HC Deb 20 March 1855 vol 137 cc883-92

On the Motion for the Adjournment of the House to Thursday,

MR. ROEBUCK

said, he rose pursuant to notice, to ask the First Lord of the Treasury what was the intended policy of the administration with respect to the Colony of Newfoundland and the complaints made by the House of Assembly of that Colony, and set forth in a petition from that Assembly to the Home Government? He should put the question to the noble Lord in preference to the Secretary of the Home Department, as he considered the noble Lord responsible. The noble Lord who was nominally at the head of the Colonial Office was now on a mission at Vienna, and at that moment they had not in that House anybody representing the Colonial Office, neither a Colonial Minister nor an Under Secretary for the Colonies. If the Colonial Office were kept open for any person who had in his former career shown any peculiar fitness for colonial administration he should have felt more confidence in the present administration of colonial affairs; but seeing that the noble Lord who was now at the head of the Colonial Department was flourishing away at Vienna as Ambassador, and seeing that when the noble Lord some time ago was at the head of the Colonial Office, the largest Colony we had was driven into rebellion, he thought it was not very advantageous to the country to keep open the Office for the noble Lord. Some years ago he (Mr. Roebuck) proposed to that House to concede to Canada certain demands which the people of that Colony made respecting their own government. When he made that proposition, it was received unfavourably by the then Government and unfavourably by the House; but subsequent events proved that the proposition he then made was what prudence demanded, and since that period all those demands had been conceded. Among them was that which had been denominated responsible Government—that was the power on the part of the colonists themselves to conduct their own Government; and one of the questions that he wished to put to the noble Lord was, whether that responsible Government which had been conceded to Canada was about to be conceded, according to promise, to Newfoundland? The next question was, whether or not the complaints made by the people against the present Governor were about to be listened to. He would not enter into the complaints, he would bring no charge against the Governor, except this, that he had made himself unpopular to the colonists, inasmuch as when the Duke of Newcastle had promised to the Colony a responsible Government he had expressed opinions unfavourable to the adoption of that course. In fact, so unpopular had he made himself, that in the course of the two years during which he held office no fewer than three delegations had been sent to this country to complain of his conduct. He would wish to submit to the noble Lord that the fact of the Governor of a colony opposing the wishes of the Home Government to concede to the colonies a system of responsible Government might unfit him for a continuance in office. He asked the noble Lord, in the second place, if it were the intention of the Government to remove the Governor, not entirely from the government of any colony, but to make an exchange from the Colony of Newfoundland to the Colony of New Brunswick, in which responsible Government had been introduced, and in which, therefore, the same difficulties would not arise. There was one reason which seemed to give great force to the representations of the Colonists. It was well known to the House that we had entered into a treaty with the United States with regard to the trade between the North American Colonies, and the United States; but the introduction of the provisions of that treaty depended on the Colonial Legislature. In Newfoundland there was at present a party who had an interest in monopoly, but the people of the Colony desired free trade. For the purpose of free trade they must have a local Government in accordance with the wishes of the people. The Governor had declared himself in opposition to their wishes. He (Mr. Roebuck), therefore, asked the noble Lord, with regard to the people of Newfoundland, not to go through the long agony that he went through with regard to the people of Canada. He hoped Her Majesty's Government would be wise in time; that they would not continue the dispute that had DOW existed between the people and their Governor of Newfoundland for years to come, and so at last, after twenty years' fighting between the people and the administration, the people should at length obtain that which they desired.

