§ Motion made, and Question proposed, That the sitting be now adjourned.—[Mr. Jim Murphy.]
9.30 am§ Alistair Burt (North-East Bedfordshire)I am delighted to have the opportunity to raise this subject today, but even more delighted to welcome the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, the hon. Member for Sunderland, South (Mr. Mullin), to his post. His reappointment will be extremely popular in the House. He is unaware of the part that he played in my downfall and my years in the wilderness, but he may recall that his was one of the earliest results to be declared in the 1997 general election. Due to the size of the hon. Gentleman's majority—his was a safe Labour constituency—Peter Snow was unable to discern the national trend, but I knew full well that in my marginal seat it was doomsday for Burt. Seeing the hon. Gentleman before I went to the drill hall to receive the verdict from the good people of Bury, North told me all that I needed to know. Despite that, however, I never bore him a grudge. It is a great delight to see his return to the Front Bench and I am sure that all Members wish him well in his new post.
I am grateful to have the opportunity to raise the important issue of Christian persecution in Africa. Hon. Members will be aware that people in many parts of the world suffer a huge amount of persecution. People of many faiths and none find themselves facing discrimination or full-blown persecution in many countries. However, we have good reasons to consider the plight of Christian communities in particular. Some hon. Members here today may remember a Westminster Hall debate last year on violence against Christian communities in Asia, when the hon. Member for Stroud (Mr. Drew)—I am delighted to see him in his place—focused our attention on two reports published a few years ago that demonstrated that Christians suffer more persecution than any other religious group. He also reminded us that more Christians were killed because of their faith in the 20th century than in the previous 19 centuries.
In the continent of Africa, we can see several prominent examples of Christians taking the brunt of persecution, as I shall demonstrate in a moment. Before proceeding further, however, I want to make it clear that the persecution of Christians is closely linked to other human rights issues. I make no secret of my Christian faith, nor therefore of my deep concern for those who suffer persecution for their following of Jesus Christ. This morning is their brief moment in Westminster. I am also a long-standing member of Amnesty International. The religious and civil rights of the persecuted are indivisible and I raise the issues that affect Christian believers today as a symbol and in support of others who are persecuted.
2WH In last year's debate, I made the following observation:
If a state will not respect the most intimate beliefs of individuals, it is far less likely to respect other personal rights. Religious liberty can be seen as a benchmark for whether human rights are flourishing in general.—[Official Report, Westminster Hall, I7 July 2002; Vol. 389, c. 95WH.]That is as true now as it was then and it is worth reiterating. By standing up for the rights of persecuted religious groups, we are also helping to tackle other human rights abuses and to promote a more healthy respect for human rights throughout the world.I draw attention to my sources. I am indebted to my friends in Christian Solidarity Worldwide for their painstaking research and careful verification of allegations. Their work is not easy and it is easy for them to fall prey to charges of hopeless religious bias or making serious but unverifiable allegations. Ministers support my view that they do not fall into such traps.
On 28 January, in relation to North Korea, the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, the hon. Member for Harlow (Mr. Rammell), told the Foreign Affairs Committee:
I think there are very credible reports both from defectors and from Christian Solidarity Worldwide that suggest widespread and serious human rights abuses.The hon. Member for Leeds, West (Mr. Battle), when a Minister at the Foreign Office, said in a Commons debate that he wanted to continue to meet with Christian Solidarity Worldwide, as it had good contacts and valuable information.The Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a religious freedom panel that represents many faiths. A representative of CSW, Alan Hobson, attended its last discussion, again verifying its good credibility with the Government and others. I am proud to pay tribute to Christian Solidarity India, which works to support Muslims with regard to the pressure that they feel from militant Hindus.
I make those points because I am acutely aware that what is said in Westminster on international issues resonates far beyond our shores and, as we shall be on difficult terrain during the debate, it is right to set out the credibility behind the sources of a number of comments. I have also used Amnesty's website for further confirmation of a number of issues.
In some cases that will be mentioned today, the perpetrators of persecution of Christians are of the Muslim faith. That does not mean that all the adherents of Islam worldwide act in the same way. Countless millions of Muslims live peaceably with their neighbours, just as those of other faiths and none do. However, where there are those who do not, it is dishonest and unjust not to call attention to the situation.
Those who wear the badge of Christ are not immune to such a charge. In recent times, the Christian militia in the Lebanon, the two sides in Northern Ireland and the members of the Church in South Africa who defended apartheid have not acted in peace, in truth or in His name. Let us be clear that the debate is not about singling out the members of a faith as persecutors, but about drawing attention to the failure of humanity, in whatever name, to recognise justice, tolerance and the freedom of religion and to defend the same.
3WH The focus of the debate is Africa, which is a continent of extraordinary beauty and diversity. I was there over Whitsuntide with the hon. Members for Southwark, North and Bermondsey (Simon Hughes) and for Burnley (Mr. Pike). We returned to South Africa 17 years after our first visit and saw the extraordinary changes that had taken place in that country over the years. Africa has contained great civilisations and cultures and has a rich history, but it is clear that today's Africa is a continent in turmoil.
In many countries, there are substantial human rights abuses. Amnesty International's most recent report noted:
The human rights situation remained serious throughout much of the continent.It goes on to include more than 30 African countries where there are substantial human rights abuses, and that is excluding north Africa, which it groups with the middle east in a separate section.The persecution of Christians in Africa takes place over a wide geographical area. The example of Eritrea helps to show why we are focusing on the plight of Christians in particular. In Eritrea, the most persecuted religious groups are newer Christian denominations: Pentecostals, charismatics and evangelicals. The debate is particularly timely as far as Eritrea is concerned, because during the first half of the year, the Eritrean Government have been clamping down heavily on those groups. I gather that the hon. Member for Stroud hopes to discuss the situation there.
Côte d'Ivoire is another country where religious issues have been overlooked. The widely publicised rebellion there late last year had major political and ethnic causes, but there was also a religious dimension, which was neglected by the media and Governments around the world. Many of the rebels had a strong Islamist aim in attempting to overthrow their Government, and they targeted people of other religions—chiefly Christians and animists. There is much evidence that those who follow traditional beliefs in Africa, such as animists, experience similar pressure to Christians under a number of regimes.
A number of sources that spoke to CSW about the persecution of Christians were traditional believers, not Christians. An eyewitness in the Côte d'Ivoire noted on 14 October 2002:
Rebels … are conducting systematic killing of non-Muslims, Christians and supporters of other political parties".Other first-hand accounts back that up.An obvious example of religious violence in Africa is found in Sudan, where more than two million people have died in the bloody civil war that has raged since 1985. That war has a number of causes, including political, ethnic and economic ones, but religion is a hugely important factor. The National Islamic Front—NIF—regime has targeted Christians and animists in the south of the country and elsewhere, including the Nuba mountains. The regime has also targeted moderate Muslims, including the Beja Muslims in the east and the Fur Muslims in the west, because it does not consider them to be true Muslims. I shall say no more about that, however, as Sudan was the subject of a 4WH major debate in the Chamber a few weeks ago, and my hon. Friend the Member for Mid-Worcestershire (Mr. Luff) plans to cover the subject later.
