Sitting of 5 November 1940

Preamble
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.]
ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.
  BRITISH ARMY.

    DEPENDANTS' ALLOWANCES.
    Mr. Robert Gibsonasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will consider making a suitable increase in the allowance to the wife or dependant o a soldier in the event of the soldier being transferred overseas, the increase being to cover the increased cost of postage, the usual weekly parcel weighing four to five 1bs. sent by the wife or dependant to the soldier?
    The Financial Secretary to the War Office (Mr. Richard Law): Considerable reductions in the postal charges for parcels despatched to British troops serving overseas were made early in the present war. The rates of allowances paid to soldiers' dependants have recently been the subject of an all-round increase, as my right hon. Friend announced in answer to a Question by my hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham (Mr. Dobbie) on 8th October last, mainly on the ground of the increased cost of living, and I regret that it is not possible to consider a further increase of limited application on account of one particular item in the expenditure of certain soldiers' dependants.
    Mr. Gibson: Does the Minister appreciate, when he speaks about the cost of living, that when a soldier is ordered overseas and is sent a parcel, his cost of living is altered, and will he reconsider the matter from that point of view?
    Mr. Lawindicated assent.
    Mr. Manderasked the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the hardship caused to wives by the complete cutting off of all allowances and allot-
    1174
    ments when a husband is posted absent without leave until he returns to his unit, he will consider the advisability of arranging that, in future, the allowances, at any rate, shall continue to be paid in such circumstances?
    Mr. Law: I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Clitheroe (Sir W. Brass) on 23rd July last, of which I am sending him a copy.
    Mr. Mander: Is my hon. Friend aware that this matter is causing the greatest inconvenience in many homes, as it is not the fault of the wife concerned; and is it not about time the Government did something to remedy a state of affairs which is causing such grave inconvenience and hardship?
    Mr. Law: The present arrangement is perfectly fair. When a soldier forfeits pay without being absent from duty the allowances to the wife are carried on. It is only in the case of what is in effect desertion that the allowance is stopped, but it is not stopped until after seven days' absence.
    Mr. Buchanan: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this does not punish the man, but punishes his innocent children who have no control over him; and will he take steps to see that only the man is punished and that nothing is done to harm the lives of the children?
    Mr. Law: I do not think I have anything to acid to what I have said.
    Mr. Buchanan: Is it not possible for the hon. Gentleman to apply his mind to this question and get it settled as it is a shocking thing that the children, who do not deserve it, should have to suffer?

    INOCULATION.
    Dr. A. V. Hillasked the Secretary of State for War whether he can now give the results of the new inoculation introduced into the Army for the prevention of tetanus, and the use of the "T.A.B." vaccine in protecting the soldier from typhoid-paratyphoid infection; what proportion of the Army has accepted inoculation; whether the British Army is the only one in which immunisation against typhoid is not universal; and how much, on the basis of recent experience, the chance of a soldier's contracting typhoid

    1175
    or paratyphoid is increased by refusing protection?
    Mr. Law: In no case has tetanus been reported in wounded soldiers who had received protective inoculation. All the cases reported have occurred in non-immunized men. With regard to the "T.A.B." inoculation, the reported incidence of proved infections of typhoid and paratyphoid fevers in the whole of the British Expeditionary Force and the Home Forces, from the outbreak of war to the present time, has been 32 cases, 26 of which have never received "T.A.B." vaccine. About 80 per cent. of the Army accepted inoculation. In no other Army is typhoid immunisation not universal. On the basis of the figures I have given, the chance of contracting typhoid or paratyphoid fever is increased roughly 17 times by refusing inoculation.
    Dr. Hill: May I ask whether the odds in favour of men protected against typhoid are not really much greater than 17 to one, owing to the fact that those few of them who do contract the disease usually have it in a much lighter form?
    Mr. Leach: Is not the real cause of the improvement in the health of the Forces in this connection due exclusively to better sanitation and increased cleanliness?
    Mr. Law: That may be so, but these considerations apply equally to those who have been inoculated and to those who have not. The incidence is much better among those who have been inoculated.
    Dr. Hill: In view of the satisfactory result of inoculation and the fact that over 20 per cent. of the men are not inoculated, would it not be in the national interest to protect our soldiers, not only from disease, but from the subversive propaganda directed to persuading them not to accept inoculation?

