§ Mr. Hilton Dawson (Lancaster and Wyre) (Lab)As chairman of the all-party group on Sudan, I am grateful for the opportunity to introduce a short debate on what Mukesh Kapila, the United Nations humanitarian coordinator for Sudan, has described as the world's greatest humanitarian crisis. I know that at least one other well-informed colleague wishes to contribute, so I intend to be brief.
I begin with a tribute to the tireless and painstaking work undertaken by the joint Foreign and Commonwealth Office and Department for International Development Sudan unit, under the leadership of Alan Goulty. I also pay tribute to the work of our embassy in Khartoum. Those hon. Members who are in regular contact with our officials regard their work in assisting the Naivasha peace process as an exemplary model of the disinterested and principled way in which the Government are conducting diplomacy in Africa. I look forward to the Minister's response.
It is imperative that the world should turn its attention towards Darfur. The murder of perhaps 30,000 civilians, the complete destruction of villages, the abduction of children and young people, and systematic rape and sexual abuse have all been documented for UN and humanitarian organisations by many people among the approximately 1 million who have been displaced in Sudan and across the western border into Chad. Those people have heard about and documented the theft of livestock and food and the wasting of crops on which many thousands depend for basic subsistence.
All in all, it is estimated that about 3 million people—half the population of a region the size of France—who live, at the best of times, on the margins of a sustainable existence have been and are being affected by the crisis. Anyone can see the potential for worse to come, no harvest this year for many people, animals gone and wells destroyed, so many people's basic means of livelihood stolen, people being displaced perhaps not once but several times, and continuing threats of the most appalling violence and insecurity hanging over so many people.
Child mortality, that crucial indicator, is increasing. The rainy season is almost here—it is due this month and next—and displaced people, are living in overcrowded and unsanitary camps. It is estimated that 61 per cent. of the conflict-affected population have no access to food assistance, 88 per cent. lack appropriate shelter and 89 per cent. lack sufficient clean water. A major problem exists for the world to address.
It seems clear, from the accounts that we have heard, how the crisis began. It stems from the response of the Government of Sudan to the rebellion of two armed groups—the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement. It would appear that, acting together, the Sudanese Government armed forces and Janjaweed militia have attacked a range of civilian centres from the air and the ground, in clear violation of the Geneva convention. Civilian targets include markets, homes, wells, shops and fields—the property mainly of African tribes such as the Zaghwara, the 418WH Masaalit and the Fur. These tribes are Muslim as well as African, and they appear to be targeted mainly by Arab groups that are supported at many levels and in many ways by the Government of Sudan. This is an horrific new outbreak of ethnic cleansing, and it may be genocide in the making. The people of Darfur need local, national, regional and international action now, and much of that action must come from the Government of Sudan.
Some of us have visited Sudan and hope to do so again. We were all heartened by aspects of our last visit. We regularly host Sudanese politicians and officials in this building, and we hear strong commitments to making progress in the largest country in Africa—a country that, apart from 11 years, has experienced civil war for the last 50 years or so. It is estimated that one eighth of the world's refugees are Sudanese. Above all, perhaps, Members of Parliament represent Sudanese constituents. Only this Saturday, I was talking to one of my Sudanese constituents. There are strong links between Members of this House, Sudan and its people.
I am sure that we have all been heartened by the substantial progress made as a result of the Kenyan peace talks. Some issues seem to take a very long time to resolve, but we have had and are seeing historic and remarkable agreements on a future referendum on the sharing of power and wealth throughout the country. We have heard, and I certainly believe, that the Government of Sudan want a united and peaceful country and want the development of Sudan's natural resources to benefit all the people of Sudan. They want the opportunity provided by debt relief and the lifting of sanctions, and they want Sudan—the largest country in Africa, and potentially the richest—to play a large part in the fine future that I am sure Africa has. If the Sudanese Government continue to want that, they should respect the ceasefire that they agreed on 8 April. Indeed, it is their responsibility to do so. They should ensure as far as possible that any militia or other armed groups in Darfur also respect that ceasefire. They should co-operate with international monitoring and allow full humanitarian access to all areas within their borders.
Our Government should make a substantial contribution to the new United Nations appeal for Darfur, and they should prompt the UN and all elements of the international community to ensure that sufficient and timely resources are made available to all war-affected communities in Sudan and Chad. We may need to prompt the UN and the whole international community to give the people of Darfur the support that they need. There cannot be many higher priorities for foreign policy. Perhaps this country should also be prepared to support Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary-General, in his suggestion that the international community should be prepared to take swift and appropriate action if access is denied.
I will now give the Floor to anyone else who wants to take part in this debate, but let me say in conclusion that this is a crucial issue for our time. We have the opportunity to put into practice all the lessons that we have learned from Rwanda and Kosovo and from our experiences across the whole of Africa. This is the time for the international community, which is doing so much to promote the peace process in Sudan, to come together, recognise the dire situation in Darfur and add 419WH that situation firmly to its agenda. The Government must carry on and develop their superb work in Sudan to ensure that we address the crisis and prevent what seems to be a catastrophe in the making.