Tanzania is not a country that one would automatically associate with religious violence. Last year, however, Gaeten Zimulinda, a Christian leader who was concerned about the activity of Christian fundamentalists, was brutally murdered in front of his wife and children. He had written repeatedly of his concern about Muslim extremists, some of whom had broken into and attacked churches. Muslim extremists are believed to be responsible for his murder. In Tanzania, those same extremists are also attempting to have strict Islamic law imposed. Several Muslims have also been victims at the hands of Government troops, which has added to the religious tensions in the country.
The religious dimension is also overlooked in Zimbabwe, although it is obviously not one of the main causes of the troubles there. Those causes are well known to the House. There is, however, a strong likelihood that when the Church in Zimbabwe speaks up for those opposed to the regime, as the Church has done worldwide, those who shelter or support political opponents of the President will be targeted. It is right that Christians worldwide draw attention to that and to say that they will be watching the situation carefully for the next few weeks and months. We pray, as everyone does, for a peaceful resolution of a situation that has cost countless lives and that is leaving an economy and a people adrift in a physical and metaphorical drought.
The fact that I can include Kenya in today's debate demonstrates the extent of the problem facing us. Kenya is a secular state that was once regarded as a model for the rest of Africa. There is, however, growing controversy about the country's new constitution. Islamist elements are campaigning hard for sharia law to be included as part of the constitution. There have been threats and warnings about what might happen if that wish is not granted.
Chad is another country in which the Christian community lives in fear. There have been numerous examples of discrimination and persecution in the past few years. They have not yet led to violence, but that is not a remote possibility. There has been a process of Islamicisation throughout much of the country, which according to reports, has been stepped up in recent years. In an interview, a Christian teacher said:
If we react … there will be trouble because the Muslims are armed.He also noted:Chad is a powder keg, just waiting to ignite".Another source, a Christian leader, warns:Anything can be done to the Christians in the north and it will be ignored by the officials.So far, Zimbabwe, Chad and Kenya have seen few instances of violence against Christian communities, but the warning signs are there, particularly in Chad and Kenya.The debate concerns not only the violence that has already occurred, but the scenarios that may lead to violence. So often in the House, we have to deal with attempted cures long after situations have exploded into chaos and lawlessness. It would be best to deal more often in prevention before problems erupt. I hope that 5WH the Minster will take these points on board when he and his colleagues consider their attitude to the countries concerned.
I want to devote the remainder of my speech to Nigeria, a country where problems exploded into violence long ago. In recent years, the historical background and ethno-religious composition of Nigeria have resulted in bouts of religious violence. The country is divided almost equally between Christians and Muslims: Muslims are mainly in the north and Christians are in the south. They each form about 45 per cent. of the population. For the reasons that I gave at the beginning of my remarks, it would be easy to claim that both sides are equally at fault. On closer examination, however, that does not appear to be the case.
On the whole, Christians and non-Muslims support Nigeria's secular status, seeing it as necessary in view of the religious divides in the country. For many Muslims, on the other hand, the separation of state and religion is unacceptable, since Islam is seen as encompassing all religious, political, social and cultural activity. It is vital that outside observers grasp that point, however unpalatable it may be.
As long ago as the early 1960s, a Muslim northern leader, the Sultan of Sokoto, raised religious tensions by vowing to
dip the Quran into the Atlantic Ocean"—in other words, to Islamicise the entire country. Some modern-day Muslims have attempted to fulfil that aim.In 1986, the Nigerian Muslim leader, General Babangida, took the country into the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, despite the fact that Muslims are in a minority. That provocative decision caused inter-religious violence throughout the country.
The present bouts of violence started in 1999, when northern Muslim states began to impose sharia law. Some Nigerian Muslims openly admit that the ultimate aim is to impose full sharia law in a majority of Nigeria's 36 states. Once they have that majority they can challenge the country's constitution and, eventually, declare Nigeria a fully Islamic state, rather than the secular one that it is, by consent, now. That should be of deep concern to anyone who is interested in Nigeria's future welfare. The implementation of sharia has had disastrous consequences: more than 6,000 people are said to have died in religious and ethnic clashes arising from confrontations over sharia law since 1999.
In the states where sharia law has been implemented, there have been other worrying developments, affecting not only religious liberty but wider human rights. Islam is promoted to the detriment of other religions such as Christianity and animism.
Although it was claimed that sharia law would apply only to Muslims, which is a matter of religious choice and freedom with which we can have no quarrel, that has not proved to be the case. For example, many Christian women in northern states have been put under intense pressure to convert to Islam. When the cases come to court—for example, if a girl has been coerced into marrying a Muslim—the courts are usually unsympathetic to the woman. Furthermore, during a fact-finding visit to Niger state in October 2002, Christian Solidarity Worldwide found that non-Muslims are continually brought before sharia courts by the police, without being offered the choice of systems of justice to which they are entitled by law.
6WH There have been several instances of Christians being killed after accusations of having offended against either the Sharia or Islam generally. In one of the worst incidents on 6 June 2002, a Christian police officer was clubbed to death by a mob in Katsina. He had warned a Muslim preacher not to incite religious hatred. The preacher, fearing arrest, accused the police officer of having trampled the Koran and incited the crowd to murder him.
Under sharia law, punishments are advocated—including stoning, flogging and amputation of limbs—that constitute a violation both of the Nigerian federal constitution and of the Government's obligations as a signatory to the United Nations convention against torture. Another area of concern is the discriminatory impact of sharia law on the lives of women. It is also the case that the majority of people who have been sentenced to punishment have been poor or disadvantaged, while criminals from the governing classes, such as embezzlers of state funds, have often gone unpunished.
There have been orchestrated attacks on Christian and animist/pagan communities in a number of states in Nigeria in the past few years. Some of the worst incidents have been in Plateau state. The combined population of the indigenous tribes—which practise a number of religions, but are predominantly Christian—forms a majority in Plateau state. However, each individual tribe is outnumbered by the Muslim Hausa Fulani settlers. According to many local Christian leaders, the Muslims have adopted the divide-and-rule tactics that in previous centuries eliminated Christianity in north Africa. The Hausa Fulani start to fight a particular indigenous tribe while being careful to claim that it is an ethnic, not religious disagreement. Sadly, all too often, international observers and Government Departments have been ready to take such assertions at face value.
§ Mr. Mark Francois (Rayleigh)I am pleased to report that the Christian church in my constituency is in relatively good heart, and I suspect that many of my constituents will have considerable sympathy with my hon. Friend's argument. Does he agree that Her Majesty's Government have a considerable role to play in liaising with the Governments of countries such as Nigeria, to express our deep concern about these matters and to let them know that we remain ever vigilant about the treatment of Christians in their countries?
§ Alistair BurtMy hon. Friend and his constituents are correct. He anticipates a key point that I shall come to in my conclusion, when I consider the responsibilities of our Government. He is right to raise the fact that the Government have a responsibility and I am certain that the Minister will take the matter further.
