Mr. Lennardpresented a Petition from the towns of Epping and Harlow, calling on the House to devise some plan by which the children of the poorer classes may be provided with education suited to their situation in society, and which might not interfere with their religious feelings and opinions. The petitioners intreated those 593 who differed from them as to the importance of education, to examine the gaols and houses of correction, penitentiaries, and even workhouses of the country, and to compare the extent of education among the inmates with the diffusion of knowledge throughout the country at large, when it would be found that crime prevailed the most among the least-instructed. He entirely agreed with the petitioners, who stated, that although the increase of crime in this country was not to be attributed to ignorance alone, yet that, without education, the mass of society could not be preserved from corruption, and an increase of crime. He would take that opportunity of expressing his regret at the imperfect manner in which the criminal returns of this country were made; and which showed only the number of committals, convictions, and executions. But in France the returns were much more in detail, and in them the persons who were convicted, were classified according to age, sex, and other circumstances. The result of the French returns was curious, and tended strongly to illustrate and support the view of the petitioners. In one year—namely, the year 1830—out of 1,790 persons committed to prison in France, 1,063 persons could neither read nor write; 496 could read and write imperfectly; 107 could read and write well; and forty-six had received a good education. The following year, 1831, produced similar results, showing, in the language of the petitioners, that crime prevailed the most amongst the least instructed. He had no doubt that similar results would be established in this country, had we the same means of information; but unfortunately our returns were not drawn up in the same manner they were in France. But it was made clear by the Committee on secondary punishments, which sat some years ago, that atrocious crimes, viz.—offences against the person—are diminished precisely in the proportion that the means of education are enlarged. The result was the same in all countries. He would not, on the presentation of a petition, trouble the House with any more facts, but he trusted the Government would take the prayer of the petitioners into their serious consideration.
§ Mr. Humeconsidered the prayer of the petition to be one highly deserving the attention of the House, as the subject was of the highest possible importance. The Report on the Poor-laws presented a state of ignorance and crime in the country which ought to be appalling to every person—in 594 short, it amounted to this:—That if some speedy and effectual check were not put to the dreadful march of demoralization, no property would be safe. Instead of the miserable trifling of which the House daily made a display, they ought to set arduously to work in producing effectual reform, and education was one of the particular subjects on which it was most required. Experience taught, that crime was the inevitable concomitant of ignorance. He, in common with the whole country, felt deeply grieved that his Majesty's Ministers had not brought before the House, as leading questions, the subjects of education and the Poor-laws. He was very sorry that the Lord Chancellor—all powerful as he was in the Cabinet—had so grievously disappointed the ardent expectations of the whole nation on this most important subject. It must, however, inevitably be brought under consideration sooner or later, whether the present Ministers liked it or not. What had the people been led to expect from the Reform Bill? A large reduction of taxation, to be relieved from the dreadful pressure of their burthens; and surely this was but a reasonable desire in a nation oppressed with the charge of twenty-eight millions every year for their debt, and with twenty-two millions every year for the charges of their most overwhelmingly expensive Government. But what had the people as yet got by the Reform Bill? Nothing, or worse than nothing. In the instance of the Church, had there been anything like proper or effectual reform? In this, as in everything else for the benefit of the people, the Government had gone on the principle of doing things by halves; but if they expected that the nation would long suffer these insults, they would find themselves excessively mistaken. If this system were persevered in, the people would inevitably look elsewhere for better stewards, and he (Mr. Hume) most certainly should expect, in the course of a few months, to see the Right hon. member for Tamworth borne into the House in that capacity on the shoulders of the people. He did not see any of the Ministers in the House to tell them so; but he wished they had been where he had been that day, at a Meeting on the subject of the House and Window Taxes, where 4,000 or 5,000 persons, not "the rabble," but respectable and orderly shopkeepers and tradesmen—he wished some Members of the Cabinet had been there and seen the manner in which the mention of 595 his Majesty's Ministers had been received. It would have been a lesson for them which they could not forget. They would see, that the system they had pursued was hateful to the people; and they would learn, besides, that the already highly-indignant people were determined not to allow the continuance of such a system much longer. Government must shake off the trifling and lethargy which had hitherto so disgusted the people, and must bring forward measures suited to the necessities of the country. This was the only way in which Lord Althorp—[order, order!] well, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord Grey—he supposed he was not out of order in mentioning that name—could redeem their characters with the English nation, of every grade of society.
§ Mr. Hall Dareconcurred in the prayer of the Petition, believing that the most signal moral advantages would result to the people from their better education; and he therefore hoped that at no distant period his Majesty's Ministers would bring forward measures to effect this object. He also trusted that the House would on that occasion call to mind that no measure or system could be efficient for such purposes, which was not calculated to infuse religious principles into the minds of the people. Without the inculcation of religious principles, any system would be faulty.
§ Mr. Benettdeprecated the attack made on Ministers by the hon. member for Middlesex. As to what he had said about their trifling with the business of the country, he must observe, that altogether no man had caused more interruption in the way of transacting public business, by irrelevant discussions, than the hon. Member himself.
Mr. O'Connelldefended the hon. Member for Middlesex, than whom no Member more expedited real public business. Referring to the meeting held that day at the Crown and Anchor, he must say, that he had also been there, and wished the Ministers also had been present. As they were not, it was well that they should be made acquainted with the sentiments expressed there; and certainly no Ministry had ever been more execrated at any meeting than the present Government were on this occasion, for having so dreadfully deceived the people in putting forward so miserable, so paltry, and so contemptible a pretence of reduction as they had done.
Sir Matthew White Ridleydeprecated 596 such attacks on Ministers; their character would be best appreciated by their acts; and in considering these, it behoved the people to make allowances for the difficulties of the position in which Ministers had been placed since taking office. He must, however, protest against the doctrines of the hon. members for Middlesex and Dublin, which were calculated to overturn the Constitution, and would be a curse to the country.