§ Mr. Bishrose to move, pursuant to his notice, that an humble Address should be presented to his Majesty, praying "that he will be graciously pleased to hold his Court and Parliament occasionally in that part of the kingdom called Ireland." Such a proposition was no party measure; it was, on the contrary, one which might be supported by all sides of the House—by Whigs, Tories, and Radicals, by Protestants and Catholics, by men of every religion, and of every shade in politics, by Repealers and anti-Repealers—in short, by all the Members in that House. He was sure that, if a Repeal of the Union should take place, it would be the ruin of the country. He 399 himself had been in Ireland, and he could speak from personal observation as to the condition of that country. He could say, from what he saw, that it was in a most desperate, in a most deplorable—indeed, he might almost say, in a disgusting state. If this alteration were adopted, it could not of course come into operation sooner than twelve months; and, in the mean time, even then the greatest advantage would be produced by it, as the command that would go forth to get their House in order, and the other preparations that would be made for holding a Parliament in Dublin, would give employment to a great portion of the people of Ireland. If this Motion were granted, that great stumbling-block in the way of the improvement of Ireland, the absentees, would be removed; and, unless they sent back the absentees to Ireland, it never would be quiet. To get them back, the land must be made habitable for them, and the absentees would not go back at present, because they were in danger of having their throats cut every week. It had been stated, on good authority, that nineteen-twentieths of the land of Ireland belonged to absentees; and it was not, therefore, to be wondered at that the country was in such a state. Though he did not complain of the Magistracy of Ireland, yet he thought that, if Ireland had a resident gentry, there might be more satisfaction. Many of the right hon. Gentlemen on the Bench opposite knew nothing of Ireland—several of them had never seen it; the only Irish Gentleman in the Cabinet belonging to the Government was at present out of Parliament. The truth was, that all places abroad were well known to them; but the most that many Irish Gentlemen knew of their own country was the shortest way out of it. In a case of this kind the expense that might be incurred, by the adoption of such a measure, was not comparable to the advantages that would flow from it; and the expense would, in a short time, be reimbursed by those advantages. The consequence of holding a Parliament occasionally in Ireland would be, that absentees would return there, and that capital would settle there, there being no country better adapted than Ireland, if it were peaceable, for the advantageous employment of capital. There was, at this moment, a large quantity of English capital ready to be embarked there; but, until the country was quiet and property secure, no Englishman would venture his property in it. Another effect from having a Par- 400 liament occasionally in Ireland would be, that they might reduce the standing army, as the country would become quiet, and party spirit would be done away with. At the present moment, party spirit ran high in Ireland, and it was but recently that the Lord-lieutenant and his secretary were insulted at some of the party dinners in Dublin, and persons holding official situations were known to join in the insult. If he (Mr. Bish) had the power of the Government, he would soon send such persons to the right about. He thought, that the hon. and learned Gentleman, the member for Dublin, and his party, did not show good policy in always abusing the Whigs, and saying, that they never did anything. To be sure, there was not much love lost on either side, for the Whigs called him and his party demagogues, agitators, disturbers, and, if not traitors, within seven-eighths or fifteen-sixteenths of traitors. He remembered that the day after the speech of Mr. Stanley on the Coercion Bill, when he (Mr. Bish) went into the city, the question of every one to him was, "Where did you sit?" "Did you hear Stanley's great speech? How brilliant he was! Those fellows must be put down." Others had very kindly said, "It would be a very good thing if Ireland were swallowed up in the ocean." But those things would not do. Now let them adopt his plan of conciliation. It could be effected in a short period of time. Perhaps a twelvemonth might be necessary, in order that the place might be put in order. He had seen both Houses of Parliament before the Union. He had been in Dublin before the Union, and it was a gay and lively city then. But what was it now? It looked just as if the cholera had taken possession of it. It might be said, that there would be great inconvenience produced by having two seats of Government, but he did not think so. He considered, that a good deal of mischief had been done to Ireland by the Lord-lieutenants and the Secretaries. Those Gentlemen generally pulled different ways, and, if they managed to get popular, then their recall arrived. When it was considered what a complete, binding, and real union would then take place between the two countries, by marriages and intermarriages, and that such sociability and such a blending of the two people would be the consequence, he was sure it would be admitted, that no wish would then exist for separation. Ireland would then be like a 401 county in England—like Kent or Gloucester. They need not trouble themselves, then, to be charitable to Ireland; she would not want our charities. Sir Walter Scott had made Scotland known to England. Before he introduced her to the notice of the public by his excellent writings she was an obscure and impoverished country. Now, every one went to Scotland, and her natural beauties were highly relished. Why should not Ireland have the same good fortune? He saw no reason. If the Parliament went over, no doubt new markets would spring up. If the Court were to go there, and the Parliament were to go there, they would find the country in every way adapted for them. No doubt new watering places, such as Brighton, Margate, Hastings, and Tunbridge-wells, would also be built there, and he had no doubt that there was plenty of mineral and other waters in Ireland for their gratification. Such a course of proceeding would add immeasurably to the wealth and security of Ireland. He thought it would be advantageous and agreeable to the King himself thus occasionally to visit his Irish dominions. For his part, he never could understand why the King should be confined, as at present, in a State prison. Before his Majesty came to the throne he could do what he pleased, and go where he pleased, and nobody took any notice of him. Much good might be done by his Majesty's travelling through the country. There was no doubt that it would be an inconvenience to some hon. Members to be obliged to attend a Parliament in Dublin, but, to the great majority of them, it would not, as, when they left their homes, it was of little consequence to them where they went. The inconvenience would, in some degree, be balanced by the convenience that would arise to the Irish Members by Parliament sitting in Dublin. He had himself lately heard the hon. and learned member for the city of Dublin draw a moving picture of the inconvenience to which Irish Members were exposed in being dragged over to attend the Parliament here. He could not state the eloquent terms then used by that hon. and learned Member, but he could mention the substance of them. That hon. and learned Member complained, that they were dragged over here from their homes and their families, that they were transported to a foreign country, obliged to sit in a House of foreigners, to submit to the dictation of foreigners, and, to complete their misery, the hon. and learned 402 member said, that they were compelled to live in cellars and garrets, instead of their own houses. He was aware that he had made a very rambling speech, but he was, nevertheless, much indebted to the House for the attention which had been bestowed upon him. He had not thought proper to ask any hon. Gentleman to second the Motion with which he should conclude, and which he should leave the House itself to dispose of. The hon. Member then moved, "that an humble address be presented to his Majesty that he would be graciously pleased to hold his Court and Parliament occasionally in that part of the United Kingdom called Ireland."
Mr. Ruthvenrose, on the spur of the moment to second the Motion of the hon. Member who had just sat down,—a Motion to which he was sure no Irishman could object, but, on the contrary, every Irishman would receive it with delight, inasmuch as, if adopted, it would enable the people to see the monarch who ruled over them more frequently than was at present their good fortune. He regretted, that the proposition should have been received with that mirth which its importance did not merit. He must, however, state, that even if the Motion were carried, the demand of the people of Ireland for repeal would not be put down, for they sought not a partial Parliament, but a permanent Legislature sitting on College-green. He would not trouble the House further than to second the Motion.
§ Mr. Lalorfelt bound to support the Motion, and he hoped the hon. Member would press it to a division.
§ The Motion was negatived without a division.