During incidents such as those that I have described in Plateau state, Christians are killed, regardless of their tribal affiliation, while Muslims from indigenous tribes are left unmolested. That helps to demonstrate that the attacks are religious, rather than ethnic, in origin. One of the most shocking incidents in Plateau state was in the Wase area on 3 July 2002. Armed groups of Muslims attacked Christians, killing some 5,000 and displacing about 100,000. There is now no church building in Wase 7WH town; all the churches were totally destroyed. At least 88 Christian villages were also destroyed during an orgy of violence that the state Government seemed powerless to bring to a swift end. It was reported that women were raped before being killed, while several younger children died as their heads were smashed against trees and walls. There are now only three Christian settlements remaining in Wase local government area. Kadarko, which has the most churches, suffers repeated attacks to this day.
Events in Wase since July 2002 demonstrate the manner in which the Hausa Fulanis and their fellow travellers take on one tribe at a time. At present, the main target in Wase is the Taroh, a tribe with the largest number of Christians in the area. During the attacks, Taroh Muslims have been left unmolested. That is one example of many that I could quote. The evidence I have discussed today helps to show that there is a major problem, which will not be resolved if its nature is not understood.
In 2001, the then Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the hon. Member for Cunninghame, North (Mr. Wilson), said in a written answer:
The root causes of much of the conflict in northern Nigeria are long-standing differences between ethnic groups. These differences are over a range of issues, including control of territory and resources, and are not primarily religious."—[Official Report, 3 May 2001; Vol. 367, c. 736W.]I do not believe that that is the case. That we cannot comprehend religious intolerance is not a reason for failing to observe intolerance and injustice in others. Therefore, I ask the British Government to recognise the fundamentally religious aspect to events in northern Nigeria.
§ Mr. Andy Reed (Loughborough)The hon. Gentleman said that he is keen for the Government to play a role in monitoring the persecution of Christians. Does he think that it would be helpful if the Foreign and Commonwealth Office desk officers had special training in recognising religious persecution in order to understand the difference between persecution and specific Christian persecution?
§ Alistair BurtThe hon. Gentleman has raised that matter before. I agree with him and the Minister will have heard his plea. There is a religious dimension to the issue which, from our vantage point in western Europe is easy to miss, but because it does not happen here in the same way as it might elsewhere is no reason to miss that dimension. There have been examples of religious intolerance that have led to conflict and violence in our continent too. I encourage the Minister to consider the hon. Gentleman's proposal carefully.
When the Government are making representations to the Government of Nigeria about the abuse of human rights in that country, the understanding of the nature of religious difference will be most useful. Then our Government, who repeatedly stress that religious liberty and human rights are at the heart of their foreign policy, can urge the Nigerian Government to ensure the primacy of their federal constitution by challenging the constitutionality of the imposition of full sharia law in 8WH the 12 northern states. The Nigerian Government can also be urged to ensure that the rights of non-Muslims in the northern states are respected, and that non-Muslim establishments, families or individuals receive adequate compensation for losses or damages during episodes of inter-religious violence.
In the brief time available—I am grateful to the House for giving me as much time as it could—I have attempted to give an overview of the plight of Christian communities in a number of African countries. In some of them, violence has already claimed many lives; in others, the countries are in danger of descending into violence unless steps are taken to avoid it. There are many causes of violence in Africa, as there are in other parts of the world, and there are also many victims. The debate has focused on one cause of violence, religious persecution; one fundamental right, the right to worship freely; and one vulnerable community, the Christian community. It does not seek to minimise other causes, rights or communities and I look forward to debates tackling other aspects of the problems of violence and injustice. However, I hope that this debate will be of use within its remit.
I believe in healthy, multi-faith communities, where people can live side by side in religious harmony. The concepts of justice and religious liberty are fundamental to achieving that, and indivisible. In each of the countries I have discussed, there is a strong case for saying that those fundamental concepts need to be more widely implemented. The methods used to encourage that will vary from country to country. In Eritrea, it would mean implementing the intended constitution, which guarantees religious liberty, whereas in Nigeria it would mean upholding the constitution that is already in place. I urge the Government to make strenuous efforts to help such countries and their peoples to establish one of the most basic of all human rights: the right to worship freely.
§ Mr. David Drew (Stroud)I am delighted to take part in this debate—the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt) has done us a great service. I preface my remarks by welcoming the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, my hon. Friend the Member for Sunderland, South (Mr. Mullin), back to his position in government. I look forward to his taking part in more debates in future, and I am sure that there will be a more ethical framework to our foreign policy from now on.
I wish to talk largely about Eritrea, which the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire referred to briefly; I agree with everything that he said about other parts of Africa and take a particular interest in Sudan. We had a good debate a few weeks ago about Sudan, in which we talked about the religious context, which can not be underestimated in considering that dreadful conflict.
In talking about Eritrea, I have some expertise in that I visited Ethiopia with the Inter-Parliamentary Union last year under the chairmanship of the hon. Member for Tewkesbury (Mr. Robertson). It is fair to say that the region is an unhappy part of the world. It is sad that, having achieved their liberation from the Derg, Eritrea and Ethiopia have spent an awful lot of time in conflict 9WH with one another, in part as a result of the tensions caused by the replacement regime. That conflict has come to a head in the long-running dispute over the town of Badme. During my visit I talked to the British general who is responsible for trying to bring the two parties together. It may interest hon. Members to know that the British general in question is General Gordon—only the British Army could have as a current general the grandson of the General Gordon who got his comeuppance in Khartoum, but real life is always better than fiction, as they say. We are playing our part in that respect.
I am eternally grateful to my friends in Amnesty International, particularly those in the mid-Gloucestershire group, who keep me regularly informed of some of the abuses. To give a flavour of what is happening, Eritrea is a diverse country, like the rest of Africa. The population is equally divided between Christians and Muslims. Among the Christians there are Coptic, Ethiopian, Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Lutheran Protestant churches, and also more minor groups.
There is a very strong Muslim tradition in parts of the country, as well as traditional religions, particularly in the Kunamas community, which practises a religion centred around the worship of Anna. The country is therefore complex. However, it is not known that under Issaias Afewerki, who is a very strong leader—I put it no more definitively than that—there is a recent history of repression in Eritrea. That is particularly borne out in the way that the Christian community has been treated, which has included a number of major human rights abuses.
When the Eritrean state was set up, a very liberal constitution was drafted which promotes religious, political, social and economic rights. Included in that are the basic freedoms, such as freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and so on. Tragically, however, the conflict with Ethiopia has resulted in the curtailment of many of those freedoms. That in turn has stunted democratic development in the country and led to a failure to implement the real meaning of the constitution. Dissidents have been arrested and some have disappeared. Journalists, politicians and students are targeted if they are deemed less than entirely loyal to the regime.
The main theme of today's debate—in keeping with the excellent presentation by the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire—is religious persecution. The ruling Popular Front for Democracy and Justice party is fearful of anything that is outside its control, including religion. It is particularly wary of Muslim extremists and newer Christian denominations. Restrictions brought in by the Government include a ban on involvement in politics for religious organisations, and severe restrictions on international non-governmental organisations in a bid to prevent any proselytism. The Government have also compared Pentecostal, charismatic and evangelical church members to extreme Islamists and branded them a danger to national security.
One of the most severe steps taken by the Government occurred last year. On 21 May 2002, the PFDJ issued a decree ordering the closure of all churches not belonging to the Orthodox, Roman Catholic or evangelical Lutheran denominations. 10WH According to sources, more than 36 churches have so far been closed. Those include Kale Hiwot, a church affiliated to Serving in Mission, an evangelical Protestant organisation with a history in the region that can be traced back to 1893. Thus it can be seen that even churches that have been around for over a century are not safe. It is now impossible for those Christians to meet, even in private homes.
Since then, the pressure exerted by the PFDJ Government has increased further. During January 2003, 50 members of the charismatic Rhema Church were jailed for 10 days following a police raid on a new year celebration in Asmara. The period from mid-February to April this year was marked by severe repression. The NGO Compass Direct reported that a total of 170 Christians had been jailed, beaten and threatened with death by security operatives, following five separate police raids on worship services, wedding ceremonies and other gatherings. The police jailed men, women and children for practising a new religion. Most were held for more than two weeks without being formally charged.
One group was held for 15 days in metal containers designed to serve as severe punishment cells, while another group witnessed their pastor being humiliated, tortured and forced to walk along sharp rocks for half an hour. Moreover, people who bailed out jailed relatives were forced to sign a document stating that the bailed prisoner would be liable for execution if he or she were to be caught at any subsequent church meeting. On 18 April this year, members of the Mesert Christos Church in Asmara were held in detention for an entire day and, upon being released, were warned by the authorities never to meet again.
That repression continued throughout April. More than 56 Protestants from towns in the northern province of Sahel were forcibly conscripted following police raids, which occurred during working hours on 29 April. Most were health care and other professionals and the majority had already served their terms of military service. Subsequently, 36 members of Kale Hiwot Church were taken from their homes and work places to a military training camp. As they were led away, the police taunted their friends and relatives, saying that church elders were next in line for detention.
Even members of a permitted denomination are no longer safe from persecution in Eritrea. At the end of April, members of the evangelical Lutheran Church were celebrating Easter by singing hymns in the streets. However, they were confronted by an angry security service officer who informed them that such activities were forbidden to members of closed churches. On his being informed of their denomination, the officer accused the group of misusing the freedoms granted to their Church. Two young men stood their ground and were subsequently arrested. They were kept in detention for three days and warned severely against repeating the Easter tradition. That repression continues. Arrests of the members of the Rhema Church in Asmara have continued.
It is worth stressing that not all the persecution is aimed at Christian denominations, or even minority Christian denominations. However, it is especially violent against those minority Christian religions. Sections within the Orthodox Church are alarmed by the growth of what they consider heretical newer 11WH denominations. They also resent the loss of members—particularly from younger age groups—to those denominations. Local sources report that persecution has been occurring for some time, resulting in people looking for alternative ways in which to pursue their faith. However, that is not freedom as we know it.
One of the significant aspects of the persecution emanating from the Orthodox Church is that the Church works closely with the state. The state gives backing to repressive actions taken by some in the Orthodox Church, and sometimes those actions appear to be co-ordinated. The Government of Eritrea, instead of co-ordinating repression with the Orthodox Church, should be ensuring that other denominations are protected from that repression.
There is continuing repression, particularly in the army, in which, partly as a result of the conflict with Ethiopia, a tradition had developed of support for several Christian denominations. Prayer meetings are now forbidden and attendance is punishable by imprisonment. Moreover, anyone found in possession of a Bible can face severe punishment. There are even reports that several young Christian soldiers were shot after being discovered reading the Bible.
Compass Direct recently reported that at least 77 soldiers, including 13 women and 16 married men, were jailed in Eritrea. All were Protestants and were jailed for refusing to deny their beliefs and return to orthodoxy. Most have now been incarcerated for more than a year, and all are denied contact with their relatives. It is reported that those held in Assab military prison have been put into 44-gallon drums and rolled in front of other prisoners, with the result that some have been partially paralysed. Other physical assault and torture has occurred, and several female prisoners have suffered sexual abuse.
Incredibly, the Government of Eritrea issued a blanket denial, stating that no groups or persons were persecuted in Eritrea for their beliefs or religion and that people were free to worship according to their beliefs. That flies in the face of all the evidence that I have outlined, and it is to be hoped that the British Government will have something to say about it—the Minister will have an opportunity to respond later. Moreover, the hon. Members who have spoken so far, including my hon. Friend the Member for Loughborough (Mr. Reed), might like to take up the matter of how such issues may be highlighted when dealing with Governments such as that of Eritrea.
I would like to thank Christian Solidarity Worldwide, which benefits us all in highlighting such issues, and particularly Dr. Alan Hobson who has helped in compiling some of the evidence.
Our Government have a great opportunity to take action. They have consistently argued that human rights, including religious liberty, are at the heart of our foreign policy. I hope, therefore, that they will make strong representations to the Government of Eritrea on the issue. In particular, they should tell the Eritrean Government that there is substantial evidence to contradict their claim, made on I May, that there is complete religious freedom in Eritrea.
12WH The right to choose one's religion and to practise it freely is one of the basic human rights. That in itself would be a good reason to take issue with the Government of Eritrea on the question of religious liberty. As the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire said in his excellent speech, we should also monitor carefully what is taking place. As Christians, we should act in solidarity and draw attention to what is happening in parts of the world where people do not have religious freedom. I hope that we will do that as a result of today's debate.
§ 10.8 am
§ Andrew Selous (South-West Bedfordshire)It is a pleasure to take part in the debate this morning and I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for North-East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt) on securing it.
It is worth reminding ourselves that about 250 million Christians around the world are either persecuted for their faith or not free to practise it. That is a significant number, but we are perhaps accustomed to overlook it while enjoying our own religious freedom in the United Kingdom, and throughout the western world. I, too, pay tribute to Christian Solidarity Worldwide. It does excellent work in publicising the plight of our fellow Christians who suffer around the world, which would not otherwise come to light. I hope that this morning's debate will allow that information to flow to a wider audience.
I shall speak about three African countries where significant violence and persecution against Christians are already taking place, namely, Ethiopia, Côte d'Ivoire and Nigeria. I shall touch on aspects other than those referred to by my hon. Friend the Member for North-East Bedfordshire. I shall also look briefly at Chad, Zimbabwe and Kenya, which are showing worrying signs that they, too, may be heading down a road that will lead to the significant persecution of Christian and other religious minorities. I hope that action can be taken before it is too late.
First, on Ethiopia, we can be encouraged and give thanks for the fact that freedom of religion is guaranteed under its constitution. However, it is worrying that, since the 11 September outrage, clashes between Muslims and Christians have escalated significantly. Not so long ago, a church in the town of Hargessa was destroyed, and three church leaders—Hanna Bekelle, Solomon Worku and Zewdnesh Bekele—were imprisoned and reported to have been beaten. In March 2002, two churches near Wello were destroyed and many Christians were attacked by Muslim mobs—we believe that some of those attacked were badly injured. A Muslim who converted to Christianity had his life threatened and was accused of apostasy; he was beaten and hospitalised, and had to take refuge in a police station.
It is important that we know what individuals are going through in Ethiopia because indications are that even if the Ethiopian Government were not behind the destruction of the church in Hargessa, they turned a blind eye to the incident. As a result, we have grave concerns about that country.
Côte d'Ivoire has been much in the news in France in the past year or so. Again, the extremely worrying reports that emanate from that country do not always 13WH receive the media attention that they deserve. For example, the attempt by the Côte d'Ivoire Government to liberate the town of Bouake on 7 October 2002 failed, but we know that the rebels set about killing non-Muslim, predominantly Christian, groups there, while sparing the Muslim communities. That was not reported in the western media.
