§ Motion made, and Question proposed, That the sitting be now adjourned.—[Joan Ryan.]
9.30 am§ Bob Spink (Castle Point) (Con)I am grateful for the opportunity to debate Bosnia and Herzegovina because it is at an historic crossroads. That is a much overused phrase but it is justified in this case, as I hope the debate will show. Bosnia and Herzegovina could emerge as a post-conflict model of success and rebuild its economic, political and social structures. Alternatively, it could settle into ethnic strife and continued poverty, with consequences for its neighbours and greater political instability in the region.
Key to this turning point in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina is very simply co-operation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. That would demonstrate the willingness of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political establishment and its people to face the truth and to adopt a stable and civilised approach to economics, to politics and to the rebuilding of its society. Co-operation with the ICTY will resolve issues such as membership of the European Union and NATO, as I am sure we will hear several times this morning. It will also make inward investment flow into Bosnia and Herzegovina, which will have an impact on its economy and poverty and bring more stability, leading to inter-ethnic tolerance.
I am not a Bosnia and Herzegovina expert, so I start by thanking everyone who has helped me to prepare for today's debate, particularly Professor Tom Selwyn and Jonathan Karkut of the European Commission's Tempus programme. The hon. Member for Putney (Mr. Colman), who is a remarkably able and courteous Member of Parliament, cannot be here today as he has a pressing pre-arranged constituency engagement. I speak for him in much of what I say.
The Speaker chose the hon. Gentleman and me to represent the United Kingdom Parliament on the first Inter-Parliamentary Union delegation to Bosnia and Herzegovina since the 1990s war. We had to work hard. The hon. Gentleman said:
Overall the visit was jam-packed will' no time between one meeting and the next with a start at 8 am"—I recall some starts at 6 amand finish at 10pm for 4½ days. But it w is special to be there. In Sarajevo we saw a plaque in an alleyway to commemorate the shooting of the Arch Duke Ferdinand in 1914 generally seen as triggering World War I.We met parliamentarian after parliamentarian and had bilateral contact. As we all know, the IPU's mission is to achieve peace and co-operation among peoples, international and internal stability and democratic government. The IPU runs three care programmes: the fight to improve human rights; help in developing democratic government by pragmatically supporting 248WH the day-to-day mechanisms of Parliament; and the commitment to improving the representation of women in Parliament.The collapse of Yugoslavia and the war left physical, social, economic and political structures deeply damaged and destroyed much of the cultural heritage. The economy was decimated and the creation of ethnically based entities left the country divided. Such a legacy requires a thriving economy, and a unified society needs to be built. The good news is that it can be built, given the right conditions, and despite the difficulties that Bosnia and Herzegovina has at the moment. However, it needs a lot of help and support from the international community. Given that support, it has the potential to be one of the success stories of post-war economic and political reconstruction.
§ Mr. John Randall (Uxbridge) (Con)I am delighted that my hon. Friend has secured the debate, because the subject is very important. Does he agree that one of the problems is that the world's attention moves on so quickly that countries such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, which need as much help as possible from the international community, are in danger of being forgotten from time to time? If we are not careful, we will find ourselves returning to the bad old days.
§ Bob SpinkMy hon. Friend speaks wisely. It would be easy to take one's eye off the ball. I shall say a few words on that when I come to speak about the stabilisation force, which feels forgotten because the focus is now on areas such as Iraq and Palestine. However, we must stay focused on establishing a bulkhead of peace and stability for the region by continuing the good progress that has been achieved. I am grateful for that intervention.
Bosnia and Herzegovina lags behind its neighbours in making sustainable economic and political progress and in making real progress towards entering the international community's various institutions, at a time of widespread anxiety about war and civil strife in other parts of the world, including Iraq, Palestine, parts of Africa and Burma. We need to review Bosnia and Herzegovina's post-conflict reconstruction and economic development and to ensure that it continues in the right direction.
Bosnia and Herzegovina's potential owes a considerable amount to British influence and intervention. British soldiers have played a widely admired role in the NATO stabilisation force. SFOR originally had 60,000 troops; I believe that that number is now down to about 7,000. The force includes a large contingent of British troops, who are serving with great professionalism and courage, as one always expects from British troops abroad. They can be forgiven for feeling a little forgotten, as the attention of the international media is focused on other areas.
We visited the British forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The multinational taskforce north-west at Banja Luka is based at an establishment called the Metal Factory, where the forces have their barracks. We were made very welcome. The SFOR mission is to conduct NATO-led military operations across the area of responsibility, to contribute to the maintenance of sustained peace and stability and to deter a major return 249WH to violence. That will support the international community's continuing progress towards achieving a self-sustaining peace, and establish the conditions for further Euro-Atlantic integration.
