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§ Rev. Martin Smyth (Belfast, South)I appreciate this opportunity to raise this issue. You will be aware, Mr. Deputy Speaker, that I have sought for some time to raise it in the House of Commons. It is opportune to raise it today—it comes in the midst of a visit by the President of Indonesia and by journalists and politicians from Indonesia. It is a privilege that the Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office will respond to the debate—I am aware of his interests and commitments in this regard.
Perhaps I should explain my interest in this matter. Why should an hon. Member who represents Belfast, South be interested in developments in Indonesia? Some might wonder whether I do not have enough problems at home. I am a minister of the Presbyterian Church in Northern Ireland, which for years has enjoyed fellowship with the Indonesian Church, especially in Halmahera. When I became a Member of Parliament, I discovered that one of my constituents, who is currently the moderator of the Continuing Church in Australia, was a theological professor in a college in Halmahera. He has been in touch with us about this debate. The moderator of the Indonesian Church had to flee from Ambon by boat to get to Jakarta to try to represent his people and to deal with the tremendously serious situation in which the Indonesian Government are involved. Our eyes have always been on East Timor, but problems were developing in other parts of Indonesia, which is the largest country in the world with a significant Muslim community. It is a vast country with a vast population, and it is made up of a huge network of islands.
Tragically, the situation has escalated since the election. Throughout 1999, incidents led to the deaths of at least 1,500 people. I say "at least" because I am aware that different people exaggerate casualties. I am also aware that those from the Islamic community claim that many more than 2,000 Muslims have been slaughtered by Christians, although there is no evidence to support that. Tragically, those from the Christian community have retaliated—some have sought vengeance, and some, who were defending their local situation, were involved in the deaths of their fellow citizens. I seek not to defend all the actions of Christians but to deal with the tragedy in the Moluccan Islands, which some may know better as the Spice Islands. Historically, there is a strong trade connection between our country and those islands.
The situation in eastern Indonesia is grave. Recent violence in the region—it is the one province of Indonesia's six provinces that contains a non-Muslim majority or only a slight Muslim majority—has been perpetrated largely by Muslim extremists against a Christian community in the province, in which Christians slightly outnumber Muslims. Since the violence began in January 1999, more than 1,500 people have died and thousands have been made homeless. Various figures have been presented. They show that 100,000 have been displaced in Maluku and about 50,000 in Sulawesi. Figures supplied by the Department for International Development show that more than 200,000 people have been displaced. That gives us an idea of the extent of the crisis and the needs.
34WH Not only have people been made homeless, but many churches have been destroyed. Five mosques have also been burnt and Christian-owned property destroyed. We are aware of the report of the Jubilee Campaign United Kingdom, which has been involved over the years with British parliamentarians and raises human rights issues throughout the world. Its report confirms the situation outlined in numerous media reports.
I have recently noticed a more balanced presentation in the United Kingdom media, but I was concerned, in early January, to see some of our press reporting as if the Christians were attacking the Muslims. When we tried to find out what lay behind that, we discovered that the head of the Indonesian news agency is an extreme Muslim, appointed by the former President, Mr. Habibie. We must remember that even countries such as ours with a free press must balance reports, because most papers have their own emphasis. We should treat with caution some of the reports that come from the Indonesian news agency. It seems clear that widespread human rights abuses are being perpetrated by Muslim extremists, aided and abetted by army elements. As hon. Members will be aware, I have already tabled early-day motion 294 on this subject.
I find it somewhat ironic that over the past week the Government and the European Union have sought to isolate Austria on the ground that its democratically elected Government have formed a coalition with a party whose policies they find repugnant—as a child of the 1930s, I can understand some of the reasoning behind that—yet they appear unwilling to use influence to compel the Indonesian authorities to end the violence in the region and ensure the protection of life, property and freedom of religion. I recognise that it is looked on as an internal conflict, but that was the case in Austria, too. If people in a democracy vote in a certain way, they have a right to be represented in that way. That is not the case in Indonesia, where the election went against the extreme Islamic people. The national ideals of Indonesia, over the years, until Suharto came in, allowed tolerance.
We have seen the tradition of "pila", which allowed communities to co-exist with one another, set aside. One of the messages that I get from Muslims and Christians in Indonesia is that they long to go back to that tradition. In the struggle in Ternate, the sultan and the moderator of the Presbyterian Church, representing their communities, appealed for peace, restraint and co-existence.
