CYPRUS (Hansard, 13 February 1964)

§ Mr. Selwyn Lloyd

I have been asked to reply.

The following are the texts of the messages.

Translation of text of a letter from Mr. N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R. to the Prime Minister, The Rt. Hon. Sir Alec Douglas-Home.

7th February, 1964.

Dear Mr. Prime Minister,

I consider it necessary to address you in the name of the Soviet Government in connection with the fact that of late the situation around the Republic of Cyprus is becoming increasingly heated, creating a danger of serious international complications in the area of the Mediterranean Sea. The causes of the tension which has arisen are well known: the disagreements between the two communities in Cyprus—the Greeks, who constitute the majority of the population, and the Turks—have long been heated from outside, and they are being used as a pretext for unconcealed intervention in the internal affairs of the Republic of Cyprus—a sovereign, independent State and a member of the United Nations Organisation.

Some Powers, trampling on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the universally accepted norms of International Law, are now trying to impose on the people and Government of Cyprus a solution favourable to these Powers of problems which affect only Cypriots, and furthermore they are conveying the impression that the solution of these internal problems can be brought to Cyprus only on foreign bayonets. In this connection variants of "solutions" are being discussed—for example, the despatch to Cyprus of N.A.T.O. troops or of troops from individual N.A.T.O. countries, although basically all these variants have one airn—the factual occupation by the armed forces of N.A.T.O. of the Republic of Cyprus, which follows a policy of non-adherence to military blocs. In other words, it is a question of a gross infringement of the sovereignty, independence and freedom of the Republic of Cyprus, of an attempt to place this small neutral State under the military control of N.A.T.O.

In the minds of all those who are interested in the preservation of peace, in ensuring for any States—large or small, strong or weak—the possibility of building their national life in accordance with their own interests and aspirations, there arises the question: if the sovereignty of States is not an empty phrase written in the United Nations Charter, if the right to freedom and independence is really a sacred right of all peoples, of all States, then why do they wish to exclude the Republic of Cyprus from the number of those who are allowed to enjoy the benefits of sovereignty and to build their own national life without intervention from outside? Do they not think that sovereignty is the right only of the strong, and that genuine independence is the privilege only of those who dispose of powerful armed 109W forces? Do they not thus consider that small States, such as the Republic of Cyprus, which possess neither atomic weapons nor numerous armed forces, constitute States of some other sort, to the sovereignty and rights of which consideration need not be paid?

Such views, if the Governments of the Great Powers, especially the permanent members of the Security Council, were guided by them, could constitute a serious danger for universal peace, and could become a source of international complications, fraught with grave consequences for the peoples.

Sometimes in justification of the plans for the dispatch of N.A.T.O. troops to Cyprus, the point of view is expressed that the Cypriots are not able to settle their internal problems on their own, that they cannot reach agreement on how the Greek and Turkish communities should live together within the framework of a single State. But who can better know whether the Cypriots can overcome their internal difficulties independently without any intervention from abroad than the Cypriots themselves, who, under the leadership of their Government and of President Makarios, are manfully and firmly defending the sovereignty of their Republic, defending their national independence, their rights? Is there really a wish to make anyone believe that it is easier to deal with the internal problems of Cyprus in the capitals of other countries? And it is no secret that in N.A.T.O. circles discussion is proceeding on the question whether to send to Cyprus as part of the so-called "N.A.T.O. forces" soldiers and officers of the West German Bundeswehr, though in these regions memories have by no means completely faded of the steel helmets of the soldiers and officers of the Wehrmacht, which during the years of the Second World War brought destruction and death to the area of the Mediterranean Sea.

We are convinced that the Cypriots are fully able to deal with their internal affairs themselves, as the Government of the Republic of Cyprus has repeatedly stated, and to find for the problems which confront them solutions which will accord in the highest degree with their national interests. But we are prepared to admit that other States may have a different approach to this question, and in their evaluation the situation may be such that the people of Cyprus really needs help in overcoming its internal difficulties. But even if that were the case, at the utmost it could only be a question of giving the Cypriots good advice if they asked for it, and in no case of intervention in their internal affairs.

And if one is to speak of the review of the Cyprus question in an international forum, do there not exist between all States agreements, embodied in the United Nations Charter, laying down where and in which international organs such questions should be considered and how it is appropriate to do this without violating the Sovereignty of States? Yet at present everything is being done to prevent the discussion of the Cyprus question in the Security Council, on whose agenda it was placed at the request of the Government of Cyprus. And this is being done in spite of the fact that the Security Council is pre- 110W cisely the organ charged under the Charter of the United Nations with ensuring international peace and security.