There are worrying signs of international Islamic influences working to bad effect in Côte d'Ivoire. It was reported in the French media that Colonel Gaddafi had been arming rebels in that country. Agence France Presse reported that, at the Organisation of African Unity summit held in Porto Novo in Benin in July 2000, Gaddifi addressed a meeting of more than 15,000 people in the Charles de Gaulle stadium. He exhorted them as follows:
Africa must throw away the coloniser's religion. Christianity was imported in Africa in order to dominate us. You must increase your efforts to make Islam triumphant".Colonel Gaddafi's reported involvement in Côte D'Ivoire should be seen in that light. Whatever our views about Colonel Gaddafi, he is a significant player in many African countries and the fact that he said that at such a large meeting is cause for concern. Photographs taken by reporters from Reuters and Agence France Presse showed many Muslim rebels sporting tee-shirts with the face of Osama bin Laden over Côte D'Ivoire, so there are worrying elements there, of which I am sure the Government are aware.I shall add a few remarks to those that have been made about Nigeria. More publicity has been made available in the west about what is happening there, particularly between Christian and Muslim communities. What is worrying is the evidence that groups from outside the country go into Nigeria to foment the unrest. In the three major episodes of sharia-related unrest—in 1991, 1995 and 2000—non-Nigerian Muslims were present. They did not speak the local language, wore different clothes and headdresses, had different skin colours and sported either military uniform or the black clothes of the Islamic groups operating in the region; it is believed that they were from Chad, the Republic of Niger or Mali. Such movement between countries and across borders, fomenting violence within Africa, is extremely worrying.
In the massacre at Wase in July 2002, about 5.000 Christians were killed by Muslim extremists and 100,000 people were displaced. The bodies of the victims were mutilated and dismembered. Again, there is evidence that militiamen from Niger and Chad were involved. There have also been reports that the Emir of Wase, Alhaji Haruna Abdullah, was implicated in the violence. In October 2002, 40 Christians were killed during an attack on Fajul in Langtang south. Eye witnesses said that the militia were well armed and dressed in military uniform and, again, that several came from Niger and Chad.
In late October 2002, 58 Muslims were arrested in the Rikkos Damisa area. Some were from the Republic of Niger and Chad and they had significant weaponry including sophisticated automatic and semi-automatic guns, knives and machetes. Six Pakistani Muslims were arrested in Sagamu on 16 November 2002 and deported for inciting religious hatred. It is good to see that at least the Nigerian Government took action in that case. I am 14WH not so clear about the action that they have taken as regards those coming in from Niger and Chad. Perhaps the Minister can enlighten us. So far as Nigeria is concerned, it is important that we realise that the response of the United Kingdom and the west should not be just to fly in the aid after massacres have taken place. We must look at prevention rather than cure and do all that we can to ensure that such incidents do not take place.
In Chad, the violence against Christians is not so severe but there are worrying warning signs that things could get worse. Chad is roughly 60 per cent. Muslim, the rest of the population being either Christian or of animist or pagan faith. Christians are being thrown into prison, often on trumped-up charges raised by Muslims against them, and are being pressed into forced labour. One Christian pastor was not allowed to drink from a particular well as a result of local Muslim pressure, and we understand that such low-level injustices are taking place all the time. As one local source put it, Chad is
a powder keg, just waiting to ignite".In Moundou in southern Chad, a church was closed in 2001 as a result of pressure by the local Muslim population, who said that it was interfering with the operations of the local mosque. Christian teachers tell us that there is open discrimination against Christians throughout the education system and we have heard several reports of fighters from Chad going to Nigeria and Sudan to foment religious unrest. Again, it is important to be aware of what is going on in Chad and do all that we can to prevent it from developing into a situation such as those in Nigeria and Côte d'Ivoire, where, sadly, there is established and often repeated violence against Christian communities.Zimbabwe has been mentioned, and it is important to pay tribute to the courageous stand taken by those such as the Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube, who has bravely stood out against the Mugabe regime. Some people, such as John Makumbe of the university of Zimbabwe, believe that the Church could end up as one of the main focuses of opposition against the Government. We must be aware of the Church's position in Zimbabwe. For example, Christians were arrested purely for conducting a prayer walk within the country and I fail to understand how the Zimbabwean Government could have been worried or threatened by that activity.
The last country that I want to mention is Kenya, where a draft constitution is being drawn up as we speak. Just under 20 per cent. of the population is Muslim, so it is a minority, but Kenya's draft constitution includes proposals to entrench khadi or Islamic courts in the justice system. That would be a significant expansion of such courts' scope and power and we should consider the example of Nigeria, whose 1979 constitution established sharia law, which was perhaps the beginning of many of the problems since then.
A few months ago, on 25 April, about 2,000 Muslims protested in large gatherings around the country against any possibility that the Kenyan Government might back down from entrenching the Islamic courts in the constitution and threatened to balkanise Kenya, imposing sharia law in the local areas in which the Muslims are a majority of the population. Kenya is 15WH extremely exercised about such issues following the recent bombings of the US embassy in Nairobi and the Israeli-owned hotel in Mombasa, and recently, if not currently, British Airways was not flying there because of the security risk.
Only a few days ago, three Christian churches in Bura-Tana, which is about 250 miles north-east of Nairobi, were destroyed, encouraged by someone whom Christian Solidarity Worldwide described as a cleric of a non-Christian faith. That is hard evidence of three churches being shut down in Kenya, so it is important to be aware of what is happening there. The last thing that any of us want is to be here in 10 years talking about Kenya in the way in which we are talking about Nigeria. If this morning's debate serves any purpose, I hope that part of that will be to flag up our concerns about Kenya so that the situation does not worsen as it has sadly done in Nigeria.
Finally, will the Minister say to what extent the Government are concerned about these issues when they negotiate with those countries and consider trade and aid deals? We hear much talk from the United States about most favoured nation status. That is a specific trade status that the US Government grant to those countries that pass certain tests on human rights, decency, respect for their populations and international good behaviour. To what extent are the Government mindful of those sorts of issues in the African countries that we have discussed in their negotiations with them?
§ John Barrett (Edinburgh, West)First, I congratulate the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt) on a thoughtful and considered approach to the debate. I also welcome the Minister. I was unaware of his part in the hon. Gentleman's downfall, but in the short time that I have been in the House, I have found that it is wise to congratulate Ministers quickly because sometimes they move on at great speed.
We have heard today about several outrages and atrocities and about man's inhumanity to man, all of which should have no place in this world. We have also heard about examples of violence against Christian communities, in some cases because they are Christian and in others simply because they happen to be part of a wider community under threat. Violent attacks on any family, group or community in any society should be condemned, whether or not they are Christian. It is important to stress from the outset that it would be wrong to claim that violence against Christians is in any way worse than violence against members of other religions or those who have no particular faith.
Today's debate is a good opportunity to show that violence against Christian groups is often an indicator of the risks and threats under which others in the same society live. If the human rights of Christians are under threat, then so are the human rights of other groups in the same country. No one is safe where Christian communities in Africa are subject to violence. By its very nature, violence spreads, and potential victims cannot always be identified in advance. The vulnerable in society deserve protection when they are under threat. African countries often face problems of hunger, 16WH conflict and HIV/AIDS and other diseases. To be threatened because of one's religious beliefs adds to the already high risk of day-to-day living.
