HC Deb 29 January 2003 vol 398 cc321-30WH

4 pm

Mr. John Lyons (Strathkelvin and Bearsden)

First, I put on record my appreciation of having been given time for this Adjournment debate. I confess that I am not an expert on the missing in Cyprus. In fact, the matter was first brought to my attention when, like millions of others, I visited the island as a holidaymaker. I was shocked to see in Nicosia mothers parading every day with photographs of the missing around their necks. When I first heard about the numbers involved, I thought that they must be exaggerated and that the story could not be exactly right. However, it is important that we consider the human, personal and humanitarian consequence of the missing in Cyprus.

It is a long time since 20 July 1974, but that does not diminish the horror of the situation and the nightmare that relatives and friends of the missing must have gone through. When the Turkish army invaded, Cyprus was a sovereign, independent state and a member of the United Nations and of the Commonwealth. After the cessation of the war between the invading Turkish army and the civil population, about 1,600 people were taken and made prisoner. The 1,600 included some 900 reservists and soldiers, and more than 500 civilians, including men, women and children, some of them United Kingdom citizens. I could not believe that when I was told.

Many of the missing were taken from their homes or places of work—that was confirmed by eye-witnesses who saw all these events. Those people were taken to Turkish concentration camps and prison. Relatives and friends have gone so long without knowing what happened to the missing, and it is no exaggeration to say that a despicable, cruel crime was foisted on the people of Cyprus.

Since the Turkish army invaded Cyprus, the UN has said much about the situation. It has passed six resolutions relating to missing persons, all of which sought an early solution, and it understands the humanitarian scale of the problem. The UN also set up bodies, including the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus, to look into the matter. Those bodies tried to unlock the problem of Turkey approaching Cyprus and discussing what had happened. Kofi Annan and others thought that that might bring out some truth in the matter.

The matter of the missing in Cyprus has also been referred to the European Court of Human Rights. In a judgment of 10 May 2001 in Cyprus v. Turkey, the Court stated that Turkey was guilty of a denial of the right to life, a denial of the right to liberty and a denial of the right of citizens not to be subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment. That was a proper and important decision.

About 1,600 Greek Cypriots are missing men, women and children—among whom are British citizens. There is indisputable evidence that most of those people, who will never return, were detained by Turkish soldiers and/or armed Turkish Cypriot elements under the command and control of the Turkish army during the invasion. There is evidence that captured Greek Cypriots were held in concentration camps, and even the Turkish authorities do not dispute that. They have issued lists of Greek Cypriot prisoners of war, but some of those people were never released and Turkey gave no explanation of what happened to them thereafter. People who were on the International Committee of the Red Cross list as prisoners of war or enclave persons in Turkish-occupied areas of Cyprus were not released. Greek Cypriot prisoners who sent messages to their families over the illegal radio systems are still missing.

The UN has taken a sharp and focused view on the matter. The General Assembly passed resolution 3450 in 1975 and expressed concern about the fate of a considerable number of Cypriots who are missing as a result of armed conflict in Cyprus". It reaffirmed the basic human need for those people's families in Cyprus to be informed about their fate.

Despite repeated attempts by the Government of Cyprus, relatives of the missing and international organisations, the Turkish Government have refused to provide information about the missing in Cyprus, which is contrary to international law. Turkey's insistence that it knows nothing about the fate of the missing persons has been proven internationally as nonsense—it is a lie. Turkey does know what happened, but is unwilling to reveal it.

David Hamilton (Midlothian)

Does my hon. Friend agree that, given that Turkey is trying to join the European Union, progress would be made if the new Turkish Government started to find people and bodies in order to identify them and put people's minds at rest after nearly 30 years?

Mr. Lyons

I am grateful to my hon. Friend, who knows much about Cyprus. He makes an important point.

Even after so much time, the international community wants Cyprus to take the initiative and come forward with information on missing persons, and wants the relatives, friends and family of the missing to do the same. As we hope to move towards resolving the outstanding issues, it would be a major plus if Turkey told us what happened. The time is right for the Government to say to the new Turkish Government, "We, as part of the international community, want some explanation about the missing persons. We have to be told exactly what took place and what the circumstances are."