Everything conceivable is being done at present in order to prevent the further consideration of the Cyprus question in the Security Council. The Government of Cyprus is being made the object of persuasion, it is being subjected to pressure, it is being threatened, military demonstrations are being conducted near the coasts of Cyprus, the flag of naval blocks de is being waved, and meanwhile efforts of all kinds are being made to prevent a new appeal by the Government of Cyprus to the Security Council.

From all this it is evident that preference is being given to the consideration of the Cyprus question at closed conferences, where, having replaced the United Nations Charter by arbitrary methods, people are counting on breaking the resistance of a small State, the Republic of Cyprus, by means of pressure from outside.

Taking into account all the circumstances which have arisen in connection with plans for the organisation of military intervention against the Republic of Cyprus, I should like to state that the Soviet Government condemns such plans, just as it condemns in general the use of such methods in the practice of international relations. The Soviet Government appeals to all the States concerned, and first of all to the permanent members of the Security Council who bear a special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, including the United States and Great Britain, to show restraint, to make a realistic and all-round assessment of all the consequences to which a military invasion of Cyprus could lead, to respect the sovereignty and independence of the Republic of Cyprus.

In making this appeal, which is dictated by care for the preservation and consolidation of peace and for ensuring the rights of peoples, I also start from the premise that the Soviet Union, although it is not immediately adjacent to the Republic of Cyprus, cannot remain indifferent to the situation which is developing in the area of the Eastern Mediterranean, an area which is not so far removed from the Southern frontiers of the U.S.S.R., especially if account is taken of how the concept of distance has changed in our time.

I think that abstention from any plans which might make more acute the situation in the area of the Eastern Mediterranean and infringe the legitimate rights of the people of Cyprus to freedom and independence would be in accordance not only with the interest of the Cypriots but with our common interests. The leaders of the Great Powers have repeatedly stated that they are aiming at the reduction of international tension, irrespective of whether this concerns Central Europe, the Mediterranean or any other area. If this is so, then it seems to me that the whole of their weight, the whole international authority and influence of the leading Statesmen of the Soviet Union, the United States of America, Great Britain, France and also of the States which are neighbours of Cyprus—Turkey and Greece—should now be used in order not to permit any further heating of the situation 111W around Cyprus, in order to extinguish the passions which are being heated from abroad, and which have already exercised such a negative influence on the situation, and thereby to contribute to the consolidation of peace in this important area.

I should like, Mr. Prime Minister, to express the hope that your Government will correctly understand the motives by which the Soviet Government is guided in again raising its voice in defence of the just cause of the Republic of Cyprus and that it will take due account of the considerations set out in the present communication.

With respect,

(Sgd.) N. KHRUSHCHEV.

Text of a letter from the Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. Sir Alec Douglas-Home, to Mr. N. S. Khrushchev, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the U.S.S.R.

8th February, 1964.

Dear Mr. Chairman,

I will not conceal from you that I have been surprised and disappointed to receive the message which you sent me on February 7 about the situation in Cyprus. I am surprised that the Soviet Government should have formed a view of this question which is so completely divorced from reality and I am disappointed that, on the basis of that view, you have seen fit to make charges which are as offensive as they are unfounded.

Her Majesty's Government have one object in Cyprus. This is to help to maintain peace and security in the island. This was why we acceded to the request of the Government of Cyprus for the help of British troops in maintaining order. This is why, in consultation with other governments whose interest in a peaceful solution of the island's problems is beyond question, we have been seeking agreement of all concerned on further measures to assist the Cypriots in the task of preserving their security. In all this there is no question, as you claim, of infringing the sovereignty, independence and freedom of a small state. I must say frankly, Mr. Chairman, that this is a matter on which the British Government and people consider that they know without prompting how they should conduct themselves in accordance with their Commonwealth traditions and in the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations.

I sincerely hope that you will, on reconsideration, understand that the motives and actions of the British Government are not the motives and actions described in your message. I share entirely your view that the situation in Cyprus can only be made more difficult if passions are roused, especially when this is the result of external influences. This view has governed and will govern the policy of Her Majesty's Government.

Yours sincerely,

(Sgd.) ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME.