkey says, and says truly, that public credit must follow and cannot precede reform. Lord Stratford tells us that public opinion, save in extreme cases, has no legitimate action in Turkey, and that the motive power must come from abroad. If, then, a loan is wanted, if reform must precede it, and if the action of public opinion cannot be brought to bear in Constantinople, an expression of public opinion here may have an effect in accelerating the march of reform in Turkey such as no other step that could be taken would have, Through banks, through loans, through imports and exports this country has an extensive commercial interest in the progress and well-being of the Turkish Empire, We have, also, an immense political interest in everything affecting its stability. Our trade with Turkey is a trade of great extent and importance. Our exports to Turkey, not including, of course, those to Moldavia and Wallachia, to Syria, or to Egypt, in 1861, fell but little short in value of our exports to the whole of the northern and southern ports of Russia combined. In 1860 they largely exceeded them. In manufactured cottons our export trade with Russia is very small, but it is very considerable with Turkey. In the supply of cotton stuffs to Turkey we have distanced our old competitors, Austria and Switzerland; and the trade admits, I believe, of great extension. In cotton yarn the value of our exports to Turkey was in 1861 nearly double, and in 1860 more than treble the value of our exports to Russia. Our general exports to Turkey exceed in value and in some years largely our exports to Prussia, and very largely our exports to Austria. They exceed in value, and in some years largely, our exports to Spain. Taking the last three years together, they have exceeded in value our exports to China by a sum of between two and three millions sterling. The total value of our exports to Turkey in 1861 was £ 2,988,443; in 1860 they amounted to £ 4,408,910—nearly four millions and a half. No doubt a large portion of these exports, though carried in ships that clear out for Constantinople, passes on to the Black Sea, and much of it passes in transit 1514 by way of Trebizond to Persia. But it is Turkey, which holds in Constantinople the keys of this extensive commerce. And here, Sir, let me implore Her Majesty's Government, for it is of immense importance to English commerce, to use their utmost efforts to procure the construction by the Turkish Government of a good road, with substantial bridges, from Trebizond by way of Erzeroum to Persia. A vast transit trade passes along this route, and Russia, I am informed, is making great efforts to divert it to the route by Baku and Poti which would be under her own control. The political and commercial consequences of such a diversion would be most serious, and I hope that the earnest attention of the Government will be directed to this transit trade. The whole of our extensive export trade with Turkey is materially affected by the financial and other derangements in that country. Our exports in 1861 were much less than in either of the two preceding years, and the trade returns for the first month of the present year show a still more serious diminution. A sound financial system lies at the root of all commercial operations and confidence, especially in a country governed as Turkey is by a despotism. Where the finances are in disorder, no man knows, from day to day, upon what branch of commerce or of productive industry the burden of State necessities, in the shape of oppressive or unwise taxation, may chance to fall. Our imports from Turkey are also of considerable magnitude. In 1861 the total value of them was £ 3,178,109. The chief items are madder, maize, and goat's wool or hair. I wish I could have added to these three the article of cotton. A Committee formed for promoting improvements in Syria, on which I sat last year, in conjunction with my hon. Friend the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs and others not Members of this House, made great efforts, and instituted inquiries, in order, if possible, to introduce the culture of cotton into Syria. I hope that my hon. Friend will be able to tell us that the Government have done something in order to induce the Turkish Government to improve their roads, for on this, after all, the culture of cotton must to a great extent depend. The improvement of the roads in Turkey was promised, if I remember rightly, in the Haiti Humayoun of 1856. I want to know if that promise has been redeemed.