The UN Assembly has taken a keen interest in the missing persons in Cyprus, as have international organisations. It questioned the Turkish authorities at length on several occasions, and even the European Parliament has taken a keen interest by discussing, debating and concluding on the matter.

Some of the 1,600 people were reservists and civilians, and accounts say that they were taken from their homes and workplaces. They were not involved in military activity. They were nothing more than citizens going about their daily work and normal activities, but there has been no explanation of why such people were caught up in the conflict, apart from the fact that they were prisoners of the Turkish army.

The question of the missing in Cyprus has been brought to international organisations' attention, and I quote a presentation made by the Cypriot Government when it came before the European Court of Human Rights: In the present case, the relatives of the missing persons have been left without information about the latter's fate for a period of 25 years. In view of the circumstances in which these persons disappeared following a military intervention during which many persons were killed or taken prisoner and where the area on which the disappearances took place was subsequently sealed off and became inaccessible to the relatives, the latter must no doubt have suffered the most painful uncertainty and anxiety. While their state of distress was most acute in the first period after the 1974 events, it has not vanished with the passing of time. Of course, it will not pass with time.

I shall give a simple example. We have all lost either a child, a relative or a friend temporarily, even if only for five or 10 minutes. When someone loses a child, even for such a short time, their sense and logic disappear completely, and they go into a fearful state—a panic. We all know that feeling, and we would never want to recreate it. Imagine, then, the nightmare experienced by someone whose relative has been taken from them for all those years, and imagine not knowing whether that person has been imprisoned, tortured or killed.

We need to find some way to assist the Cypriot Government and international organisations in coming forward, and we should put more pressure on the Turkish Government to say exactly what happened. The relatives need to know the truth; they need closure after so long. We should not allow the passing of time to result in the relegation of the issue. It must be kept at the forefront. It is up to us—the humanitarians, the democrats and those who are interested in people—to raise the matter at every opportunity, within and without Parliament. That is a responsibility on us all.

I do not intend to discuss at length the presentation made at the European Court and its decision, which I have already mentioned. However, I quote from page 234 of the report: Turkey has not conducted either a prompt, or an efficient, investigation. Turkey's duty cannot be discharged through the Committee on Missing Persons, a body which in any event does not function due to a pre-condition imposed by her local administration. It is, of course, the Turkish Government who have imposed that condition in Cyprus. The quote continues: In any event, the Committee's scope of investigation is too limited to satisfy Article 27". We should take every opportunity to insist that international organisations step up the pressure on the new Turkish Government.

The evidence before the court is extensive, and compulsory reading for those interested in the matter. We should make sure that people read it, because the case is about not what the Turkish Government think, but what the European Court thought after listening to the evidence. It based its judgment on the tragic tale that it heard.

David Hamilton

Does not my hon. Friend feel that the British Government have a special role in the matter, as they are the third party in Cyprus? We still have bases there and, irrespective of the fact that humanitarian and European organisations rightly argue for disclosure of the whereabouts of the people concerned, Britain alone should take up the matter, because of its special relationship and links. Our country has a specific responsibility.

Mr. Lyons

That is an important point, and that is why I want the British Government—regardless of other considerations—to tell the Turkish Government that we held a special responsibility for the island, and so bear a special responsibility for the missing. For that reason alone, we should approach the Turkish Government. We should also ensure that the Cypriot Government know what we are doing about the matter.

Finally, I want to refer to the Dillon report for the United States Congress. It extensively considered the question of the missing and came to the same conclusions. The truth must be told and the Turkish Government are the only people who can do that. I urge the British Government to put additional pressure on them.

As I said earlier, we all understand the panic of losing a child. Fifteen hundred families, relatives and friends want to know what happened to the missing of Cyprus. It is incumbent on us all to ensure that the case is publicised every day and that every assistance is given so that we can discover what has happened to them.

4.15 pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr. Bill Rammell)

I warmly congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Strathkelvin and Bearsden (Mr. Lyons) on securing this debate on Cyprus and on the passionate and articulate way in which he put his arguments. The issue concerns many of us in the House, and it is right to draw attention to it.

The debate comes at an apposite time, as negotiations under United Nations auspices intensify for a settlement of the long-running Cyprus problem. Talks between Mr. Clerides and Mr. Denktash, which restarted in January 2002, are now nearing the endgame. On 10 December, the UN Secretary-General tabled his proposals for a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement in Cyprus. He rightly urged the two leaders to reach agreement, based on the proposals, by 28 February. The British Government fervently hope that that will be possible.