Peacekeeping operations are fiendishly difficult and British troops do a superb job, especially because of their decades of experience in Northern Ireland. They are finding the right balance in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They have the lightness of touch to engage the civilian population positively, but when necessary they can and will act toughly to protect themselves and others and to achieve their objectives.
We met the troops and spent time listening to their views and their problems. We brought back many messages and questions for Ministers, particularly those in the Ministry of Defence. We wish our troops a safe time in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a quick return. We commend their command structure, headed by General Crispian Beattie, the SFOR commander. They are doing a great job.
Let us move on to NATO. The Istanbul communiqué of 28 June stated:
As the security situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina has evolved positively, we have decided to conclude the Alliance's successful SFOR operation by the end of this year. We welcome the readiness of the European Union to deploy a new and distinct UN-mandated robust Chapter VII mission in the country, based on the Berlin + arrangements…NATO's long-term political commitment to Bosnia and Herzegovina remains unchanged and the establishment of a NATO headquarters will constitute NATO's residual military presence in the country. NATO HQ Sarajevo, which has the principal task of providing advice on defence reform, will also undertake certain operational supporting tasks, such as counter-terrorism whilst ensuring force protection; supporting the ICTY, within means and capabilities, with regard to the detention of persons indicted for war crimes; and intelligence sharing with the EU. The Dayton/Paris Accords remain in force as the basis for peace and stability in Bosnia and Herzegovina.The capture and bringing to justice of Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic and Ante Gotovina, in accordance with United Nations Security Council resolutions 1503 and 1534, remain the key to progress in Bosnia and Herzegovina.In its communiqué, NATO explained why it decided not to invite Bosnia and Herzegovina to join its partnership for peace. That was particularly because of the lack of ICTY co-operation, especially on the part of the Republika Srpska entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina. NATO's communiqué states:
We are concerned that BIH, particularly obstructionist elements in the RS entity, has failed to live up to its obligation to cooperate fully with ICTY, including the arrest and transfer to the jurisdiction of the Tribunal of war crimes indictees, a fundamental requirement for the country to join PfP. We also look for systematic changes necessary to develop effective security and law enforcement structures.Lord Ashdown, the international community's high representative, is doing a great job, on balance. Every side grumbles but he commands respect. That is the mark of a good referee. Unfortunately, not all referees in the 2004 European championships were as good, but I congratulate Paddy Ashdown on the job that he is doing. On 30 June, he announced a series of measures to prevent obstructionist elements in the RS entity of 250WH Bosnia and Herzegovina from frustrating efforts to ensure that Bosnia And Herzegovina co-operates fully with the ICTY. Those measures include the dismissal of more than 60 individuals from public and party positions, financial sanctions and proposals to reform police structures in Bosnia.Lord Ashdown also announced an extension to the EU travel ban on individuals suspected of aiding and abetting fugitive ICTY indictees. Will the Minister, who is listening carefully, confirm that the Government fully support that package of measures, and that failure to cooperate with the ICTY will remain a fundamental barrier to Bosnia and Herzegovina's integration with EU and NATO structures and, by extension, to its becoming a stable, peaceful and prosperous European democracy? Will the Minister confirm that the EU stabilisation and association agreement will be maintained as far as Bosnia and Herzegovina is concerned, and that the country will be welcomed into Europe once the various criteria have been met? Does the UK fully support Bosnia and Herzegovina's EU aspirations?
We welcome the fact that the EU has made it clear that Bosnia and Herzegovina and all other countries in the region are potential candidates for EU membership. However, the pace of integration is in each country's hands. It depends on willingness to implement the necessary reforms. The politicians and others who asked us during our IPU visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina a few weeks ago to press for positive responses on EU and NATO membership and for more inward investment were being a little disingenuous. It is up to them to cooperate with the ICTY, but if they do, the rest will follow quite naturally.
Progress on the feasibility study recommendations will be assessed again in autumn 2004. As we know, progress to date has been mixed. The Bosnia and Herzegovina authorities need to increase the pace and depth of reform if stabilisation and association agreement negotiations are to be opened by the end of the year. We all hope and pray that the necessary reforms will be achieved, but, as I say, that is in the hands of the people and the politicians of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The economic development and inward investment that would flow from co-operation with the ICTY would transform the country, enabling it to realise its considerable potential. The emerging Bosnia and Herzegovina economy will be based on agriculture, timber and hydro-electricity. While we were there, we heard that lignite production and sales were forecast to rise strongly in 2004. Some €25 million will be invested in iron ore production, which will employ 600 miners and produce 1 million tonnes this year and 1.5 million next year. The privatisation of the steel industry is well advanced, while sales of cement from one company will increase by 20 per cent. this year.
Those are all good, specific economic developments, but, as Bosnia and Herzegovina authorities at all levels and influential voices in the international community agree, tourism and the cultural industries will play the most significant role in Bosnia and Herzegovina's development. As hon. Members will be aware, the high representative last month presented Bosnia and Herzegovina as a significant tourist destination, and I shall dedicate part of my speech to the potential for 251WH development in that sector and to the fact that the UK is in a leading position to help bring that development about.