Before I talk about specific problems in more detail, it is worth going back some years to see how little has changed since the days of the early missionaries such as David Livingstone, who was from my part of the country, and Dr. Robert Moffatt, who went to Africa in 1840. Violence was common then and in the 160 years since some things have not changed much. In those days, violence was sometimes linked to the slave trade, which still persisted on the east coast of Africa. Today, there are other reasons, and sometimes no apparent reason, for the violence perpetrated against Christian communities.
Sometimes, such violence is part of a wider conflict involving others. At other times, communities are specifically targeted because of their Christian beliefs and the work that they do. That violence has a double impact, because the work that is being done in health or education for the local community is often exactly what is required if the most vulnerable people, often children, are to have any chance of a brighter future.
Many hon. Members mentioned cases in Nigeria, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Eritrea, Sudan, Côte d'Ivoire, Zimbabwe, Kenya and Chad. I shall add other cases to that catalogue of outrages, ranging from the individual case up to full-scale war. In Ethiopia, there have been documented cases of elderly men and women suffering beatings, with some suffering permanent disabilities. In Maychew, violent demonstrations led to the burning of all Christian churches. On a larger scale, last October, an armed uprising left more than 270 people dead and 300 injured in Côte d'Ivoire. There have been many deaths when the mainly Muslim rebel soldiers who control the north battle the Government in the south, where Christianity dominates.
Ordinary people caught up in the violence—which has included the killing and kidnapping of a number of politicians—were shocked. One of the key factors is the amount of weaponry acquired from abroad. Our Government must play their part in restricting, where possible, the availability of weapons, including small arms, which were never intended for the defence of legitimate regimes.
A number of hon. Members have mentioned incidents in Wase, a town in northern Nigeria, where at least 500 people died in an outbreak of religious fighting. The total number of deaths is uncertain, but more than 5,000 have been reported. Stories abound of women and children being slaughtered, with many women being raped first. The number of horror stories is such that the authenticity of some cases has been called into question, but the sheer number of cases already raised today, and the authentication mentioned by the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire, leave me in no doubt as to the scale of the problem.
Where do those people whose lives are turned upside down by this violence end up? Sometimes they end up in camps for displaced people. That often results in the risk of epidemics because of the lack of food, health care and adequate hygiene. The greatest disaster has occurred in Sudan, where more than two million lives were lost in a civil war spanning decades.
17WH How has all that come about? There is no single answer, but world leaders must, if possible, head off other potential conflicts. One aspect that must be examined is the potential for increased conflict between the Islamic faith and Christianity. In countries where there are major religious divides, such as Sudan, Nigeria and Côte d'Ivoire, the rise of both Christianity and Islam has created huge potential for destabilisation.
A recent article in the Sunday Herald explored the theory that when European colonisation was at its peak in the 20th century:
European political occupation often led Africans to seek alternative world views, and Islam was one of them.Now, some fundamentalist groups are using Islam as a means of political empowerment, either through the ballot box or resorting to violence. Many fundamentalists view Islam as being ranged against what they see as the onset of western decay. One contributor to that article added that
fundamentalism has a special appeal, partly because it is anti-West, or anti-American, and this has mass appeal in some areas.A real danger would be if Christian groups in the USA took the moral high ground against Islam. While Islam is growing in many areas, the appeal of Christianity is also on the increase, from Nigeria to South Africa. In Kenya, in the aftermath of the bomb attack on Mombasa, there are tensions similar to those in Nigeria and Sudan. Some Kenyans believe that Muslims are determined to root out the Christian faith in their country. Despite all those clashes, millions of Muslims and Christians get along perfectly well, as the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire has said. In a continent plagued by hunger, disease, unemployment, illiteracy, HIV and AIDS, ordinary people need hope. Many are turning to Islam, and many are turning to Christianity.There are enough problems to be tackled without creating any more. What can we do? What should the Government do? I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say. Why do we go to war in some countries, while in others we watch thousands die and do nothing? It is not only Bob Geldof who gets frustrated at the lack of progress in Africa. It is an outrage that those who are doing vital work on behalf of all sectors of society are subjected to violent attack. I have already highlighted the problem of the widespread availability of arms. We must attack corruption. Good governance is all too rare. On a recent visit to Malawi by the International Development Committee, it was clear that many people had profited out of the sale of that country's grain reserve.
We should also offer support to all those whose human rights have been denied, and to organisations such as Amnesty International, which monitors those abuses. While there is persecution of Christians, there will be a lack of human rights for all in the same country. Pressure must be applied at all levels of government. Our Government should encourage open and transparent dealing by British companies in Africa.
Violence can grow from poverty, and poverty can be found in countries where the ruling elite salts away millions of pounds in western banks. Local people must get a fair deal from their Governments' contracts. Taxation of the rich in countries such as Nigeria must be made more equitable. A fair distribution of the value of 18WH natural resources would ease tensions. Fair trade and a fair deal for coffee farmers would also help. When people work hard all year round, but do not end up with enough resources to feed their children, can anyone blame them for seeking someone else to blame for their troubles, especially in the face of so much wealth in the world?
There is hope. Much good work is being done on a continent that has suffered more than any other and that is currently being ravaged by disease, war, poverty, unemployment and hunger, as I mentioned. The last thing that Africa needs is more violence against Christian communities or anyone else, but battles continue to rage. If this is a battle for the soul of Africa, it is definitely a bloody one.
§ Mr. Peter Luff (Mid-Worcestershire)I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for North-East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt) on initiating the debate and on the way in which he introduced it. His speech was extremely impressive. In a sense, there is little to add to it, but as he indicated, I want to speak in particular about Sudan, an issue to which I shall return.
It is a great pleasure to be the first member of Her Majesty's official Opposition to welcome back the Minister—the Frank Sinatra of the Government, on another farewell tour possibly. I think that this is his 40th Adjournment debate, give or take one or two, so he is a new Minister but also an old one and a welcome face back on the Bench. We take genuine pleasure in seeing him back in the Government.
In a sense, we all need to declare an interest as I think that all of us who have spoken so far are Christians. I certainly am, and my Christian constituents take a close interest in these issues. I have been lobbied particularly hard not about Africa but about Burma and Vietnam, where similar problems exist. This week, I was in Worcester cathedral, where we had a visit from our twin cathedral, Magdeburg. The dean of Magdeburg cathedral preached an impressive sermon, reminding us of the persecution of Jews in Germany only 60 years ago and the persecution of Christians in the German Democratic Republic only 20 years ago. Our continent has form when it comes to persecution of religious faiths. We must remember that and be honest about it.
Our country still has form. There is still sectarianism in Ulster and there is a growing intolerance of Muslims in British society. We have only to look at Burnley to see that. Sikhs and Hindus suffer their own discrimination. Anti-Semitism and racism are still unpleasant features of British society, so we cannot imagine that we have any great moral superiority on this issue. However, the fact remains that the situation in Africa and the persecution of Christians is almost uniquely worrying. I therefore endorse what my hon. Friend said when he reminded the House that we have no monopoly on virtue but that does not mean that we should not act where we can to improve the situation of people suffering elsewhere in the world.