However, as my hon. Friend so effectively reminded us, the issue of missing persons in Cyprus, known more commonly as simply "the missing", is a particularly human one. It is not about structure of government, percentages of territory, treaties, protocols or any of the other matters that we are used to discussing in government or dealing with as politicians or diplomats, but a very real human issue. It is about people and their families and bringing some relief to a human tragedy.

I wish to point out that people are missing from both communities. Significant numbers of Greek and Turkish Cypriots fit the category.

Mr. John MacDougall (Central Fife)

Will my hon. Friend comment on the effectiveness of the United Nations Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus? Does he believe that it can make effective progress in improving the situation? What measures should be taken? Would he also comment on the fact that support is weak and must be strengthened? We must get more people involved and committed to tracking the issue.

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Strathkelvin and Bearsden (Mr. Lyons) on securing the debate and on the way in which he presented this very important case.

Mr. Rammell

I shall deal specifically with the role and practice of the UN Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus. The fact that the issue has not been resolved suggests that it has not made progress, but I believe that it is the appropriate vehicle for resolving the matter. I shall later discuss some of the ways in which we can help the process.

People have gone missing from both communities since the events that first wracked the island soon after its independence in 1960. As my hon. Friend the Member for Strathkelvin and Bearsden made clear, the missing are sons and daughters, brothers and sisters, uncles, fathers and grandfathers, none of whom has come back and all of whom leave behind loved ones who grieve their loss but are unable to mourn the dead. As my hon. Friend so eloquently made clear, they are unable to have closure. It is a genuine tragedy.

The issue is a reminder, if one were needed, to politicians, diplomats, mediators and others of the human cost of this political problem and of the imperative for an early solution. Every conflict bears a human cost, and Cyprus is no exception. Many thousands lost their lives as intercommunal fighting first erupted between 1963 and 1974, when extremists on both sides sought to destroy Cypriot independence. Then, in 1974, many more died in a nationalist coup backed by Greece, which sought to overthrow the elected President; and fierce fighting following Turkish military intervention some days later. Once the dust had settled on the events of 1974, Cyprus faced a division that still haunts it, and people from both communities remain missing to this day.

For the relatives of the missing, there is no respite. When one speaks to them, they say that they know, 30 and 40 years on, that their loved ones are almost certainly not coming back; but they do not know for sure. They are haunted by the thought that they may look up one day and see a familiar face again. That underlines the fact that it is a human tragedy and not a political issue.

There is growing evidence that that is now recognised in Cyprus. Indeed, at a meeting in January 2002 that was dedicated to the missing in Cyprus, Mr. Clerides and Mr. Denktash agreed that it should be regarded as a humanitarian issue—that was progress—and that it should be addressed separately from, but in parallel with, the political talks.

Unfortunately, it has not always been treated as a humanitarian issue. For too long it was treated by some, but not all politicians, on both sides of the line in Cyprus as an opportunity to score political points. That is not right. No one should seek to make political capital out of the pain felt by the families and relatives. The Government firmly believe, as do Mr. Clerides and Mr. Denktash, that the issue should be dealt with urgently as a humanitarian matter. We believe that all outstanding cases—they are real people who are missing—should he resolved quickly and with dignity, without recrimination and away from the public eye. Some people may have reservations about that, but that is the only realistic way that the issue can be resolved.

A forum has been established for dealing with these cases in that way—the United Nations Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus to which my hon. Friend referred, which is based in Nicosia. That three-person committee was established in 1981 to address impartially the issue of the missing, while retaining an international humanitarian focus. Both sides in Cyprus have referred cases to the UNCMPC, so that it can fulfil its remit in establishing what happened to the missing, and finally bring their families that much-needed closure. The committee is not part of the talks process or of any political movement or process. It is scrupulously independent. I take the opportunity to send the Government's—and, I hope, the House's—warmest appreciation for the many years' work done by Mr. Pierre Guberon as the third member of the committee.