§ Mr. David Drew (Stroud) (Lab/Co-op)I am indebted to my hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Wyre (Mr. Dawson), who chairs the all-party group on Sudan, which stands out as one of the best groups in Parliament. We hope to visit Sudan shortly. I wish to make two points and ask two questions of the Minister; I must say that I am pleased that the Foreign Office is represented here today.
I shall be more blunt than my hon. Friend, who was very diplomatic. My first point is on human rights abuses, which are legion in Sudan. Much as I feel some responsibility for Iraq and for Israel and Palestine, I wish that many more of my constituents got as wound-up about Sudan as they do about those places. I sometimes refer to people Pilgering their consciences. When I respond to all the letters that I get on Iraq and Israel-Palestine, I say, "Please also remember Sudan." There are the makings of a huge tragedy in that country. Already, about 750,800 million people have been killed, moved or brutalised, and it is about time that the western world, and indeed the whole world, gave it its correct priority and recognised the need to take action.
Secondly, the Government of Sudan unfortunately have form, whether we are talking about the Antonov bombers flying over the south, as they have done for many years—they are now flying over Darfur—or the use of Arab proxies in the south. There is the case of the Mullareen and—in this case, as my hon. Friend said—the Janjaweed. The Sudan Government are using forces on the ground to do their dirty work. It is pleasing to hear that the Sudan Government have stayed in the peace talks, and we congratulate them on doing so, but they cannot allow other parts of Sudan to break out into warfare just when the south appears to be closer to salvation than ever before.
My two groups of questions are simple. First, what is the current status of the peace talks between the Government of Sudan, the SLA and the JEM? Are they real peace talks? Will they lead to substantive change on the ground or are they a ruse to make it seem to the world that something is happening? In reality, are people just being moved out for whatever reason, as we know happened for so long in the south?
Secondly—I know that this question is directed more at DFID than the FCO—what contingencies do the Government have ready to allow them to get into not just western Sudan if and when there is an element of stability in the area, but Chad, where there has been a mass movement of people seeking some solace from the conflict? What resources can we put in to give those people hope? As soon as the conflict ends, there will be starvation and further conflict unless we act precipitately. I look forward to hearing from my hon. Friend the Minister on those issues.
§ The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr. Chris Mullin)I am grateful to my hon. Friends the Members for Lancaster and Wyre (Mr. Dawson) and for Stroud (Mr. Drew) for raising this issue. The Government are deeply concerned about the situation in Darfur, which is growing worse by the day. It is impossible to overstate the gravity of the crisis.
As my hon. Friends have said, the escalation in the fighting between the Government and the two opposition groups—the Sudan Liberation Movement and the Justice and Equality Movement—has led to a dramatic and potentially catastrophic deterioration of the security situation in Darfur. The UN estimates that the fighting has led to the internal displacement of more than 1 million people, but the UN and other agencies have access to only about half of them. Acute malnutrition has been reported in some areas, and needs in all sectors, including food, shelter and health, are enormous. As my hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Wyre said, there is compelling evidence that militias have carried out the most deplorable human rights abuses, including systematic attacks on civilians, rape, pillage and the destruction of livelihoods.
It is true that the parties have signed a humanitarian ceasefire agreement. That is a welcome step, and I commend the Government of Chad on the key role that they have played in brokering the agreement. However, there is a great deal more to be done, and there is evidence that attacks by the Government-armed Janjaweed militia continue. We condemn the actions of such militias and of any parties that do not comply with the terms of the ceasefire.
The UK has been active from the outset on the issue of Darfur, and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for International Development raised it with the Government of Sudan, including the President, when he visited Khartoum last year. Since then, we have been in almost daily contact with the Sudanese Government and opposition groups through our embassy in Khartoum and our DFID-FCO Sudan unit in London. Our priority has been to stop the fighting.
Since the start of the current crisis, we have made it clear that the only sustainable solution to the problems in Darfur is a peaceful one. While the fighting continues, the humanitarian and human rights situation will continue to deteriorate. If things are allowed to continue unchecked, the situation could overwhelm the fragile negotiations to end the 21-year civil war between north and south.
My hon. Friend the Member for Stroud asked whether the Government think that the peace process is genuine and is making progress. We believe that it is genuine and that it is making progress, and we hope that a framework agreement will emerge in the next few weeks. It will take a few months to tie down the details so that a comprehensive package can be signed and so that planning for the post-ceasefire arrangements can get under way. Obviously, the international community will need to be closely involved to ensure that those arrangements work. As I say, however, there is a danger 421WH that events in Darfur might take on a momentum of their own and overwhelm the peace process. We are, of course, seeking to avoid that.
§ Rev. Martin Smyth (Belfast, South) (UUP)The Minister will realise that I raised the following issue in business questions on Thursday. Can he tell us what practical steps are being taken to do something positive, not only through the United Nations, but through the African Union and other countries? The Sudan Government seem to back off when there is publicity but to start pressing again when it ends.