I have read the Koran and there is nothing in it to justify religious violence of the kind that we see in Africa, just as nothing in the Bible justifies the activities in which many Christians participated in the past. Indeed, as the House will know, the Koran commands 19WH special respect for the people of the Book, and Moses and Jesus are major prophets of both Islam and Christianity.
erhaps it is because of the political dimension, about which the hon. Member for Edinburgh, West (John Barrett) spoke, that religious differences in Africa have taken a curiously unpleasant turn. Human society cannot easily tolerate difference and a difference of religion, multiplied by the political dimension and the fear that some people have of the United States of America, which I think is misplaced, creates particular difficulties in Africa.
As I listened to the debate, I thought that there was a danger of being overwhelmed by a sense of evil. The scale of what is happening in Africa is truly shocking. However, we should reassure ourselves that it is possible to take steps to deal with many of the problems. We have heard a number of suggestions about how the Government could have some influence on matters. The hon. Member for Stroud (Mr. Drew) made that point in his impressive remarks.
My hon. Friend the Member for South-West Bedfordshire (Andrew Selous) spoke about Colonel Gaddafi's ambition, which is shared by many others, for the Islamicisation of Africa. However, it is well to remind ourselves—here I return to what the hon. Member for Edinburgh, West said—that Christianity is no more a western religion than Islam is. Islam, Christianity and Judaism are all middle eastern religions and there is much commonality in their faith systems. Those who see Christian imperialism as another face of American or British imperialism are therefore making a fundamental mistake and it is well that we remember that.
My hon. Friend showed us, in his fine speech, the sheer scale of what we face in Africa, and I wish to add to his comments. The hon. Member for Edinburgh, West rightly said that all violence against humanity is evil and that there is nothing uniquely wrong about attacking a Christian. However, there is something uniquely wrong about an attack on an individual that is motivated in part by hatred of the faith of that individual, whether that be a Muslim attacking a Christian, a Christian attacking a Muslim, a Jew attacking a Palestinian, or whatever. Any religious dimension compounds the scale of the evil.
The situation in Sudan looks no more promising now than it did when we had a debate here only one month ago. Christian Solidarity Worldwide has rightly been praised during this debate, not only because it looks after the interests of Christians worldwide, but because it takes a Christian interest in people worldwide and produces extremely impressive briefing material that concentrates on the suffering of all the people—Christians and others—in the countries that it examines. In a press release dated 4 June, Christian Solidarity Worldwide reported:
At least 59 people were killed, 15 were injured, and ten children and six women abducted when armed Sudanese government forces simultaneously attacked ten villages in Southern Sudan on May 22.The attacks happened in eastern Upper Nile in violation of internationally agreed ceasefire provisions.20WHGovernment militia attacked the village of Longchok in eastern Upper Nile using a combination of rocket-propelled grenades, heavy machine guns and assault rifles, according to information received by the US NGO Servant's Heart.Huts were set ablaze and many villagers were burned to death in their homes, including Presbyterian minister Jacob Gadet Manyiel, the region's only Christian pastor. He was burned to death along with his wife and four children as government troops surrounded their home, threatening to shoot any family member attempting to escape the flames.Another more recent event was not as tragic as that one, but demonstrates the persecution of Christians in Sudan:Six weeks after a Sudanese court jailed an Episcopal priest for refusing to tear down his own church, the Rev. Samuel Dobai Amum has been set free, with the legal process set in motion for his Khartoum North parish to obtain official ownership of its land.Rev. Samuel Dobai Amum built a church but was then sentenced to an indefinite period unless he demolished it or purchased the land. That would have been impossible but for the intervention of a visiting American delegation that, I believe, had met the President of Sudan and pressed the case. As a result, the money was forthcoming—it was raised partly by local people but largely by the Americans—and the priest was freed from jail. What kind of country is it that sends a man to jail for building a church?Those examples are just two anecdotes from the continuing tragedy in Sudan. About two million people have died and four million have been displaced as a result of the conflict. My right hon. Friend the Member for Devizes (Mr. Ancram) and my hon. Friend the Member for Meriden (Mrs. Spelman) both visited Sudan early this year.
The Minister will rightly want to remind the House that to view the conflict as north versus south, or Muslim versus Christian would be greatly to oversimplify the complexity of the situation in that country. There are, for instance, tribal sub-conflicts in both halves of Sudan. However, it must be recognised that the south is predominantly Christian and that daily violence is occurring against the south Sudanese people. We have a duty to try to get a fair deal for the south Sudanese people in the peace process that is being conducted, otherwise the peace will not endure. It is a shame that the target for a peace agreement this month does not now appear achievable, although the Minister may have different information. Governments such as ours who want to help to bring peace should not, however, be so anxious for success that they gloss over aspects of the conflict that deny significant parties a voice at the negotiating table. I agree with Paul Savage of Christian Aid, who said:
Failure to address bad governance now—the current lack of representation, injustice and abuse of human rights—means that the root causes of the conflict will persist. If they are not tackled as part of the present peace negotiations, the manipulation of power and wealth will be as inevitable in peace as in war.The Minister will not be able to answer all my questions in the brief time available for him to respond, but if he can do so later I would appreciate it. What importance does he place on achieving security before the peace deal in Sudan is signed? Agreement is needed, as peace acts will crumble if there is no security. Does the Minister envisage their continuation on the cessation of hostilities? What is the timetable for future talks on 21WH security? If the peace agreement is signed, will the leaders be immune to prosecution for abuses committed during the war?On 16 April 2003, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights rejected a European Union resolution that condemned the
continuing violations of human rights and international humanitarian law throughout the Sudan".The resolution would have kept the Government of Sudan under the scrutiny of a UN special rapporteur, but it was defeated by a 26 votes to 24. Twenty-six African and Muslim states voted against the motion; a notable, and honourable, exception was Uganda, which abstained. At present, the head of the commission is Libya, a country where human rights continue to be abused on a daily basis.Can the Minister assure us that human rights monitoring will be allowed to resume? The UN seeks $255 million in aid to assist the vulnerable people of Sudan. How much aid does the Department for International Development give to Sudan, especially south Sudan where Christians are concentrated?
What plans are in place for the fair redistribution of oil revenues throughout Sudan? In relation to the Christian population of Sudan, the number of internally displaced people, or IDPs to use the jargon, is estimated to be 2.3 million. Ten per cent. of the population in Khartoum is from the south and is expected to stay. There is great unemployment in IDP camps and AIDS is spreading. The Government of Sudan have decreed that everyone has to pay for their medicines, which works against the refugees, who have nothing. What is being done to protect Christians in the IDP camps in northern Sudan? If there is a peace agreement, what plans are in place to enable those IDPs who want to, to return to their homes? What discussions have there been to exempt IDPs from the imposition of sharia law in the north?
The south has been left with virtually nothing. It would like to separate from the north but it would struggle to be a viable state. Are plans in place to reconstruct the south? Women are regularly raped; the day before my hon. Friends visited the country, women had been gang raped. The situation is genuinely dreadful.