But, Sir, not only have we great com- 1515 mercial interests involved in the Turkish Empire, we have a great political interest in its stability as affecting the balance of power in Europe; as affecting our interests in the Mediterranean, and perhaps ultimately more than one of our routes to India—I mean the routes by the Euphrates and by Egypt. Lord Chatham, we are told, said that he did not take the trouble to discuss the question of the East with any one who did not see that the independence of the Ottoman Empire was a question of life and death for Great Britain. But, Sir, there lies also in the background of this grave Eastern question a great danger. Lord Statford de Redcliffe has referred to it in the able memorandum written, he says, as a last act of duty on leaving Constantinople. If Turkey is to continue weak, there lies, says Lord Stratford, in its continued weakness, the danger of a grand European struggle for its partition. To the protection of Turkey from such a source of danger, to the maintenance of its independence, prompt reforms and above all things the restoration of a sound financial condition are indispensable. Lord Russell seems to feel this strongly. In January of last year he directed our ambassador to call the serious attention of the Porte to the disordered state of its finances. In the following April he sent Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster to Constantinople to examine into, advise, and report upon them. Those gentlemen went to Constantinople. I believe that they were well received. They must have had great difficulties to encounter in dealing with Turkish accounts, but I believe that they surmounted them. After remaining in Constantinople six months they returned to England, and made a report, which, if produced, would, I have no doubt, prove to be a very full and valuable one on the finances of Turkey. This is one of the papers for which I ask on behalf of the public. As a loan is to be applied for, I think that the public are entitled to see it. Lord Russell in his instructions to Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster pointed out as an object of the utmost importance "publicity of the accounts of revenue and expenditure." Is publicity to be claimed at Constantinople and withheld in England? I believe that the action of public opinion in England which would follow publicity is the next best thing to the action of public opinion in Turkey, which at present we cannot hope to obtain. The Morning Post, which is supposed to enjoy 1516 the confidence of a distinguished portion of the Government, gave in November last what purported to be an account of this report. It anticipated the figures. It expressed its belief that the report of Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster would be found to be the most satisfactory and reassuring statement that had ever been presented touching the finances of the Turkish Empire. I know nothing of the report, and have no means of knowing its contents. I believe that, if published, it would show that there are considerable disorders in the finances of Turkey, but that the disorders which prevailed were within the reach of remedies if the Turkish Government would but set about the work of reform in a decided, prompt, and vigorous manner. Everything depends on that.
As to the general reforms mentioned in the papers which have been laid before us, I shall only refer in few words to some of those most wanted, in order to ask my hon. Friend whether any substantial progress has been made in effecting them. Sir Henry Bulwer, writing in February, 1861, mentions three as most important. 1. The reorganization of the general system of police; 2. Reforms in the mode of levying the tithes; 3. The Reforms relating to the admission of Christian evidence in the tribunals. Now, I wish to ask my hon. Friend: Has the police been reformed? Are the tithes levied fairly, or is the produce left to rot on the ground until it pleases the assessor to come and extort, instead of a tenth, perhaps a fifth of its value? I wish also to ask: Is Christian evidence really admitted on equal terms before the tribunals? That is a very delicate and difficult question, and I shall be glad to know that some real progress has been made in relation to it. With regard to Financial Reforms adverted to, a telegram has been received this morning from Constantinople; but it only gives results, not details. Perhaps the Government can inform the House whether anything has been done to carry out those recommended by Lord Russell in his despatch of April in last year? Well then, Sir, I am anxious to know in what position we stand in this matter of the financial mission as regards our great ally the Emperor of the French. Was it proposed to him to unite with us in this financial mission? Was there any correspondence on the subject between the two Governments; and, if so, can it be 1517 produced? I do not ask this question, and it is one which I will not press, as matter of mere idle curiosity; but I feel most anxious upon this point, because, having for many years devoted much attention to this extremely interesting and, as I believe, important subject, I am convinced that the frank and cordial co-operation of the French and English Governments in connection with the Eastern Question is of the utmost importance both to the well-being of Turkey, and to the maintenance of European peace. I have referred, Sir, to the policy of Lord Chatham on the Eastern Question. That policy has been adopted by great ministers in England, though connected with different political parties. The policy