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON

said, he willingly accepted the responsibility which his hon. and learned Friend said he ought to bear with respect to the Colonial Department, but he could not admit the reflection which his hon. and learned Friend had cast on the policy of his noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) who was not amusing himself at Vienna, nor neglecting any duty at home, but was performing abroad duties of the most important character, and which he had undertaken previous to his having accepted the seals of the Colonial Department. It was not likely, however, that he would long continue absent. With respect to the question put, it was the firm in- tention of Her Majesty's Government to keep faith in all respects with the people of Newfoundland in reference to the system of responsible government which had been promised them. Steps had been taken to carry that promise into execution. There was to be a reconstruction of the popular assembly—an enlargement of the numbers of that body. There was, it was true, a difference of opinion on the part of the people and the Governor as to the time when this reconstruction should take place, but the Governor was correct in law in the decision which he took to have the elections in the spring and not in the winter, for as regarded the objection that some of the voters would necessarily be absent in the spring, the same might be said of others in the winter, because many could not attend for physical causes. With respect to the Legislative Council to be constituted, an intimation had been given by the Governor that he postponed the nominations to the Council till after the elections, in order that the two assemblies should be in harmony. He did not think that the hon. and learned Gentleman was rightly informed as to the feelings and opinions of the Governor on the question of free trade, for he believed that the Governor had not the slightest indisposition to carry out the principles of free trade, but, on the contrary, was disposed to carry those principles out to their full extent. With regard to the last question, he felt convinced that the House would not expect him to state the intentions of the Government as to the removal, continuation in office, or exchange of Colonial Governors; all that he could say was, that it was the intention of the Government that the colony should enjoy all the advantages of that system of responsible government which had been promised to them by the Duke of Newcastle.

MR. BRIGHT

said, the House would observe that there was a difference of opinion between the statement of his hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Roebuck) and that of the noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown. There was a gentleman in this country as a delegate from no less than two-thirds of the Assembly of Newfoundland, with regard to the conduct of the Governor; and the House, he thought, might take it that the statement of his hon. and learned Friend with regard to the Governor was true. The Governor (Mr. Baillie Hamilton) had been in office only two years, and during that time three deputations had visited this country to seek redress against his conduct. He (Mr. Bright) was not about to find fault with the noble Lord the Member for London, in that he did not happen to be present to perform the duties of his office. He agreed with the noble Lord at the head of the Government, that the good he might do at Vienna would more than balance any harm he might do by his temporary absence from this country. But he was one of those who thought that gentlemen who came from the colonies to the Colonial Office ought to be treated in a different way. They had had within a few months at the head of that office the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Sir George Grey, and now Lord John Russell, so that when delegates came from the colonies there were so many changes in the Colonial Department that they did not know where to go to, or to whom to apply. In his opinion, the people of a colony, who found that representations made to the Home Government were, by such a state of things, rendered of little or no use, had good cause to wish to get rid of the Home Government altogether. Generally, the Governor of a colony was chosen in a peculiar manner. Often his best qualification was that he had a bad banking account, but had at the same time some claim upon a political party. The Government frequently found it extremely difficult to appoint a good man to a colonial governorship, and there was no reason why the Legislature of Newfoundland should not be allowed to appoint their own Governor. They would be enabled to appoint a better Governor than they had at present, at one-third of the salary, and he, therefore, recommended the Government to take into consideration the propriety of allowing, he would not say all, but many of the colonies to appoint their own Governors. He agreed in all that had been said by his hon. and learned Friend the Member for Sheffield, and he thought it was the duty of the Government to remove from office the Governor of Newfoundland, who appeared to some extent to possess a disposition that prevented him from working harmoniously with the Legislature over which he presided.