Education is often the key to the issues. The southern Sudanese are discriminated against because of their religion. Children in Christian schools, which are run by volunteers and have up to 120 children in a class, are outside the official education system. What plans are there to ensure that all Sudanese children have access to good education?
I echo my hon. Friends in asking about Nigeria. What discussions have the Government had with the Government of Nigeria about the protection of religious freedoms for all groups and the full implementation of sharia law throughout Nigeria? Largely as a result of the recent Miss World contest, we know about the increase in inter-faith violence in Nigeria. The situation is extremely serious. What assessment has the Minister made of violence against Christians in Nigeria, especially in the Plateau state, and what discussions have the Government had with the Government of Nigeria about it?
22WH My hon. Friend the Member for South-West Bedfordshire mentioned other countries' involvement in these conflicts. What assessment has the Minister made of claims that Islamist militants have hired mercenaries from Niger to attack Christians in Nigeria? Release International is helping about 400 widows and their families in Langtang, Plateau state. What are the Government doing to help the widows and families of those Christians killed, by establishing micro-finance projects, for example?
Many countries have been mentioned in the debate. Others, such as Senegal, Mauritania, Somalia and even Egypt, could be added. Poverty is a breeding ground for extremism and the Government can take action on the issue, as they have been doing. The Minister will no doubt talk about it when he replies to the debate. The House and the Government have a duty to do all that we can to ensure that justice and liberty are protected in Africa.
§ The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr. Chris Mullin)First, I thank the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire (Alistair Burt) for his kind remarks at the outset, and also my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud (Mr. Drew). They have given me the opportunity to resume my career as the king of the Adjournment debate.
A range of terrible events has been described to us this morning. The issues raised by the hon. Member for North-East Bedfordshire have been obscured by general events in Africa, but he was right to emphasise, as others have done, that religious differences are only one of the many causes of violence and conflict in Africa. The hon. Member for Edinburgh, West (John Barrett) was right to warn us of the danger of allowing the debate to polarise into an argument between fundamentalist Islam and fundamentalist Christianity. I do not think that that has happened, but the danger exists.
It goes without saying that the Government condemn the persecution of individuals or groups because of their religion. Article 18 of the universal declaration of human rights gives everyone the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and it is important that it should be upheld everywhere. Our diplomatic missions throughout the world monitor cases in which freedom of thought, conscience and religion are denied. We are in constant dialogue with Governments who offend against those principles and we regularly make appropriate representations. I will not be able to deal with all the questions raised today, but I will examine the speeches and respond in writing.
My hon. Friend the Member for Loughborough (Mr. Reed) mentioned an interesting general point about training in human rights. We already run a two-week human rights course for members of our diplomatic missions, which covers a range of issues, including religious persecution. We are also in the process of appointing human rights advisers to posts in Africa. They will be based in Dakar, Pretoria and Nairobi, and their remit will include monitoring religious violence in west, southern and east Africa, respectively.
Intolerance, as hon. Members said, is not the monopoly of any particular state, religion or continent. It is deplorable wherever it occurs, and is often 23WH manipulated by unscrupulous politicians for their own ends. Such politicians are not necessarily motivated by religion; they use whatever prejudices are to hand to achieve their goals.
Hon. Members rightly stressed that religious persecution cannot be viewed in isolation; it is often a feature of poverty, poor governance and conflict. Much of Government policy towards Africa focuses on encouraging good government, poverty reduction and the resolution of conflict, because it is only in that climate that political and religious freedoms can be guaranteed.
It is worth reminding ourselves that not all the news from Africa is bad. In Angola, the long civil war is over. Sierra Leone, where we have been heavily involved, is on the road to recovery. In Kenya, a peaceful transition of power has taken place after 24 years of one-party rule. I acknowledge the great problems that hon. Members have mentioned in Nigeria, but it has recently moved one more step away from the military dictatorships of the past.
I shall now examine some of the regions and countries mentioned, starting with Nigeria. The Government have serious concerns about the violence that has targeted religious groups. We are aware that the main flashpoints for religious conflict tend to be in areas where Muslims and Christians are more equally weighted in numbers and that both sides tend to provoke one another. Therefore, measures to address religious tensions and the resulting violence are a key part of our conflict prevention strategy. We firmly believe that dialogue between Christians and Muslims at all levels is the best way to gain understanding and build mutual tolerance. The UK is therefore working with international agencies and Nigerian authorities on the longer-term, underlying causes of conflict. For instance, the Government support the work of Coventry cathedral's centre for peace and reconciliation, which has built trust between religious communities in Kaduna in the past two years. Hon. Members may know that the centre produced the Kaduna peace declaration in August 2002. We hope to extend the programme to the troubled Plateau state.
Likewise, we support the Nigeria-Britain consultative process, which works through faith-based organisations in health and education. Officials from the British high commission in Abuja regularly visit troubled areas. A conflict prevention team visited Plateau state in July 2002 to investigate causes of violence and examine how to prevent further disturbances; the team convened a round-table discussion attended by both Christians and Muslims.
We are realistic about the chances for early reconciliation between the groups. We recognise that long-held suspicion and rivalries, and the mistrust arising from recent events, mean that reconciliation 24WH work is inevitably a long-term process and that it may suffer many setbacks along the way. However, we remain hopeful and will continue our efforts.
§ Alistair BurtCould I draw the Minister's attention to a key point? I referred to the remarks of one of his predecessors, who said that it seemed that the religious dimension to the causes of conflict in Nigeria was either underplayed or not thought to be as serious as we now believe it to be. Will the Minister and the Government revisit that question and recognise the key importance of the religious aspects of the troubles? An understanding of that may assist them in their approach to the Nigerian Government in relation to the activity that he has described.
§ Mr. MullinYes, I can give the hon. Gentleman that undertaking.
I realise that only four minutes remain and that many issues were raised in the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Stroud gave a graphic account of some of the things that have been happening in Eritrea. I will ensure that his speech is drawn to the attention of Eritrean diplomatic representatives, and to indicate the interest that the House is taking in what is happening in that country.
There is no doubt that the conflict in Côte d'Ivoire has a significant religious and ethnic dimension. However, the root problems are political and economic. The Government—largely drawn from the south, where Christianity and animism predominate—have responded to economic and political pressures over the past decade with a series of measures that clearly discriminate against significant Muslim immigrant communities and against the largely Muslim northern part of the country. There have been attacks and human rights abuses on both sides. We share concerns raised about attacks on Christians.
The hon. Member for Mid-Worcestershire (Mr. Luff) asked many questions about Sudan. We are concerned about violence there. Last year saw some progress towards peace—for example, the March agreement between the Government of Sudan and the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement was recently extended, and we hope that it will be extended again. I shall write to the hon. Gentleman on some of the detailed questions that he raised.
Zimbabwe is very much a preoccupation for the Government. I am sure that all hon. Members will accept that it is important to underline that the political crisis in that country has little to do with religion and everything to do with the determination of the ruling elite to cling on to power. Zimbabwe is predominately a Christian country and persecution there is not based on religion. I join the hon. Member for South-West Bedfordshire (Andrew Selous) in paying tribute to Archbishop Pius Ncube and the other religious leaders who have been outspoken against the bad things that are happening in that country.
I shall conclude on that note, given the limited time available, but as I promised, I will get back to hon. Members on some of the detailed questions that have been raised.