of France has, I rejoice to think, been in the main identical with our own. It was referred to by M. Guizot some twenty-three years since as the policy of Henri IV., the policy of Richelieu, the policy of Louis XIV., the policy of the first Napoleon. It was defined to be, to maintain the balance of power in Europe, and, as a means of maintaining it, to maintain the Ottoman Empire according to the circumstances of the time and within the limits of the possible. I hope, Sir, that these last words do not now involve the risk of any possible divergence in the policy of France and England with reference to the Eastern Question. Since they were uttered. France and England have acted in concert in the Crimean war, at the Treaty of Paris, and in Syria. Our Ambassador has informed us that at Constantinople M. Thouvenel always acted in the most friendly manner. I believe, Sir, that France will loyally continue so to act that she will not undo at Alexandria or in Syria that which she does at Constantinople. I do most earnestly hope that all the Great Power, but the Governments of France and England in particular, in their relations with that interesting country and with those interesting populations to which my Motion refers, will look, not to the objects which sometimes prevailed formerly of gaining partisans in this sect or in that sect, among the Druses or the Maronites, the Protestants or the Catholics, the Greeks or the Armenians, but rather to the interests of the native races without distinction of race or creed, as well as to those great interests of humanity and civilization which, to a large extent, are mixed up with this important question. I trust that, in the interest of the native 1518 races, they will urge conjointly on the Government of the Porte, the adoption of large administrative and sound financial reforms—such reforms as I believe that the report of Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster have pointed out. On the prompt adoption of such reforms, not only the well-being of Turkey, but her national existence may depend. But, Sir, I trust that England and France, while acting in concert for the good of Turkey, will tell our friends the Turks frankly and plainly that, whether for financial reforms or independence, their opportunity has come—that in the history of nations as well as of individuals opportunities once lost seldom recur. They have upon the throne a young, sagacious, and energetic Sovereign. They have at the head of their Divan an able and enlightened Minister. The presence of Riza Pasha in the capital, and of Mehemet Ali Pasha in the Ministry, are, it is true, serious obstacles to the return of local or European confidence; but I trust that the firm will and clear-sightedness of the Sultan will speedily remove those obstacles. What Turkey wants is not continual interventions, not mediation, not a succession of financial missions, not wars waged by foreign nations to sustain her at a fearful sacrifice of life and treasure. She wants that strength which lies within her reach—that strength which springs from Hatti Sherifs and Hatti Humayouns not resting as idle promises on paper but enforced in practice—that strength which springs from wise laws well administered—that strength which enables Governments to throw themselves on the attachment of a well governed people, and to repel not only foreign invasions, but even interventions, if necessary, by force of arms. Believing that to the maintenance of the independence of Turkey the adoption of a sound system of finance is indispensable,—believing that the publication in this country of the report of Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster will accelerate the adoption of such a system, I beg, Sir, to place in your hands the Motion which stands on the Notice Paper in my name.
§
Amendment proposed,
To leave out from the word 'That' to the end of the Question, in order to add the words 'an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, that She will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, a Copy of the Report of Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster on the Finances of Turkey, and of any Correspondence that may have taken place between the
1519
Governments of France and England relative to their Mission to Constantinople,'
—instead thereof.
§ Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
§ MR. LAYARDsaid, he rejoiced to find that there was an hon. Member of that House who took so much interest in the well-being of the Turkish Empire as his hon. Friend; and certainly his hon. Friend was, perhaps, as well entitled as any hon. Member to be heard on a subject to which he had given much attention. He entirely agreed with him that the interests of the Turkish Empire were intimately connected with those of this country. The maintenance of Turkey as a powerful, prosperous, and independent empire was a wise policy—a policy which had ever been advocated by the noble Lord now at the head of Her Majesty's Government, and which ought always to be advocated by any future Government of England. He equally concurred in the view taken by his hon. Friend as to the necessity for a cordial understanding on that matter with France. If this country and France understood one another, little fear need be entertained with regard to the independence of the Turkish Empire. His hon. Friend had dwelt on the state of Turkish finance. No doubt the independence and prosperity of an empire mainly depended upon the condition of its finances, and not long ago the state of Turkish finance was by no means encouraging. During the reign of the