As I said, Bosnia and Herzegovina's economy will need to overcome the physical, economic, social and cultural damage caused by the war and the division of the country into separate entities, which followed the 1995 Dayton-Paris agreement. If it to do so, however, the international community must co everything it can to support the progressive voices in the country.
It matters that we succeed in supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina, because it is a political and geographic bridge between the Christian west and the Muslim east, if I may characterise it that way. Success in Bosnia can help to reframe the political and economic terms of engagement between the wider Christian, Islamic and Jewish communities not only in Bosnia. but across the Balkans, the Mediterranean, the middle east and beyond.
Tourism is the key industry in Bosnia and Herzegovina: indeed, it employs more people than any industry in the world. It adds great growth potential, and Bosnia and Herzegovina needs a slice of that action, not least to reduce its high unemployment, tackle poverty and create more ethnic equality in the jobs market.
There is a groundswell of opinion in Bosnia and Herzegovina that the country's remarkable cultural heritage should be protected and conserved to form the basis of the new tourism industry. Tourism depends on good environmental practice, which necessarily involves the whole community and is, in itself, good for the economy and employment. As economic sectors, tourism and the cultural industries have a substantial multiplier effect and involve co-ordination with other branches of the economy, such as building, transport and agriculture. They also provide a much needed opportunity to change the international image of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and they are, by definition, regional and outward looking. The UK is a leading player in planning and training people for a revival in tourism and the cultural industries in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Within the framework of the European Commission's Tempus programme, a group of specialists has worked to train tourism professionals in Bosnia and Herzegovina to bring them up to European standards and to design a tourism and culture strategy for the country. The group is now working with UK Trade and Investment to stimulate UK investment in Bosnian tourism and cultural industries. The professionals trained by the group adopted the idea of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a bridge between east and west, linking Christianity in its Orthodox and Catholic forms, Islam and Judaism.
The destruction during the war of mosques in Banja Luka was destruction of part of Bosnia and Herzegovina's heritage. Indeed, the reconstruction of the national library in Sarajevo, which was badly damaged during the war, has been adopted as a symbol of cultural reconciliation in the country and as a beacon for the emergence of a new tourism and cultural industry sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
There are natural tourist routes in the region, of course, such as the route from Dubrovnik in Croatia through southern Republika Srpska to Mostar, other 252WH parts of Herzegovina and Sarajevo. They could bring new co-operation, which would be welcome. A European village has been set up in Rudo, near Visegrad, with financial support from the British embassy. It is a multi-ethnic initiative based on the principle of the de-ghettoisation—if there is such a word—of communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond, and it is a worthy initiative. I congratulate the embassy on that.
The work of the multi-ethnic, multicultural Tempus group is an example of the potential for professional cooperation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The work of its Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic members points to the future cosmopolitan development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and it needs support from this House and wider afield.
The Minister, who is a very good man, is listening carefully, as he always does. I ask him to demonstrate Government support for tourism and cultural industries in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to support the British-Bosnia tourist group, the EC Tempus programme on tourism and culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the initiatives on tourism and cultural industries of the Government's UK Trade and Investment. He is nodding—I fully expected that—and I am grateful for that early indication of support. I ask him also to support multilateral economic, financial and diplomatic efforts to secure the future of the Bosnian economy over the next five to 10 years as the country moves towards self-sufficiency.
Many other issues could and perhaps should be raised, and other hon. Members will have an opportunity to deal with them. For instance, there is the important and positive role of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe in education reform. In such reforms across Bosnia and Herzegovina lies another key to the country's future development. The country will not get it right until it gets education right. It must stop segregation in education and start teaching all children from all three communities the same history and the same social and civic responsibilities.
Of the current population, just under 4 million—almost one half—were displaced or became refugees during the war. So far, about 1 million have returned to their place of origin, but there are still many displaced persons. That issue must be addressed, and education and co-operation with the ICTY will be factors in encouraging people to return to their place of origin and to remake their lives.
We met Croatian and Serbian families who have returned—the so-called returnees. Both groups came up against serious problems and ethnic discrimination on their return. particularly in getting basic services such as water and electricity connected to their homes and in getting employment. There is still ethnic discrimination in the employment market. Those problems will take time, patient effort, political integrity and good will to overcome, but a rising economy with a strong tourism sector, facilitated by co-operation with the ICTY, should help to solve those problems.