    ALIENS (ENLISTMENT).
    Miss Rathboneasked the Secretary of State for War, whether he is aware that there is considerable uncertainty as to the extent and conditions under which it is possible for aliens, whether belonging to allied nations, neutral countries or friendly aliens of enemy origin, to join the Army
    1176
    or any force auxiliary to it, including the Auxiliary Territorial Service; and whether he will state the conditions under which such aliens can apply at recruiting offices with the hope that, if personally suitable, they will be accepted for enlistment, distinguishing, if necessary, between the three groups indicated?
    The Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the War Office (Sir Edward Grigg): Nationals of countries which have their own forces in Great Britain, namely Poles, Czechs, Belgians, Dutch and Norwegians, are not accepted for enlistment into the British Army, as they have the opportunity of joining their own national armies. French nationals who do not wish to join General de Gaulle's Forces may be accepted for enlistment into any Corps of the British Army for which they are medically suitable. Friendly aliens of enemy origin, namely, Germans, Austrians and Italians, may be accepted for enlistment into the Pioneer Corps. Nationals of neutral countries may be accepted for enlistment into any Corps of the British Army for which they are medically fit and for which they may be considered suitable. In all cases the enlistment of an alien of whatever nationality is subject to investigation, and in no case would an alien be enlisted on the same day as he presents himself. Age limits for aliens are 18 to 50 years for the Pioneer Corps and 19½ to 40 years for other arms. The medical standards vary for the different arms. The enrolment of aliens in the Auxiliary Territorial Service is now under consideration.
    Miss Rathbone: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is a considerable number of experienced soldiers belonging to Allied countries who would rather fight in any British Force because of the suspected Fascist reactionary or anti-Semite feeling in those other Forces; and in view of the fact that it cannot but be to the injury of any Force to have in it reluctantly conscripted soldiers, would not the hon. Gentleman consider the question again in conference with Allied Governments?
    Sir E. Grigg: Very careful consideration has been given to this subject in conference with the allied Governments, and I do not think we are in a position to reconsider it.
    Mr. Wedgwood: Does the answer apply also to those enemy aliens with friendly sympathies who are in Canada and Australia?
    Sir E. Grigg: I believe that consideration for enlistment to the Pioneer Corps is given to enemy aliens in B and C categories who are regarded as suitable.

    CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS (INQUIRY).
    Mr. Glenvil Hallasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is now in a position to say whether the court of inquiry set up to investigate the allegations made regarding the treatment of conscientious objectors will meet in public?
    Mr. Sorensenasked the Secretary of State for War whether the court of inquiry to investigate allegations respecting the treatment of conscientious objectors has completed its investigations and has issued its report; and whether he will emphasise, for the benefit of a minority who may not appreciate the fact, that brutal treatment is expressly forbidden in Army discipline and is not in accordance with the highest traditions of this country and of the British Army?
    Mr. G. Straussasked the Secretary of State for War whether, in the inquiry to be conducted into the treatment of certain conscientious objectors, those individuals who have alleged that they received ill-treatment will be given an opportunity to state their case?
    Major Milnerasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is now in a position to state the result of his inquiries into the complaints regarding Dingle Vale school?
    Sir E. Grigg: The court of inquiry met in private, and heard evidence from the individuals who were alleged to have received ill-treatment. It has now completed its investigations and is preparing its report. As regards the latter part of Question No. 25, I have already said, and I repeat, that the Army desires to treat conscientious objectors with scrupulous fairness, in whatever unit they may be serving.
    Mr. Glenvil Hall: Does not the Minister think that it is a very bad thing to have held this inquiry in private? Surely pub-
    1178
    licity is of the essence of things in a case of this kind? If there is anything in these allegations, the public should know, and if there is not, there should be no fear of somebody being whitewashed.
    Sir E. Grigg: I do not think there is any reason to direct any suspicion against the court of inquiry. It consisted of very highly-placed and responsible officers, and I do not think any suspicion should be directed against it. There are objections to hearing these cases in public.
    Mr. Sorensen: Are we likely to get the report, together with some report of the action which has been taken?
    Sir E. Grigg: I cannot say that until the report is available.
    Mr. G. Strauss: Will the Minister say how many complainants had the opportunity of putting their cases before the court?
    Sir E. Grigg: I am afraid I should require notice of that question.
    Major Milner: Will the Minister see that the list of witnesses is published? It has been said that some of those who might have given evidence have been spirited away—with what truth I do not know.
    Sir E. Grigg: I will look into that point.