late Sultan the confusion seemed to increase almost daily. The civil list was exceeded by a very large amount; there was an entire want of control over the different officers of State, misgovernment in the provinces, foreign war, internal insurrection; and, to embarrass the Government still more, the salaries of all the public servants were in arrear, and the pay of the troops, generally speaking, from one year to two years behindhand. Attempts were made to remedy these evils, but without much success. Budgets were published, but they did little to satisfy the public, and much reliance could not be placed upon them. The consequence was that the exchange upon this country fell to an unprecedented extent, and the credit of the Turkish Empire, which ought to stand as high as that of any other country in the world, was almost destroyed 1520 in Europe. The late Sultan died, and was succeeded by the present Sultan Abdul Aziz. Although, according to established custom in Turkey, he had been excluded, while heir to the throne, from all connection with the outer world, some reports favourable to the character of Abdul Aziz had passed beyond the narrow precincts to which he was confined; and certainly those reports had not proved to be unfounded. The new Sovereign had shown great vigour of mind, great energy of character, great ability, and, what was even more than all these, an ardent love of his country, and an earnest desire to raise it to that prosperity which it deserved to attain. On ascending the throne he immediately set about making changes which he thought essential to the welfare of Turkey. Not only did he insist on these reforms being carried out by others, but he set the example himself. He at once reduced the civil list very considerably. Finding the salaries of the public servants in arrear, out of the savings of only a few months he himself sent a sum of money amounting to about £ 100,000 to pay up those arrears. Every department of the public service had been under his immediate supervision. It was of course difficult for a Prince who ascended the throne without that experience of government or knowledge of men which heirs to the Crown in the rest of Europe generally acquired, to initiate great reforms himself, or to carry them through successfully at once. But the present Sultan had shown so anxious a desire to introduce and to carry out reforms, that no doubt he would ultimately succeed—indeed, he had already succeeded to a degree far beyond what might have been expected. The difficulties with which he was surrounded were entirely inherited. The condition of Turkish finance during the reign of his predecessor had been such as to cause great anxiety to Her Majesty's Government. Earl Russell, who had always felt a deep interest in Turkey, had been desirous that something should be done to put her finances in order; and it was suggested that some gentlemen from this country, acquainted with our system of financial administration, should be sent out to Constantinople to inquire into the state of the Turkish finances and give their advice and assistance to the Turkish Government. Two gentlemen were selected for this purpose—one of them Mr. Forster, of the Pay Office, the other Lord Hobart, 1521 of the Board of Trade—both having great experience and being well-known in their respective departments. They went to Constantinople, and were received very cordially by the Turkish Government, who evinced great confidence in them, placed at their disposal all the information they possessed, and gave them permission to inspect the public accounts. Moreover, the Commissioners obtained most valuable aid from Her Majesty's Ambassador, who had devoted great attention to Turkish finance, and derived great assistance from our Consuls and Vice Consuls in Turkey, men of great intelligence and attainments, who furnished reports upon the condition of the various provinces with which they were connected. Upon the information thus procured those two gentlemen prepared a report, which they submitted to the Sultan and the Turkish Government. Whatever his hon. Friend had heard of that report, it certainly deserved all the praise that had been bestowed upon it. It was a most able, and, what was of more importance, a very practical document. It suggested no wild schemes; it did not recommend to the Porte any of those extravagant measures the adoption of which had been over and over again pressed upon it; for no sick man had ever had a greater variety of prescriptions urged upon him by the physicians assembled round his couch than had the unfortunate Turkish Empire. The reforms and measures suggested were eminently practical, and could be at once adopted by the Turkish Government; but, perhaps, the most gratifying feature of the report was, that it showed there was nothing fundamentally rotten or bad in the state of Turkish finance, that the difficulties into which it had fallen arose entirely from mismanagement and want of experience, and that with a very little sound management and good will those difficulties could be got over and a balance restored between revenue and expenditure. The report, as he had stated, was prepared to be submitted to the Sultan and the Turkish Government. Those gentlemen were not sent out directly for the service of this country, but for that of the Turkish Government. It was the desire of Her Majesty's Government that their knowledge and experience should be placed at the command of the Turkish Government. On that understanding the Turkish Government had treated them with great con- 1522 fidence, and had placed all the information they