MR. LOWE

said, he hoped the turn which the debate had taken would justify him in saying a few words upon a subject of the most pressing importance, to which he begged to call the attention of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department. On the 31st of May in last year there arrived in this country the draught of a constitution for the great colony of Victoria. Since that time events had taken place there of the greatest importance and of the most lamentable character. In fact, something very like civil war had arisen in the colony, owing to serious differences between the golddiggers and the Government. It was found expedient to send a large body of troops to the diggings at Ballarat. The diggers had entrenched themselves in a stockade. The troops had attacked them in regular martial array. Volleys of musketry had been exchanged for ten minutes between the diggers and the troops, the result of which was that several of the troops, including one officer, were killed, and at least thirty of the diggers were left dead upon the spot, and many others had since died of their wounds. This lamentable occurrence happened recently, and he wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman if they were to have a repetition of it, or were they to take measures for putting an end to a state of affairs which might lead to its repetition? The remedy must be applied by the Government immediately, without waiting for the termination of the Vienna Conference. The only measure that could prevent it was immediately to pass a Bill settling a constitution for the colony, and to send it out forthwith. The Government of the colony had fallen into contempt. The population at large sympathised with the diggers and held meetings to express their sympathy. In consequence of this state of things the secretary and other functionaries of the Government had withdrawn, and the colony was now almost at the mercy of the people. The only remedy that could be applied to this state of things, the only course which could prevent a recurrence of such struggles, and preserve the Queen's Government from being brought into contempt—was immediately to pass a measure to establish a new constitution for the colony, and to send it out without delay. He, therefore, desired to ask whether the right hon. Gentleman would take into consideration the propriety of giving such a measure precedence over the other Bills for establishing Australian constitutions, in consideration of the greatness of the emergency and the danger that threatened the union of the mother country with the colony in question, and consequently with all our Australian colonies?

SIR GEORGE GREY

said, he could not give a pledge to the House that the Bill referred to by the right hon. Gentleman would be considered separately. There were certain leading principles which it was desirable to consider in the first instance, but he hoped that no great time would elapse before the attention of the House would be called to all the measures about to be adopted in regard to the constitution of the colonies. When the Bill alluded to by the hon. Gentleman was brought to this country it was accompanied by a measure relating to the extension of the elective franchise, which the Governor hoped would be taken into consideration immediately and returned to the colony. A partial consideration had already been given to the subject to which the hon. Gentleman had called attention, but by law it was necessary that the Act in question should remain before the House for thirty days before effect could be given to it by Parliament. With regard to the disturbances which had recently taken place in the colony of Victoria, no doubt they had been of a very serious character, but they had only been of short duration. They arose in part from the refusal of many of the diggers, chiefly foreigners, to pay the license fees, and when the outbreak occurred prompt measures were taken to quell it. He regretted, however, to state that the disturbances were not put down without loss of life. He had every reason to believe that the colony was at present in a more satisfactory state.

MR. ADDERLEY

said, that these disturbances arose altogether from the want of good faith on the part of the Government in not giving a constitution at once. Within a few months front the present time the colony of Newfoundland had been assured in a despatch from the Duke of Newcastle that responsible government would be granted to them to the fullest possible extent. Although, however, there was not one of our North American colonies more interested than Newfoundland in the alliance which had recently been concluded between England and France, according to the latest accounts the Governor of that colony had never acquainted the House of Assembly with the message of Lord Clarendon communicating the fact that such an alliance had been established; and, although the Assembly had agreed upon a Loyal Address to Her Majesty, he believed it had never been transmitted to the Home Government. He thought, if the Government of this country were sup- porting the Governor of Newfoundland in a struggle with the colonists, they ought at least to provide for the payment of the Governor, but he found that the colony of Newfoundland was required to pay the Governor a sum equal to ten times the salary which was paid to the Governor of the State of Maine. He considered it most important that the Government of this country should do all in their power to promote the prosperity and to insure the loyalty and attachment of the North American colonies, and, although Newfoundland formed a comparatively small portion of those colonies, he thought it most essential to the safety to the British empire that the inhabitants of Newfoundland should not have any cause for such remonstrances as they had addressed to the Home Government.