The hon. Member for Putney summed up the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina by saying:
Bosnia-Herzegovina is at a crossroads: to go back to chaos and despair or to go forward to the EU, NATO and a better life for every citizen. These are the real challenges and I hope that the IPU UK will be able to help Bosnia-Herzegovina to achieve its goals.253WH We must inspire the three main communities—the Bosnians, Croats and Serbs—to raise their eyes above the horizon. For Bosnia and Herzegovina to succeed in becoming a member of Europe and NATO, which we all want, it must rid itself of the legacy of conflict. Individuals in Bosnia still protect indicted war criminals. The EU visa ban to prevent some of the supporters of war criminals is welcome, and an EU assets freeze on those characters to prevent them from providing money and resources to war criminals would also be welcomed. I am sure that the Front Benchers will deal with those important points, and I thank you, Mr. Olner, for your tolerance of me this morning.
§ Mr. Michael Moore (Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale) (LD)It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Castle Point (Bob Spink), and I congratulate him on securing this important debate. I also congratulate him and the hon. Member for Putney (Mr. Colman) on what has clearly been a significant and worthwhile IPU visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Chamber has learned a great deal this morning from the work that they have both undertaken, and we are much better informed as a result. My enthusiasm for the well-crafted speech of the hon. Member for Castle Point is not based simply on the fact that I intend to echo a few of his points; he has set the scene in an important way.
For hundreds of years, conflict has raged over Bosnia and Herzegovina and within it. The roots of the internecine difficulties are deep and complex. In modern times, the memories of the terrible war from 1992 to 1995 linger in everyone's mind. If we thought that those issues were behind us, the continuing unrest elsewhere in the Balkans is a warning to all of us in Europe never to take peace for granted. All democrats hope for a future in Bosnia and Herzegovina that will allow the different communities to co-exist in peace with full democracy and a healthy economy. Although progress has clearly been made since 1995, only the most myopic optimist could argue that we are close to achieving those ambitions. The UK and its European Union partners will have ongoing responsibilities to the country for many years to come.
Since the Dayton-Paris accords, the security situation in Bosnia has been the paramount objective, for without peace and stability there can be little prospect of securing democracy and future prosperity. We must acknowledge that significant progress has been made. NATO's original implementation force of 60,000 troops reduced rapidly to the much smaller stabilisation force, which currently comprises somewhere between 7,000 and 10,000 personnel.
Perhaps the most significant recent development has been the decision agreed at the NATO summit in Istanbul just over a week ago to finish SFOR's mission by the end of this year and transfer the responsibilities to a newly constituted EU force. We have been told that there is to be a new chapter 7 UN mandate, that the EU will take advantage of the Berlin-plus arrangements and that NATO will retain headquarters in Sarajevo. We welcome that development. It will build on the EU's 254WH policing role in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which began 18 months ago, but it will clearly be on a different level all together. Perhaps the Minister will be able to explain in his response what difference the new set-up will make to the UK's commitment of military resources in the country.
Although the developments mark progress for the EU and Bosnia, there is a parallel and bleaker picture that we cannot ignore. The Istanbul summit urged the entities in Bosnia to continue the welcome process of reform in the armed forces, but rejected the involvement of the country in the partnership for peace programme because of the continued failure of its leaders in the Republika Srpska entity to comply with obligations to co-operate with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia.
That was an important position for NATO to take, and the seriousness of the international community's intent was underscored last week by Lord Ashdown, the UN high representative, when he sacked 60 officials in the Bosnian-Serb leadership. In case it was not clear enough, the strong international message to Bosnia was repeated in the address to the UN Security Council by the chief prosecutor at the tribunal, Carla Del Ponte.
The ongoing freedom of Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic and other indicted war criminals is an offence to the people of Bosnia. On more than a dozen documented occasions, the former Bosnian-Serb leaders have evaded NATO and other attempts to arrest them. Indeed, it appears that nobody has been arrested since July 2002. Repeated warnings to the Serbian Democratic party, the SDS, have been ignored, and the collusion of its senior figures in the financing and protection of Karadzic and others is finally being tackled. Surely, Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot possibly hope to take its place on equal terms among the family of democratic European nations while senior politicians in the country harbour those criminals.
In echoing the spirit of the high representative's remarks and the comments of the chief prosecutor, I want to highlight some of the points made by Carla Del Ponte to the Security Council. Three challenges that face the tribunal were listed. Apart from the need to arrest the fugitives, it was pointed out that there are serious problems with the finances of the court. They have become so serious that contracts for investigative support cannot be extended beyond the end of December.
The cash-flow crisis is so serious that in spring this year there had to be a recruitment freeze even on the replacement of essential staff. I hope that the Minister will be able to clarify the United Kingdom Government's position on that problem. I hope that he agrees that any financial crisis that undermines the working of the tribunal can only play into the hands of the war criminals who seek to evade its jurisdiction.
The chief prosecutor also drew attention to the failure of Serbia and Montenegro to fulfil their obligations to co-operate in bringing Bosnian indictees to justice. She stated that 15 accused, including Mladic, are believed to spend most of their time in Serbia. Apart from that, there is virtually no co-operation by the Serbian authorities in support of witnesses for the tribunal. The picture painted by the chief prosecutor is damning and depressing. Almost 10 years after the awful events in 255WH Srebrenica, the most wanted men remain free, the tribunal is in financial crisis and the end of the mandate for the court is fast approaching.