    AUXILIARY TERRITORIAL SERVICE COUNCIL.
    Miss Wardasked the Secretary of State for War the composition of the Auxiliary Territorial Service Council.
    Sir E. Grigg: The Auxiliary Territorial Service Council is composed as follows:
    The Director, Dame Helen GwynneVaughan—President.
    Chief Commandant M. Baxter-Ellis.
    Senior Commandant M. S. Frood.
    Dr. J. L. D. Fairfield.
    Miss Ward: May I ask my hon. Friend whether proper and adequate staff will be available for the personnel of the Council, in order that the directional policy of the A.T.S. may be properly carried out; and may those appointed to serve on the Council have the right to appoint their individual chief officers?
    Sir E. Grigg: Yes, Sir.

    PAY CORPS.
    Sir Reginald Blairasked the Secretary of State for War whether it is the policy of the Government to retain, against their wishes, Grade I combatant men who joined the Royal Army Pay Corps in peace-time and now are anxious to rejoin their fighting units?
    Mr. Law: The policy is to retain in the Royal Army Pay Corps the small number who formed the peace establishment of the Corps in order to make possible the absorption and training of large numbers of inexperienced clerks necessary to maintain essential pay services of the Army.
    Sir R. Blair: Is my hon. Friend aware that a great deal of this work could well be done by women?
    Mr. Law: No, Sir. The difficulty is that this work demands a great deal of experience. The men who were in the Royal Army Pay Corps before the war have gained that experience, and they could not be taken away without creating very serious disorganisation within the Corps, to the great detriment of every serving soldier.

    MOBILE CINEMA UNITS.
    Sir John Jarvisasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will consider providing a sufficient number of full-sized mobile cinema units for every division in Britain during the coming winter, operated by their own military staffs?
    Mr. Law: One hundred and fifty fully equipped 35-mm. mobile cinema units have been ordered, and these will be operated by military personnel.

    MILITARY BANDS.
    Sir J. Jarvisasked the Secretary of State for War, whether he will consent to the formation of additional regimental bands, and arrange for them to play, not only at fixed centres, but in the streets of our towns?
    Mr. Law: A number of additional Army bands are now being formed. Instructions have been given that Army bands should play as often as practicable. They play in the streets as well as at fixed centres.

    MOTOR CARS (LIFTS FOR CIVILIANS).
    Mr. J. P. Morrisasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will consider authorising the use of motor-cars and utility cars of His Majesty's forces for giving lifts to civilians in cases where the direction and length of journey is not interfered with, as, up to now, it has been disagreeable to officers in charge of such vehicles to have to refuse giving such assistance, particularly to elderly people?
    Mr. Law: I think that the concession which my hon. and gallant Friend suggests would be open to considerable abuse, and I regret, therefore, that it is not thought desirable to adopt it.

    HOME GUARD.
    Colonel Sir A. Lambert Wardasked the Secretary of State for War, whether he will give an early decision on certain outstanding questions which are vital to the administration of the Home Guard, particularly the question of commissions, the status of non-commissioned officers, and the whole question of finance and capitation grants?
    Sir E. Grigg: A statement such as my hon. and gallant Friend desires will be made very shortly.
    Mr. Mander: Will my hon. Friend consider the advisability of asking the Secretary, of State to hear the views of Members in a Debate before he makes his statement? He might desire to make different arrangements as a result of such a Debate.
    Sir E. Grigg: No, Sir. I think it better that the Debate should be made on the statement. The views of the House on the statement will, as my hon. Friend knows, receive the most careful consideration.
    Mr. Lawson: Is the question of works' guards still receiving attention?
    Sir E. Grigg: Yes, Sir.
    Mr. Lawson: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is very great dissatisfaction with what looks like private interest in the Army?
    Sir E. Grigg: I do not know to what my hon. Friend refers, and I should be glad if he would tell me of any case he has in mind.
    Mr. Lawson: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in many cases employers seem

    1181
    to regard the men who are at their works not only as employés but as soldiers?
    Sir E. Grigg: That question is being Looked into.

    OVERSEAS SERVICE (MINIMUM ENLISTMENT AGE).
    Mr. Quintin Hoggasker the Secretary of State for War whether he has been made aware of the dissatisfaction still caused by the difference in the minimum age for overseas service between soldiers called up under the National Service Act, 1939, and other soldiers; and whether he will now consider consolidating the minimum age?
    Mr. Law: The difference in the minimum age for overseas service to which my hon. Friend refers was considered and accepted by the House when the National Service (Armed Forces) Act was under discussion, and I see no reason for a departure from what was then decided.
    Mr. Hogg: Is not my hon. Friend aware of the very considerable dissatisfaction among parents on this subject, and if, as I assume, the basis of the lower age for the National Service recruits is that of physical immaturity, does not that consideration apply equally to all soldiers, independently of the question of voluntary service?
    Mr. Law: No, Sir. The reason why recruits under the National Service (Armed Forces) Act are limited to 20 years of age is that a pledge was given to this House, and that pledge must he kept. With regard to young Territorial soldiers, they joined the Territorials on the understanding that they could go overseas, and whatever dissatisfaction there may be among parents, I am certain there would be equal dissatisfaction among the young soldiers themselves if they were penalised by being kept at home.