The nature of the violence is such that it appears to be organised and directed by those in positions of authority. It is open to question how far it is an Islamist plot, led by former President Habibie, Islamic elements in the Indonesian army and Islamic militants, to establish an Islamic nation and to control the major international trade routes in that part of the world.
In a report in the Jakarta Post of 3 February, President Wahid mentioned attempts by hard-line generals and Muslim militants to destabilise the country. I can refer to no higher authority than the President, who lends support to my reading of the situation. It is certain that elements of the army, particularly Muslim units from the island of Java, have been guilty of siding with Islamic extremists. Indeed, one army group so involved is the Kostra unit, which has clearly taken an offensive position against the 35WH Christian community rather than fulfilling a peacekeeping role and trying to restore law and order in the community.
We must press home that question. Have the Government made representations to the Indonesian authorities about accepting a team of human rights observers to evaluate and balance reports of what is happening there, so that the world at large might have an objective view of it?
I can understand those who say that I am not speaking objectively but, speaking as a Presbyterian minister who has sympathy for the Christian population in Indonesia and the Moluccan Islands. I speak also as one who over the years has had Muslim friends in my home and elsewhere, so it is wrong to suggest that I speak only on behalf of the Christian community. However, it is true that it is the Christian community that is suffering most.
Will the Government urge the Indonesians to implement measures to prevent inflammatory statements and material being distributed? I know how difficult that can be. I know that the underground press works differently in different countries. I know that slogans are posted'and that mobs get carried away, but we should restrict the media from publishing such slogans, as they can give the appearance of credibility and reliability, and, if necessary, measures should be taken to punish those found guilty of incitement to violence.
Have the Government made any attempt to encourage and facilitate reconciliation betwen the Muslim and Christian leaders in the Moluccan Islands, to allocate funds for reconciliation efforts and to offer British Government expertise in policing sectarian conflict? I realise that that can be done only by invitation, but our people are always standing by to provide such help if it is requested. We are part of a global village, and we cannot stand apart from issues that cause others to suffer.
It is important to ask the authorities in Indonesia to act swiftly and impartially to provide humanitarian aid and assistance to those displaced and in need, and to investigate, identify and prosecute those responsible for provocation.
I shall come to a close so that the Minister has time to respond. I remind him that it took the world 25 years to come to the aid of the people of East Timor. I understand that that was a separatist conflict, and that East Timor was never recognised as part of Indonesia. However, the law-abiding Christians and Muslims of the Moluccan Islands cannot wait for 25 years.
§ The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Mr. John Battle)It is many years since the House of Commons debated Indonesian matters, so all hon. Members will be grateful to the hon. Member for Belfast, South (Rev. Martin Smyth) for raising the subject. It is a great tribute to him as the representative of Belfast, South that, even in the circumstances that he has had to deal with, he has called our attention to suffering communities in Indonesia and has made them a priority of his work in the House. We are grateful that 36WH he has retained his personal contacts and been able to share his detailed experience with us. His speech in this Chamber is an important part of the formal records of the House of Commons. The speech and my reply will be read by others and by other Governments, including that of Indonesia.
The Government have watched the spread of violence through the Moluccan Islands with great concern, and all hon. Members will join me in deploring the violence that has brought pain and suffering to the communities there. We deeply regret the loss of life and the inter-communal violence that has taken place since the troubles began early last year. Communities that have lived in peace for many years, despite that long tradition of peaceful co-existence, are now sadly shattered with tension, conflict and fear.
We must exercise caution in rushing to a quick-fix solution. We know from conflicts much closer to home that rebuilding trust and peace is usually a long and painstaking process. Before we begin that process, we must understand the situation's roots and causes. The Moluccan Islands lie 1,700 or more miles from the Indonesian capital, Jakarta, and there are more than 1,000 of them in an area some three and a half times the size of the United Kingdom. When we look at the globe, I sometimes fear that we underestimate the size, scope and space taken up by the islands that compose Indonesia. The population of 2.1 million speaks about 150 different dialects.