I hope that the Minister will explain what possibility there is of extending the court's mandate, if not indefinitely then at least for a period that will allow justice to be done. While the process of holding war criminals to account grinds on, the economy is making painfully slow progress, as the hon. Member for Castle Point stated. There are some optimistic signs and, as the hon. Gentleman pointed out, there have been some attempts to boost tourism in the country. There is the promise of a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union if Bosnia arid Herzegovina can satisfy the necessary conditions. Quite apart from the issue of war crimes, there are many reforms to carry out. With 20 per cent. of the population below the poverty line and about half the people of the country perilously close to it, the economy clearly needs support. Perhaps there will be a realisation of what needs to be done before the situation gets even worse.
The past few weeks have seen international initiatives that must generate some hope that the faltering progress in Bosnia and Herzegovina will not stall or crunch into reverse, but the challenges to the United Kingdom Government and to the international community remain severe. They are second only to the heavy responsibilities that lie on the leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
§ 10.6 am
§ Mr. Richard Spring (West Suffolk) (Con)May I say, Mr. Olner, what a personal pleasure it is to see you in the Chair this morning? I thank ins' hon. Friend the Member for Castle Point (Bob Spink) for an extraordinarily comprehensive, balanced and sensible presentation of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am also grateful to the hon. Member for Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale (Mr. Moore) for a measured speech. He shares my sentiments about my hon. Friend's very good speech.
Bosnia and Herzegovina remains powerfully in the minds of many British people because of the terrible bloody civil war there between 1992 and the Dayton accords of 1995. It has had a turbulent history. It is fair to say that although Tito, a remarkable political figure, succeeded in building an ethnically diverse composite state called Yugoslavia and managed to spare the people of Yugoslavia the worst ravages of old-style Soviet communism, he prepared inadequately for the post-Tito, post-cold war world into which Yugoslavia moved.
It would be wrong to say that the multi-ethnic patchwork of peoples and religions that make up Bosnia and Herzegovina made civil war and the atrocities that happened in that civil war, such as in Srebrenica, inevitable. Bosnia and Herzegovina has been, for many years of its history, a successful blend of peoples and cultures. I went to the winter Olympics in Sarajevo 20 years ago and saw that for myself.
§ The Minister for Europe (Mr. Denis MacShane)Were you running?
§ Mr. SpringThe Minister asks what I think is a rhetorical question.
256WH The civil war would undoubtedly not have occurred had Bosnia and Herzegovina not been located where it is, with the strange mix that it possesses, but the conflict of 1992 to 1995 grew from a combination of factors other than the peculiar political and economic circumstances in the country. Those included the consequences flowing from the end of the cold war, the actions and ambitions of neighbouring countries and a willingness to exploit the dangerous political power of nationalism.
Today it appears unclear how, or even whether, the trial of Slobodan Milosevic will progress in The Hague. I hope that the Minister will share the Government's views on that matter. Mr. Milosevic undoubtedly played a significant role in stoking up the tensions that exploded in that terrible full-blown conflict.
The declaration of independence in 1992 led to three years of vicious war and united the Serb population with Serbs in Serbia, who ethnically cleansed areas of the country of Croat or Bosnian enclaves. It would, however, be only half the story to talk exclusively of Serb ethnic cleansing. Once the fighting began, no group—whether Serb, Bosnian or Croat—emerged from the civil war guilt-free and with an unblemished reputation. The violence in Bosnia, beamed into our living rooms on the TV each night, generated a groundswell of support for military action to halt the bloodshed. I pay tribute, as I am sure all hon. Members would wish to, to the professionalism of the NATO forces in Bosnia, of whatever nationality, and particularly to the work of our troops who served or continue to serve in IFOR and SFOR.
The NATO-led military response in Bosnia led to the December 1995 Dayton agreement, which fixed the internal borders along lines that still exist today and served to establish the peace and stability that have generally remained since, although echoes of the violence continue to reverberate in Kosovo. It created a new constitution and two new entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska. Those entities and those elected to run them deal with domestic matters while a federal presidency representing all three groups deals primarily with foreign and defence and national economic matters. Lord Ashdown, a person of considerable experience, continues to serve as high representative. There has been considerable progress in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the dark days of the early 1990s, with peace and stability being the most important and cherished achievements.