possessed at their disposal. His hon. Friend would therefore see that it would be a breach of the confidence reposed in the Commissioners, and consequently in Her Majesty's Government also, to publish the report, unless the consent of the Turkish Government were previously obtained. The report had not been prepared for idle purposes. Its object was to show the Turkish Government how they could remedy the present state of things, and regulate their finance so as to restore an equilibrium between revenue and expenditure. It was very possible that the publication of the report at the present moment would frustrate the object in view. Therefore, if hon. Members wished to serve Turkey, that object would be better accomplished by withholding the report until the recommendations therein contained should have been carried out. Her Majesty's Government had no objection to the production of the document other than this, that it might defeat the object which they wished to see accomplished. When that object should have been attained, and the consent of the Turkish Government obtained, they would immediately produce it. His hon. Friend had asked what reforms had been effected in Turkey. His reply was, that very considerable reforms had been already carried out, while others were in progress. In the first place, the present Sultan on coming to the throne endeavoured to find out the most capable, and, what was still more important, the most honest men to whom he could confide the administration of public affairs. The first person he selected was Achmet Vefyk Effendi—whose name was already well known to those who took any interest in Turkey, a statesman of European reputation, he might say even of genius, of vast information, and of most scrupulous honesty—and placed him at the head of a very important department—the administration of the "Vakoufs" or property given in trust to mosques and religious bodies for charitable purposes, or to be held in trust for individuals. The "Vakoufs" formed a very large branch of public revenue. He believed that already the administration of that department by Achmet Vefyk Effendi had resulted in a considerable gain to the revenue. A commission of finance was also named, and at the head of it was placed Fuad Pasha, the present Prime Minister, a statesman well-known both in this country and 1523 elsewhere for his great ability. His hon. Friend had alluded to the telegram which had announced that a budget had been published at Constantinople. He had not seen the details; but if what was stated in the telegram was true, it disclosed a very gratifying fact—namely, that the revenue of Turkey was £ 800,000 in excess of the expenditure. It was important to remember, that although Turkey had been in financial difficulties, her floating debt was very small. She had only £ 14,000,000 of foreign debt; and the whole interest on her foreign and domestic debts together amounted to only one-eighth of her revenue. Again, her taxation was exceedingly light—he believed only one-sixth of that of this country, but hitherto it had been very unequally distributed. The system of farming what might be termed the tithes referred to by his hon. Friend was a very old and objectionable one and much needed reform. The "Verghi," a kind of property tax assessed on towns and villages, had not been changed for a long period of time. The consequence was, that sums levied on villages many years ago, when those villages were prosperous, were still raised, though the places were, comparatively speaking, deserted; and, vice versa, small sums imposed on a country that was thinly populated at the time the tax was assessed, were still collected, although the district had now become thickly inhabited. However, he believed it was the intention of the Sultan and his Government to revise the "Verghi," and to do away with the farming system. Many of the financial difficulties of Turkey had arisen from the detestable system of farming the revenue. The present Sultan had determined to abolish that system, and had already done so to some extent. The consequence would be that the revenue would flow direct to the Turkish treasury, instead of being absorbed by nefarious agents through whose hands it had to pass. Another very important measure was the Treaty of Commerce just concluded with this country and other countries. Before that treaty was entered into, exports from Turkey were subject to a duty of 12 per cent. That had been at once reduced to 8 per cent. and was to be further reduced 1 per cent each year till it came down to 1 per cent. The imports were charged with a general duty of 8 per cent. He might say that no country had shown a 1524 more liberal commercial spirit than Turkey, and he believed she would derive no small advantage from that liberality. The trade of Turkey was capable of great extension. No empire was richer in its resources; a vast extent of territory of every diversity of soil and climate, from Moldavia and Wallachia to the mouth of the Euphrates, yielded products of great variety and value, which would be brought into the market by the operation of the treaty. He believed that the treaty would prove of equal advantage to Turkey and to this country. In order to make up for temporary loss of revenue, the Turkish Government had made monopolies of tobacco and salt; and a duty was to be imposed on them, from which a large revenue would be realized. Another reform undertaken was the abolition of the separate credits of the Ministers. Under that very objectionable system each Minister had power to issue bonds for liabilities contracted in his own department; and