In October 1999, the then Maluku province was divided into North Maluku and Maluku, the capitals of which are Ternate and Ambon respectively. Taken together, about 59 per cent. of the inhabitants of those regions are Muslim and 41 per cent. are Christian, although the proportions vary according to province and island. For example, Christians are in the majority in Ambon. That approximate balance is rare in Indonesia but has existed in the Moluccan Islands since the 16th century. The two communities lived in close proximity. Traditionally, inter-faith relations were protected by a twinning system that linked Christian and Muslim villages.
The balance between Muslims and Christians has shifted, over recent decades. President Suharto implemented a transmigration policy forcing many to move from one part of Indonesia to another. The Church in Maluku has stated that the transmigration policy favoured Muslim rather than Christian migration to Maluku.
The two communities had lived peacefully side by side for many years before the outbreak of hostilities in and around Ambon in January 1999. Since then, sporadic outbreaks of violence have occurred in different parts of the territory, most recently in the northern province.
Although the violence between the two communities has been described in religious terms, the origins are more complex, as I know the hon. Gentleman recognises. Nobody can say with certainty why the violence broke out when and where it did. To a large extent, it should be seen as the product of the economic crisis of 1998–99 and an adjustment to the end of 30 years of authoritarian rule.
A combination of political changes at the national level in Indonesia, migration issues, local rivalries, land disputes, as well as religious differences, have all 37WH contributed. There are also rumours of provocateurs from outside the region. All those factors provided the tinder that ignited the violence.
The official death toll, as of 16 January 2000, since the break-out of violence, is 1,902. However, since mid-December 1999, more than 1,000 people are thought to have been killed in fighting in North Maluku which began between two opposing Muslim communities. The immediate trigger appears to have been an incident on Boxing day when a Christian bus driver ran over a Muslim, but there was sporadic violence throughout December involving both Muslim and Christian communities. Although it is difficult to obtain clear and reliable information—which the hon. Gentleman emphasised—about the situation in the islands, it is apparent that both Christian and Muslim communities have suffered many deaths and casualties. Both sides have been accused of committing attacks and of committing atrocities against the other, and property and places of worship on both sides have been targeted and destroyed in two waves of violence, the first in January and February 1999, the second beginning last August. In addition to the large number of deaths, many tens of thousands of inhabitants from different villages across the Moluccas have fled their homes. Official Indonesian figures suggest there may now be as many as 205,000 internally displaced people who have fled as a direct result of the violence, while the joint assessment report issued on 6 February suggests a total of 370,000, including 123,000 who have escaped to Sulawesi.
The most recent violence took place on Halmahera and Haruku islands up to the weekend of 5 and 6 February. Ambon, which has seen some of the worst incidents, has been relatively calm since the deployment of large numbers of fresh troops in January. Although there have been reports of over-reaction and partisanship from a few police and military units, generally speaking, the reports suggest that the police and military have played a positive role in trying to calm the situation. The death toll would now be far higher if police and troops had not been deployed or had been withdrawn from the province. However, we will take account of the hon. Gentleman's well-made points about partisanship.
We welcome the positive steps that have been taken recently to address some of the key problems. The policy of sending troops who have no personal connection with the region, as well as a more careful religious balance among the troops, has helped the situation. The regional military commander is a Christian and the chief of police is a Hindu from Bali. They have succeeded in stemming the violence in Ambon and are taking steps to stop the shipment of arms into the Moluccas and to prevent troublemakers travelling from island to island to stir up trouble. The security forces are reported to have sheltered thousands of displaced people. Restoring some security to the troubled islands is an essential first step that only the military can take.
§ Rev. Martin SmythI am interested in the points made by the Minister. Will he confirm that those who say that it is separatist battle are wrong? Will he also confirm 38WH that, although it is true that the situation has tightened up recently, some 1,000 white-clad jihad warriors have arrived in the area by boat?
§ Mr. BattleI do not know the details of those allegations, but they should be registered. I do not mean "allegations" pejoratively, because the hon. Gentleman's comments and the reports have to be taken seriously. The reform of the military is a key theme for the new Indonesian Government.