Stability in the wider Balkans region, especially in Serbia and Croatia, is a vital prerequisite of stability and progress in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but the presence of NATO troops has also been central to the provision of security and an environment conducive to development and effective state building. As we have heard, NATO has been highly successful, but at the Istanbul summit it was announced that SFOR will be replaced by an EU-led peacekeeping force by the end of 2004. While we all look forward to the day—hopefully soon—when Bosnia and Herzegovina requires no international forces to ensure its stability, the truth is that such forces are still needed. It is concerning that a successful NATO operation is to be replaced in that highly sensitive country with an untried EU-led operation, which may have more to do with a pan-European vision than with 257WH the policing effort. I just hope that it will be successful in securing what NATO has managed to secure thus far, and will build on that.
What discussions did the Minister have with the Bosnia and Herzegovina Government prior to that decision being taken? Although the security challenges have changed from peacemaking and peacekeeping to checking on weapons smuggling, pursuing suspected war criminals and dealing with extremist groups and border security, such challenges still require a good knowledge on the ground and a clear chain of command. Is the Minister confident that those criteria will be met by the EU force?
The Office of the High Representative and the Bosnian polity have set out a reform agenda that has seen the dismissal of some officials for corruption and for obstructing the reconciliation process. The reconciliation process remains fragile, and the elections of 5 October 2002, while free of violence, saw a low turnout of 54 per cent. People in Bosnia and Herzegovina are disillusioned at the slow pace of reform, both political and economic.
The Government who are now in office are a three-way coalition made up of nationalist parties from each of the three ethnic groups: the Bosniak SDA, the Bosnian-Serb SDS and HDZ, representing Bosnian Croats. Although gloomy predictions from the time of their election have not come to fruition, a reversion to nationalist parties should be interpreted as a due warning of the frustrations still felt in the country.
The problem, despite much that is positive, is that progress towards turning words into actions is slow. Public expenditure remains high while revenue collection remains inefficient. If the economy is to thrive, privatisation and economic liberalisation require speeding up, and red tape and bureaucracy—barriers to external investment the world over—need to be cut. However, Bosnia and Herzegovina, not yet 10 years from the end of the war that tore it apart, cannot do that alone.
According to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office website, United Kingdom aid to Bosnia and Herzegovina has been about £82 million since 1996. Our focus is on efforts to create a viable and sustainable private sector; enhanced trading ability; effective, accountable government; improved social policy and health policy; and the better administration of justice. The figures for 2003–04 are also on the website and they show that the funds allocated amount to £6 million, in addition to which the United Kingdom contributes to multilateral aid via the EU. What is the extent of our aid funnelled through the EU to Bosnia and Herzegovina? Does the Minister think that the £6 million of bilateral aid is proving successful in achieving our aspirations for Bosnia and Herzegovina's much needed development?
There are economic success stories. Trade is growing, with exports of £16 million from the United Kingdom in 2002, which is an 8.8 per cent. increase on 2001. Imports from Bosnia and Herzegovina to the United Kingdom are also up.
Our policy framework for the region is the stabilisation and association process. It offers the prospect of EU membership, provided that conditions 258WH on human rights, democracy, regional co-operation and economic reform are met. The contract was launched in Zagreb in 2000 and on 21 June 2003 an EU-western Balkans summit was held in Thessaloniki in Greece. It affirmed Bosnia and Herzegovina's eligibility for EU membership, if it meets the criteria.
That is a most important point. Of the former Yugoslav republics, Slovenia is already a member of the European Union. Croatia has been formally accepted into the EU process. The possibility, somewhere down the line, of accession into the EU is a powerful incentive to people to focus positively on the future and to carry out the reforms that are necessary for their development. The prospect of EU membership will be a powerful spur to reform and progress. It is certainly an aspiration that the Conservative party supports.
As I saw, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a beautiful country with a landscape that varies dramatically from the high altitudes of the central mountains to arable land in the north and Mediterranean vineyards in the south. Most of its major towns nestle in beautiful and picturesque valleys. The breathtaking scenery, coupled with the friendly welcome that is extended to all visitors, makes the country an appealing holiday destination, as my hon. Friend the Member for Castle Point said. What steps are the Government taking to advise and to assist the Bosnians in developing their tourist industry, given the fact that the UK travel industry is focusing so much on the undoubted attractions of the Dalmatian coastline in particular?
I hope that the Bosnia and Herzegovina Government, assisted by the international community, will push forward the reforms, both economic and political, that are required for it to develop into a functional, modern, multi-ethnic state. I look forward to seeing such a state as a member of NATO and the EU. I am confident that that aspiration is shared throughout the House of Commons and among, the British public.
§ The Minister for Europe (Mr. Denis MacShane)It is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mr. Olner. I look forward to many debates under your chairmanship. This has been an exemplary one on international affairs. I thank the hon. Member for Castle Point (Bob Spink) for a powerful and effective speech, reporting on a visit that he made with my hon. Friend the Member for Putney (Mr. Colman) to Bosnia and Herzegovina under the auspices of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. It is a reminder of the great service that the IPU provides the House and the Government in maintaining such links.