Unfortunately, as we heard earlier, the UNCMPC has not been able fully to fulfil its remit. The committee has been able to work on only a small number of the cases referred to it. Procedural complications have dogged progress, as have political disputes, I am sorry to report. The Government call on all concerned to put aside such political and procedural concerns and to show the will necessary to resolve the outstanding cases. That is what my hon. Friend and the Government call for. In answer to my hon. Friend, I believe that the committee remains the best forum for fully addressing those concerns. I urge all to co-operate fully with the committee. There are no good reasons not to do so—only political ones.

There has been some progress, albeit limited, and I welcome the unilateral initiatives taken over the last few years to bring closure to the families affected by the tragedy. In particular, exhumations and DNA testing have enabled a number of families to afford their loved ones a proper burial, and have relieved the anguish of others by removing names from the list of Greek Cypriot missing persons. I urge all concerned to take this important work forward and to implement the agreement made on 31 July 1997 by Mr. Clerides and Mr. Denktash, which was that the two sides would exchange full information on the missing. That important point needs to be registered.

Although the issue is a poignantly humanitarian one, I believe that the political pressure of the UN settlement process, under which the two sides are in the final stages of intense negotiations, can help provide the impetus needed finally to resolve it. The UN settlement process, which is nearing its conclusion, provides the pressure and the impetus that we need finally to resolve the issue. I am pleased that the issue is being addressed in that UN settlement process. We understand that Kofi Annan's proposals of 10 December 2002 state that the two leaders shall, without delay, make every effort to resolve the issue of the missing persons by co-operating fully with the UNCMPC, exchanging full information on the missing, as agreed in July 1997, and completing any necessary inquiries, including exhumations.

My hon. Friend asked about our attitude and stance towards the Turkish Government. We can and will urge the Turkish Government to do all that they can. We must also be clear that the major responsibility for resolving the problem lies with the Greek Cypriots, the Turkish Cypriots and the United Nations—the three parties to the committee of the missing. We will make those representations to the Turkish Government. I also believe that the issue should be specifically referred to in the proposals of the UN Secretary-General, which my right hon. Friends the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have urged the two parties to accept as a basis for agreement. That is important because while the issue can and should be resolved outside the political process, the political process could none the less have a huge impact on the ability of both sides to resolve the issue. After decades of division there is an historic opportunity to heal old wounds.

Negotiations are under way to create a new state of affairs in Cyprus, which will lead to Greek and Turkish Cypriots bringing an end to their longstanding differences and joining once more as equals in a reunited Cyprus. There is clearly tremendous pressure at the moment for a settlement in Cyprus. Hon. Members will be aware of the march two weeks ago by approximately 50,000 Turkish Cypriots in favour of the plan. That is about one quarter of the population of Northern Cyprus. With that degree of support the chances of a settlement are greater than they have been for an awful long time.

Just as it is vital that the issue of the missing, which has haunted Cyprus's past and divided Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, is resolved, so it is vital that the future security of the two sides is assured. The Secretary-General's proposals provide for the physical and political security of both sides. That has been missing for a long time. Local—Cypriot—forces would be demilitarised and Greek and Turkish forces on the island would be scaled down. A new UN force would help to ensure that the implementation of the settlement talks takes place peacefully. The treaties of guarantee and alliance, to which the United Kingdom is a party, would continue. I am pleased to be able to tell the House that talks on the security aspect of the settlement between Greece and Turkey will take place on 5 and 6 February. I am sure that I am joined by all hon. Members in sending our strong support to both Greece and Turkey and our hope that they will finally be able to reach a settlement.

That bizonal solution for Cyprus set out in the UN proposals would ensure that Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots would be masters in their own houses with control over day-to-day issues that really matter to voters. The distrust and conflict of the 1960s and 1970s would finally be allowed to heal. We firmly believe that the United Nations proposals are fair and balanced and provide for a just and lasting settlement in Cyprus. Securing a settlement by 28 February by accepting the UN Secretary-General's proposals of 10 December as a basis for agreement would allow a reunited Cyprus to sign the treaty of accession with the EU on 16 April, enabling all Cypriots to enjoy a more prosperous and peaceful future. We should not miss that opportunity. We have a real opportunity not only to take a divided Cyprus forward, but finally to bring closure to those families who have been waiting far too long to see the problem resolved. I hope that we, and everyone concerned with the Cyprus problem, can take that opportunity.

Question put and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at twenty-nine minutes past Four o'clock.