BURDENS ON LAND. (Hansard, 26 March 1852)

§ MR. SLANEY

said, he should take that occasion to call the attention of the House to the burdens upon land, and the mode of alleviating them. He hoped that the House would hear with him for a few moments. He did not frequently trespass on their patience, and he could assure them that he had no intention of now abusing their indulgence. He was anxious to be permitted to state his views with respect to the grievances which appeared to him to press with unreasonable severity on the landed interests of this country, and he hoped to be enabled to submit certain suggestions which would tend most materially to the relief of those interests. The Government proposed to appeal to the country before long, upon a topic of great importance, in respect to which there existed great diversity of opinion—namely, protection. Now, it could not be denied 176 that that question was one of peculiar importance to the landed interests, and that was the reason why he would venture to say a few words upon it. As an humble member of those interests, and as one who was connected with them by habits, education, and association, he could not but feel an anxiety on all questions which concerned their welfare. It was maintained by some that the landed interests had not suffered from the changes which had recently taken place in the commercial policy of this country, but he could not concur in that opinion. Many of those with whom he was connected had suffered very much by those changes, and he, himself, as an humble individual, had found it necessary to reduce his rents 15 per cent in order to meet the times. That being the case, he confessed he felt a sincere anxiety that the particular grievances which now weighed so oppressively on the landed interests should be removed or alleviated. He believed that it was quite possible to give relief to those interests without in any degree interfering with the welfare of the rest of the community. The noble Lord at the head of the Government had proposed to go to the country and inquire what the sentiments of the people were on the subject of a duty on corn. Now, he had been an advocate for the Repeal of the Corn Laws, and still approved of that measure; but he still retained the opinion which he had frequently expressed, that the change was brought about too rapidly, and that it would have been much better for the country if a fixed duty bad been imposed merely for a limited period, to enable landholders to look around them to examine the new burdens about to be imposed upon them, and to make their preparations accordingly. However, that had not been done, and things having gone as far as they had, he was bound in candour to say that he did not think it would be politic, safe, or in anywise expedient to re-impose a tax on the food of the people, in order to restore the rents. But without resorting to any such measure, it might he possible to afford great relief to the landed interests. The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated repeatedly in that House that the local burdens on land were borne, by one-half of the taxpaying community. Surely this was a state of things that ought to be rectified; and he proposed to recast those burdens fairly, so as to relieve the landed classes. The hon. Member for the West 177 Riding (Mr. Cobden) said to that proposition that it would relieve one class by throwing their burden upon another; but if that burden was unfairly apportioned at present, it ought to be more equally divided. It was the duty of that House to consider whether it might not be possible to adjust the taxation in such a manner as to give fair play to all parties, at the same time that an adequate revenue was secured to the Exchequer. Now, what he was especially desirous of was, that the free-trade principle should be extended as equally as possible, and that it should be applied not only to corn, but to land, and all the products of land. If freedom was given to land, the landed interests would be strengthened and invigorated—the burdens of taxation would be more equally distributed, and all classes of the community would have more of that fair play for which they were not unnaturally so desirous. The cost of the transmission of a given amount of land was enormously greater than that of the transmission of an equivalent amount of private property. This was an abuse and an injustice, and he could not understand upon what principle of fair dealing it could be permitted to continue. Such was the cost and complexity of the law as it regarded the landed interests, that those who were connected with those interests paid, one way or another, on account of their property, above five times as much as those who possessed personal property. Those who were at all conversant with the enormous charges that were made for mortgages, sales, conveyances, and other such matters, would find no difficulty in accepting this statement as true. By the simplification of titles and conveyances, and by the institution of an easier, less expensive, and less circuitous mode of raising money on land, an amount of relief would be afforded to the landed interests the importance of which it would be difficult to estimate too highly. At present, a special Act of Parliament was required for each particular sale instituted by order of trustees; but why not have a general Act to enable all sales by trustees? If a series of general enabling Acts were passed to supersede the necessity of a special enactment in each particular instance, a very great saving would be effected, and landed proprietors would be enabled to do for 30l. or 40l. what now would cost them 500l. Under the present system it was necessary to have a separate Act of Parliament for 178 every kind of local improvement—for gas works, waterworks, and market places. All these kind of constructions enhanced the value of land, but they were impeded in all parts of the country by the enormous expense of obtaining a special Act of Parliament in each particular instance. The Legislature had passed a General Inclosure Act and a General Exchange Act, which enabled a hundred things to be now done for the expense which one would formerly have cost; and why, on the same principle, should not a general Act be now passed, with proper clauses, to enable a landlord to improve his estate in whatever way might appear to himself most desirable. If there was free trade in corn, there should be free trade in capital also. If a few small capitalists were now to combine together for the application of their capital to any common object, and any dispute arose among them, it was only by plunging into the fathomless abyss of Chancery that they could hope to set it right, and Chancery to decide the dispute, dissolved the partnership. This was a great evil, and clearly demonstrated the necessity of a tribunal, cheap, simple, and easily accessible for the arrangement of such difficulties. He threw out these suggestions for the consideration of Government, confident that, if they were adopted, great relief would be afforded to the landed interests, without the infliction of the slightest injury on any other class of the community. Capital is now increasing at the rate of a million and a half a week, seeking investment; much of it would be turned to the purchase, or improvement and culture, of land, if not impeded by legal obstacles, and the laws of partnership and unlimited liability. These things should be altered to give fair play to the landed interest.