§ Mr. MullinIf the hon. Gentleman will be patient, I shall deal with that point in a moment.
The Abeche ceasefire agreement was signed in September 2003, and it seemed to offer hope. When it collapsed in December, however, it became clear that an internationally monitored ceasefire was needed. The 8 April agreement provides for a commission to monitor the ceasefire and for international participation on that commission. We are in close contact with the parties and with other members of the international community to help to set up such a monitoring mechanism. We attended an AU meeting in Addis Ababa on 19 and 20 April to discuss the issue, and we are discussing the next steps with our US and EU partners. Implementing the monitoring mechanism as quickly as possible is vital to ensure that all parties comply with the ceasefire agreement, civilians are protected and humanitarian assistance is effectively disbursed.
I understand that the AU is now in consultation with the parties on the mechanics of this operation. We are pressing for a proposal to be tabled soon. We hope that all parties will quickly agree to the modalities and that the monitoring team can be deployed soon thereafter. We are prepared in principle to contribute to such a monitoring mechanism. Given the fragility of the situation in Darfur, it is clear that speed is of the essence.
On the points raised about humanitarian and human rights issues, we are extremely concerned by the reports of widespread human rights abuses and breaches of international humanitarian law. We have made strong representations—repeatedly and at the highest levels—to the Sudanese Government. We have made it clear that there can be no excuses for such atrocities, and that they must stop. All parties to the conflict must respect the principles laid down in international humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians. We have called for the reported attacks against civilians to be thoroughly investigated and for the perpetrators to be brought to justice, and we have pressed the Government to rein in the Janjaweed militias, which seem to be responsible for many of the worst atrocities. I regret that the Sudanese Government have so far appeared to be in a state of denial about both the extent of atrocities and the degree of access permitted to outside agencies.
The recent UN Commission on Human Rights meeting provided us with an opportunity to raise our concerns about Darfur. It mandated an independent expert to provide formal international scrutiny of the human rights situation in Sudan. Such scrutiny has been lacking since the end of the mandate for the special rapporteur when the Sudan resolution was defeated last year at the Commission on Human Rights. 422WH Unfortunately, the language in the commission's decision was not nearly as strong as we would have liked. The EU tabled a much stronger resolution on Sudan, but it was not considered for procedural reasons. We are now focused on getting the independent expert appointed and operational as quickly as possible.
A UN human rights team led by James Morris, executive director of the World Food Programme, visited Darfur last week, following up its recent mission to Chad. We are awaiting the team's report on the situation and its recommendations on the international response that is needed. We support the call by the United States for a special session of the Commission on Human Rights to debate the report and to consider any appropriate follow-up action.
Under the terms of the recent ceasefire agreement, the parties are committed to "ensure humanitarian access". Access for humanitarian agencies is improving. Agencies can now reach more of the affected population, but things are improving from a very low base and the situation is still far from good. We raise the question of access with the Sudanese Government daily, and our ambassador in Khartoum took the lead in establishing regular meetings between the Sudanese Government and donors, the UN and international non-governmental organisations to discuss and try to reduce the obstacles to humanitarian access.
Despite the problems with access, we are working hard to ensure that the humanitarian needs are met. In that context, I can now address the second point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud. We are the second biggest bilateral donor to the Darfur crisis after the US. We have already committed more than £11.5 million to UN agencies, non-governmental organisations and the Red Cross, and we are planning to contribute to the UN's recent appeal for $115 million for Darfur. DFID has also provided key personnel to reinforce the UN's response.
We urgently need to build the capacity of the various UN agencies and NGOs that are on the ground, and to ensure that they have sufficient supplies of food, water, medicine and shelter, as well as the capability to deliver the supplies to those in need. We are aware of the need to act swiftly, particularly given that the imminent rains will only complicate matters by increasing the risk of epidemics and hindering logistics.
The situation in Darfur remains desperate. The Government of Sudan must allow access to humanitarian assistance and discourage militias such as the Janjaweed from breaking the terms of the ceasefire.
§ Mr. Dawson:I am grateful to my hon. Friend for describing all the diplomatic efforts that have been made, but, as he acknowledged, the situation is desperate and urgent. There clearly cannot be delays over humanitarian access to people in desperate circumstances if we are to avoid people dying in greater numbers. I appreciate that he may not be able to say much at this stage, but can I assume that the Government are actively looking at the whole range and continuum of the possible measures referred to by Kofi Annan, which could be used to address the situation in the event of non-compliance by the Government of Sudan or their inability to deal with the militias?
§ Mr. MullinMy hon. Friend would be right to assume that. We raise the question of access almost daily with 423WH the Sudanese. The last occasion was yesterday, when our ambassador met the Foreign Ministry in Khartoum. We are also in close touch with the Government of Chad, who are the other potential point of access, but there is no getting round the fact that we need the co-operation of the Government in Khartoum if we are to reach most of the people who have been affected and displaced by this tragedy.
In conclusion, let me say that my hon. Friends can be assured that we are well aware of the gravity of the situation and that we are doing all in our power to resolve it.