as that power might be exercised without any restraint whatever, the Sultan could never possess an accurate knowledge of the state of his finances. That system had been abolished. A Finance Minister had been appointed, who would have the sole control of the finances of the country. His hon. Friend was desirous of knowing whether the system of police had been reformed. He believed that up to the present time no very extensive reform had been effected; but there were great difficulties in the way. He was sorry to say that the police in Constantinople and the principal cities were chiefly required, not for the Turks, but for the Europeans. The state of crime among the Mahomedan inhabitants of Constantinople would contrast favourably with that in any Christian city in Europe. There was a time when a Turk scarcely ever thought of locking his door when he retired to rest. Crime chiefly abounded among the foreign residents—for this reason: the European Powers through their representatives claimed, by virtue of what are termed "capitulations," exclusive jurisdiction over their own subjects, and the Turkish police were not allowed to interfere. The consequence was, that crime was committed by foreigners with impunity. England was the first Power that offered to renounce this claim. To aid the Turks, we had now established at Constantinople a very efficient consular court, under Sir Edmund Hornby, by means of which law was dispensed, and 1525 with its assistance the Turks were now better able to enforce good order among the subjects of this country. He trusted that in time an effective system of police would be introduced in Turkey. The admission of Christian evidence in Turkish courts of law was a very important point; and he could not help thinking that in the consideration of such a question this country did not always act fairly towards the Turks. We never made allowance for the immense difficulties which a Government, situated as that of Turkey was, had in introducing such reforms. We knew how many years—he might say centuries—it had taken in this country to introduce the most necessary reforms, more especially those connected with religion; and when we asked the Turks to put the Christian on the same footing as the Mahomedan, we ought to bear in mind that hitherto they had been taught to look on the Christian religion as an antagonistic element. It was not surprising, therefore, that they should be somewhat afraid to place Christians on the same legal footing as themselves. He had no doubt but that the best policy they could pursue would be to give the fullest liberty to their Christian fellow subjects, to concede to them equal rights with the Mahomedans, as they would thereby conciliate large numbers who were now discontented and antagonistic to the Government. The enlightened men now at the head of affairs in Turkey were, he believed, fully aware of this. The policy of religious and legal equality was initiated by that eminent statesman, Redschid Pasha, and Fuad Pasha was the most distinguished pupil in the school of politicians founded by him. Other leading politicians in Turkey were animated by the same spirit, and he believed that the time was not far distant when the Christian population would be put upon the same footing as the Mahomedan. Already, in the question of evidence, the reform had been carried through in the commercial courts. But we must give the Turkish Government time. Unfortunately, Turkey had never as yet had a fair chance. Internal peace and tranquillity were required for the introduction of great and important reforms. He did not wish at the present moment to enter into the reasons why Turkey had not had internal tranquillity. But there were elements which had been constantly at work. Whether these had been intended to prevent the prosperity of Turkey he did not 1526 now pretend to say; but he did assert that those elements to which he had alluded had prevented the internal tranquillity of the country. Until time and opportunity had been afforded for the development of great reforms, it would be difficult for Turkey to advance with anything like rapid progress; but such was his confidence in the character of the Sultan, that he believed he would overcome all his difficulties, and that an era of prosperity was in store for Turkey. He had never altered his opinion. What he had stated when he was first returned to that House he now repeated—namely, that he had great hopes in Turkey. He did not, of course, for a moment attempt to justify the misgovernment and oppression which had existed in that country; but there was a fundamental honesty in the Turkish population which was greatly in their favour. The Government had shown equal honesty in their dealings with their foreign creditors. They paid the dividends on their foreign debts to the day. They had never been in arrear—they had never repudiated. It was true that, like other persons in difficulties, they had sometimes endeavoured to put off a large payment to the last moment; but they were strictly honest, and had shown themselves aware of the value of public credit. He thought that the Turkish Government could not do better than endeavour to carry out the able and practical suggestions contained in the valuable report, for which he hoped his hon. Friend would not press until a time when it might be laid on the table with the sanction of those for whose benefit it had been drawn up, and without detriment to their advantage.
§ MR. FREELANDsaid, that under the circumstances he had no objection to withdraw his Motion.
§ Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.