The role of the Indonesian Government will be crucial in finding a just and long lasting solution to the troubles in the Moluccan Islands. My right hon. Friends the Prime Minister, and the Foreign Secretary and I discussed the situation in the Moluccas with President Wahid when he was in London last week, following the delegation to me, led by the hon. Gentleman. President Wahid reaffirmed his commitment to secure lasting peace between the two communities. We have no reason to doubt his sincerity to find a solution, and will support him vigorously in his efforts. However, we should be under no illusion about the enormity of the challenges facing the new president. He has inherited a country of huge diversity and huge problems, as the hon. Gentleman acknowledged. Separatism in Aceh, Irian Jaya and Riau, serious inter-community violence in the Moluccas, and extensive poverty in other territories present a host of regional problems. The Indonesian economy, which has been hit extremely hard by the Asian economic crisis and corruption, has yet to begin a sustained recovery. President Wahid took over a country with a poor human rights record, the legacy of authoritarian rule with which he is now trying to deal.
We are just catching up with the changes. A quiet, peaceful, democratic revolution has taken place in Indonesia. President Wahid is the first democratically elected president. In his short time in power since October he has released all political prisoners, appointed a civilian Minister of Defence, the first for more than 40 years, a Human Rights Minister, who is Acehnese, and an Attorney-General who is a committed human rights campaigner and an activist himself. Indonesia has renounced its claim to East Timor and withdrawn its troops from the territory.
The biggest challenge remains taking the military out of politics and establishing full civilian control over the military and the police. President Wahid has made important moves in doing that, such as signing a decree to retire Cabinet Ministers who are serving military officers from their military positions, which will take effect from 31 March, and appointing an admiral as head of the armed forces, an appointment that used to be held by the army.
We welcome those moves and the publication last week of the United Nations commission of inquiry report and of the Indonesians' own national inquiry into the appalling human rights violations in East Timor. The perpetrators of those crimes must be brought to justice, and we are pleased that President Wahid has shown such a strong determination to establish a credible domestic judicial process. We believe that President Wahid's democratic Government are fully committed to finding a fair and lasting solution to the regional troubles in the Moluccas and elsewhere in Indonesia, and we want to help that process in any way possible.
39WH Like Indonesia, in Britain, we understand the tragedy of sectarian violence, and we have had to learn the painful lessons of fostering reconciliation between deeply divided communities. During the President's visit to London, the Prime Minister offered to share with Indonesia our experience of that process and of inter-communal relations in some of our major cities and urban areas. We can work together to share inter-faith dialogue, for example.
The hon. Member for Belfast, South has suggested previously that the answer to the violence in the Moluccas may lie in the establishment of a UN peace-keeping force to separate the two communities. As he acknowledged, however, no clear parallel can be drawn with East Timor, because the international community never accepted that East Timor was part of Indonesia, whereas the Moluccas clearly are part of Indonesia. Therefore no legal basis exists for international intervention in the Moluccas. As the hon. Gentleman said, intervention would have to be invited. Nor should a request necessarily be expected. In investigating lasting solutions to help the democratic Indonesian Government tackle the problem, we can work as friends of Indonesia, offering help when it might be useful to support the process, especially of community reconciliation. To that end, we fully support the efforts of the UN development programme, which recently conducted an initial mission to Maluku and North Maluku with the Indonesian Government, and this week presented a full needs assessment to the international donors.
Our ambassador in Jakarta, Sir Robin Christopher, accompanied the UN mission. The report was released only yesterday, and we shall now work with the Indonesian Government to assess what we can do to carry it forward. By agreement with the Indonesians, we shall build on earlier work done by the British Council in training community leaders in the Moluccas in reconciliation and conflict resolution techniques and in training the local and national Indonesian media, to which the hon. Member for Belfast, South referred, in reporting the conflict truthfully, fairly, and responsibly and without fanning the flames.
A group of Indonesian parliamentarians and journalists are in Britain this week as guests of the Government. The journalists attended a British Council seminar in Cardiff, and they and the parliamentarians are spending a week studying in detail the operation of the House, if not the Chamber. I spent some time with them yesterday, discussing the role of the media, the need for fair and truthful reporting and the relationship between the media and a modern democracy.
A key element in formulating a solution to the problems will be encouraging reconciliation between the two deeply divided communities through an inter-faith dialogue. We have been encouraged by President Wahid's determination to promote that. His own experience as leader of the world's largest Muslim organisation will be invaluable. He is widely respected as an Islamic scholar, as is his Foreign Minister. When they visited London last week, the need to raise an inter-faith dialogue internationally is something to which we could all contribute, not least because of our experience of British inner cities.