I shall deal with the points that the hon. Member for Castle Point made and other questions; I prefer to answer, if I can, points that were made in the debate. I did not fully comprehend the speech of the hon. Member for West Suffolk (Mr. Spring), speaking for the main Opposition party. The middle of his speech seemed to drift into generalised anti-Europeanism, but at the end of it he extolled the virtues of Bosnia and Herzegovina aiming for membership of the EU under the new constitutional treaty. It is really time for the Conservative party to decide where it stands on Europe. It cannot be Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde at the same time.
The hon. Gentleman's remarks about SFOR and EUFOR and the negative tone of his obiter dictum, which Hansard will record, about the European Union's 259WH great service to Bosnia and Herzegovina and to the new forces that will come into play there, are not worthy of this debate. I have here the shield given to me by the European Union police mission, in which serving British police officers proudly wear the European flash on their shoulder, as they help to achieve stability through an effective campaign against criminality in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I wish that Conservative Members would stop injecting into their speeches scorn, derision and hostility towards the EU's work in that part of the western Balkans. In Sarajevo and the rest of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the EU is warmly welcomed.
§ Mr. SpringI know that the Minister is capable of being eccentric on occasions, but I have never heard such complete drivel in my life. I am absolutely entitled, as an Opposition spokesman, to ask what the relationship is between the new EU force and NATO. That has nothing to do with our view of the EU, so will the Minister just answer the question that I legitimately posed and not distract this important debate with such nonsense?
§ Mr. MacShaneI see that some spots are tender even at this early time of the day. I will, of course, come to those points, but it is nice to clarify our positions. The fact that our main Opposition party has no locus in any other part of Europe and has no links with other conservative and centre-right parties, because it is perceived as permanently hostile to our membership of the EU and the need to win support across Europe for the new constitutional treaty, does a continuing disservice to the cause of peace and European unity.
I am happy to tell the hon. Gentleman that we have absolute confidence in the EU force. For one reason, professional, British soldiers will be leading it. British officials have played a key role in the negotiation of the force's mandate, learning the lessons of the 1990s. That confidence is shared by NATO as a whole, as the Istanbul summit communiqué made clear. The EU force will have, as SFOR has, a UN chapter 7 mandate, with the authority to use force to protect itself and its mission. The force will deploy initially with the same level of forces—around 7,000—as SFOR has now.
Before becoming a Minister, I spent time with British soldiers. I slept in a corrie back in an SFOR unit. I saw how professional their contribution is. They will be proud to show the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina that EUFOR is making a direct contribution to stability and security in the region.
I share the concerns about the ICTY in The Hague that the hon. Member for Castle Point expressed. The hon. Member for Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale (Mr. Moore) also raised important questions about that. I regret deeply that the obstructionists in Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly in Republika Srpska, prevented Bosnia from achieving partnership for peace membership at NATO's Istanbul summit. I regret that it was therefore necessary for Lord Ashdown to remove some 60 obstructionists, mainly from the SDS, the party of Karadzic. I sent my personal congratulations to Paddy Ashdown earlier this week on his decisive action, which again showed the quality of leadership that Britain brings to bear in finding a European solution to the western Balkans.
260WH I assure the hon. Member for Castle Point that SFOR has not been forgotten. It has done a superb job since 1995 and I welcome his kind words about our troops' efforts. British troops have detained more war criminals than any other force—24 to date. The hon. Member for Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale said that nobody had been detained since 2002, but, if he checks the records, he will see that one war criminal, Mr. Oric, has been sent to The Hague.
On all my visits to the region and whenever I discuss the issue with visitors—my door at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office is always open, and I think that I have received more Government representatives from Bosnia and Herzegovina and from other countries from the former Yugoslavia than almost any other part of Europe—I say again and again that the road to Europe lies through The Hague, that the detention of Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic and Ante Gotovina is a priority, and that more must be done. There have been clear statements from Government figures in Sarajevo and Banja Luka about Karadzic, but the Orthodox Church needs to move decisively, as do the communities that support him. People must understand that the terrible crimes of which Mr. Mladic and Mr. Karadzic are accused are in connection with the genocidal slaughter of 7,500 European Muslim citizens of Srebrenica in 1995—the worst killings in cold blood on European soil since 1945. With one year to go until the 10th anniversary of that massacre, it is time to make decisive efforts to invite those gentlemen, who claim to be innocent, to report to The Hague, where they will get a fair hearing.
The election of Boris Tadic as the president of Serbia, thus defeating, as the hon. Member for Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale will know, the candidate of the reactionary anti-European nationalist right, who was close to Mr. Milosevic, is good news, and I hope that it will be seen as such. It shows that we are generally getting positive and welcome signs from the region, as does the welcome decision of the European Council, which agreed the historic constitutional treaty that Britain will soon want to ratify, to set a starting date for negotiations for Croatia's EU membership.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has come a long way since 1995. I agree with the point that the hon. Member for Castle Point made about supporting the economy. I have visited Sarajevo regularly since I took ministerial responsibility for that part of Europe, and I can say that it is getting better. I strongly agree that the beautiful national library, which is being rebuilt, should become a shining cultural monument to the traditions, history and culture of that part of Europe.