SIR JOHN PAKINGTON

said, he was glad to hear the noble Lord's statement characterised by so much fairness to the Governor of Newfoundland, who had been made the subject of very harsh accusations by other speakers. He had no personal or private feeling with regard to Governor Hamilton; for though in the year 1852 he had recommended him to Her Majesty for the office, he had done so solely on account of the ability and success with which he had conducted a small government in the West Indies. The hon. and learned Member for Sheffield (Mr, Roebuck) had charged him with misconduct and unpopularity, and the hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Bright) had referred to several deputations which had come to this country to complain of him. But nobody that had studied the history of Newfoundland for the last twenty-five years would be surprised at the unpopularity of the Governor; for the colony had unhappily been torn with parties, whose strife had been aggravated by religious dissensions. One of the charges against Governor Hamilton was, that he had opposed the introduction of responsible government. But he had only followed the course which all other Governors before him had previously taken. Sir Gaspard le Marchant, one of the ablest Colonial Governors this country had ever possessed, had done precisely the same; and Lord Grey had also refused the colony a responsible government. The Duke of Newcastle had, however, conceded it; and he (Sir J. Pakington) most sincerely hoped that it would succeed; but he must confess he had considerable doubts of it. When a colony took so strong a course as to request the Imperial Government to recall their Governor, they ought to be able to allege some very powerful reasons for it; but he must declare that he thought those which had been adduced on the present occasion were wholly insufficient. The noble Lord (Viscount Palmerston) had disposed of the charge against Governor Hamilton of having delayed the appointment of the Legislative Council; and he (Sir J. Pakington) believed that to have appointed it earlier would have been a breach both of law and of justice. He hoped, therefore, that the public character of the Governor would not suffer on account of the unfounded charges which had been been brought against him.

MR. JOHN MACGREGOR,

said, he must express a hope that Her Majesty's Government would give instructions to the governor of Newfoundland to afford the French fishermen on the banks of that island all the facilities that were extended to the subjects of the United States of America.

Mr. F. SCULLY

said, he thought great mistakes had been made with respect to the government of Newfoundland. The colonists had made frequent complaints upon the subject, and they had repeatedly sent over delegates to this country to demand an alteration in the constitution of the colony. It was, in his opinion, a very strong case which would justify the recall of a Governor, but in this instance he thought a strong case had been made out. In February last year the Duke of Newcastle sent a despatch, desiring the governor to call the Assembly together to pass the Constitution Bills, in order that they might be considered by Parliament; in the month of Juno they were passed by the House, but, being resisted by the Governor, were eventually thrown over, and the consequence was, that the House refused the Vote of Supply, which caused great inconvenience in the colony and much disarrangement of money affairs. Subsequently a despatch was sent out by the right hon. Baronet now at the head of the Home Office, after seeing delegates from the colony, directing the Governor to call the Assembly together again. He did so, and in November the Bill was passed; but, without any just ground, the Governor, before it had gone through the necessary stages, dissolved the Legislature, and, instead of proceeding at once to an election, when the voters, who were mostly fishermen, were disengaged, he postponed it to a period when they could not avail themselves of their privileges, thus inflicting great injustice upon them. He mentioned these facts as instances of misgovernment with regard to this colony, and he could not avoid expressing his regret that the Duke of Newcastle, who deserved great credit for his vigorous administration of the Colonial Department, had ever left it. He wished to point out the injustice done to the colony by so long withholding from it a responsible Government, which had for some years been granted even to the little dependency of Prince Edward Island, and he must complain that the consequences of deferring a constitution in Newfoundland had been most disastrous; that its revenue was rapidly declining, while its poor rates had during the last ten years increased from 1,000l. per annum to 12,000l. Another grievance was, that while the majority of the population were of the Roman Catholic faith, the offices were principally distributed among Protestants, for, while fifty-four officers of the Roman Catholic faith were placed in situations the aggregate remuneration of which amounted to 4000l. a year, 121 Protestants filled offices bringing to them 18,000l. annually. At the same time there was no religious acerbity in the colony, for in many instances Protestant constituencies returned Roman Catholic representatives, while Roman Catholic districts returned Protestants. He would conclude by expressing his belief that a continuance of such mismanagement would tend to alienate the feelings and affections of persons who had hitherto been most distinguished for their loyalty and devotion to the Crown and country.

Motion for the adjournment of the House till Thursday was then agreed to.