The hon. Member for West Suffolk recalls visiting the winter Olympics in Sarajevo some 20 years ago. I invite him—a great sportsman among Members of Parliament—to join Lord Ashdown and me on a skiing trip on the mountains around Sarajevo, which I propose should be early next year when the snow conditions are good. As I lead him off piste, down dangerous gullies and across avalanche slopes, I may persuade him of the virtues of a more positive approach to Europe. Whatever happens, I promise to get him safely to the bottom. He will be in my safe hands.
I hosted the excellent Lancaster House conference to promote the tourist industry in Bosnia and Herzegovina. An excellent new guide has been 261WH published, and British tourists can go there. Despite our concerns about the problems with Karadzic and criminality, no British soldier has lost his life as a result of violence, although there have been some dreadful accidents. I believe that all British citizens will be given a very warm welcome there, whether as historical tourists—the hon. Member for Castle Point referred to Sarajevo as the place where 20th century history took its disastrous wrong turn—or eco-tourists. I believe that there is a lot of good hunting, shooting and fishing, so the sports and tourist desires of many different members of the community in Britain are catered for.
Hon. Members asked me about the continuation of the ICTY. The ICTY mandate will continue. United Nations Security Council resolution 1503 of last August made it clear that the ICTY will try Karadzic. Mladic and Gotovina, even if the trials fall outside the usual period granted to the ICTY. It is scheduled to come to a close in 2008, but we are determined that those three gentlemen will be brought to The Hague. Again, I make it clear that they can become old or go to their graves, but the British Government and other Governments will insist that they accept responsibility for answering to the very serious charges against them. We believe that there should be a completion strategy for the ICTY, and that it should be met.
The hon. Member for Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale asked about finances. Some large and significant UN member states seem to be backward in paying their dues to the ICTY, and we are pressing them hard to rectify that. We do not have a particular view about Milosevic's trial and the recent reports about his health problems. It will be a matter for the tribunal to decide, but we have every confidence that it will find a fair and satisfactory solution to allow the completion of the trial with minimum delay.
I was asked about financial support for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Department for International Development has provided £82 million in bilateral assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina since the signing of the Dayton peace agreement. In addition, according to the last available records that we have, which cover 2001, the UK's share of Commission expenditure in Bosnia and Herzegovina amounted to £18 million, which we estimate to be some €12 million, for 2003. Britain is putting its money where its mouth is by supporting Bosnia and Herzegovina.
We welcome the creation of stronger state institutions. We believe that the politicians of the federation that represents Bosnians, Croats and Republika Srpska accept that there will be no future other than the building of a sovereign independent republic, a European state, called Bosnia and 262WH Herzegovina. There will be no repartition or reattachment to Serbia or Croatia. I am pleased to see the much better co-operation between Belgrade and Zagreb, and I make it clear that both the Serbs and the Croats fully accept that Bosnia and Herzegovina will be a republic with a strong and clear future. It will, we hope, soon be a member of the EU and NATO.
§ Bob SpinkBefore the Minister finishes, will he return to the question of the Office of the High Representative? The post will end for Lord Ashdown next year. Will the Minister give the Government's view as to how matters should proceed following that?
§ Mr. MacShaneLord Ashdown kindly accepted our invitation and the invitation of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the entire international community to continue in office for one more year. We will take this one stage at a time. He said clearly that he wants to be the last man in that office, and that is everyone's wish, even further south in Kosovo, where a new UN special representative has just been named. It is our wish that all the countries, republics and different component elements of what was Yugoslavia should operate as self-governing entities. I cannot comment in advance on where we will be next year, on any replacement or on the future of the post.
On Monday, I was at the OSCE parliamentary assembly meeting in Edinburgh, at which the Chairman-in-Office, Dr. Solomon Passy, the Bulgarian Foreign Minister, made clear his belief that, other than in Kosovo, the OSCE should wind down its operations in the western Balkans and start looking further east to the Caucasus region. Broadly speaking, he is right.
I want to put on record again that I have seen a gradual growth of normality during my visits to the area. I do not want to raise any more European hackles this morning, but I had the pleasure of travelling through Sarajevo on a tram that was decorated on an entente cordiale theme. It was nice to see the Union flag and the tricolour painted on the tram. Very nice, young Bosnian university and school students were learning French and English and being told that their future would be much better if France and Britain co-operated. Their future will be much better if we in the European Union can co-operate under the new treaty.
Bit by bit, a new spirit is rising in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I thank all hon. Members for participating in the debate. If I have not answered all the questions—I may have answered questions that hon. Members did not ask—I will be happy to write to them in detail on those matters.
§ Sitting suspended.