    SPECIAL LEAVE.
    Mr. Sorensenasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will have leave and free travelling passes granted to soldiers, whose homes have been seriously affected by raids, to enable them to visit those homes and assist their wives and families to meet the ensuing difficulties?
    Mr. Law: As regards the grant of leave, I would refer my hon. Friend to the
    1182
    answer I gave to my hon. Friend the Member for Morpeth on 22nd October, of which I am sending him a copy. Soldiers who are granted special leave when their homes have been seriously damaged by bombing will be given free travelling warrants for the purpose, in addition to the normal entitlement to two free warrants annually.

    BILLETING.
    Mr. Martinasked the Secretary of State for War how many troops are still living under canvas in Great Britain; and what arrangements he hopes to make for their better accommodation during the winter?
    Mr. Law: About 45,000 troops are still under canvas. As regards the second part of the Question, I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave to my hon. Friends the Members for Chatham (Captain Plugge) and Colne Valley (Mr. Glenvil Hall) on the 15th October last, of which I am sending him a copy.
    Mr. Thorne: Is the Minister aware that, in a number of cases, soldiers are sleeping on the floor without mattresses, and will he look into the matter?
    Mr. Glenvil Hall: Can the Minister hold out any hope that 45,000 men will soon be in billets, as was promised?
    Mr. Law: As I told the hon. Member some time ago, there is an improvement in the position every week.

    WELFARE OFFICERS.
    Mr. Martinasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will consider appointing welfare officers for every large town for specified areas of London to whom soldiers on leave, their relatives, local authorities and others may have recourse in difficult cases of a compassionate nature, which often arise with regard to soldiers themselves or in their domestic circle?
    Mr. Law: There are already some 1,500 welfare officers in the country, and all localities are covered. It is a recognised part of their functions to give advice on domestic difficulties and legal problems of the troops. Where the officers themselves have not the necessary qualifications to deal with particular questions, they obtain the assistance of the local branch of the citizen's advice bureau. Many thousands

    1183
    of cases have been dealt with. In the London area, there is a special whole-time welfare officer whose sole duty is to-deal with questions of this nature, and he has the assistance of local experts in various parts of the area.
    Mr. Martin: Would the hon. Gentleman consider appointing additional assistant welfare officers for the London area, and is he aware that the one welfare officer seems to have more than he can conveniently deal with?

    BOMB DISPOSAL UNITS (PAY).
    Mr. Gledhillasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will consider some extra payment to members of bomb-disposal companies, in view of their dangerous work?
    Mr. Law: I would refer my hon. Friend to answer given to my hon. Friend the Member for Consett (Mr. David Adams) on 8th October. The question is still under consideration.

    BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR.
    Mr. Woodburnasked the Secretary of State for War what arrangements there are by which friends of British prisoners of war in Germany can send regular remittances of money which can be used to improve their amenities; and whether he can advise how friends can proceed in this matter?
    Major Sir James Edmondson (Vice-Chamberlain of the Household): I have been asked to reply on behalf of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Remittances may at present be transmitted to officer prisoners-of-war through the Army agents within a maximum amount in each case of £2 a month.
    Mr. Woodburn: Would it be possible for the Minister to give more publicity to this, because large numbers of people have no knowledge that they can transmit £2 a month to their friends in the Army who are prisoners?
    Sir J. Edmondson
    Sir William Davisonasked the Secretary of State for War (1) whether he is satisfied as to the treatment of British prisoners of war in Germany;
    1184
    whether he can assure the House that one food parcel per week is delivered to every British prisoner of war; and, in particular, whether he is satisfied with the adequacy and efficiency of the British Red Cross administration in this matter;
    (2) what is the result of his inquiries as to the conditions of British prisoners of war in Oflag VII camp in Germany, where some 1,500 British officer prisoners are confined and, in particular, as to the allegations that the clothing of many of such prisoners is in rags and that they are frequently suffering from hunger and scarcely ever receive parcels of either food or clothing through the Red Cross administration?
    Sir E. Grigg: According to reports received from the Protecting Power and from the International Red Crass, after periodical visits to prisoner of war camps in Germany, it appears that general treatment and housing give little cause for complaint, but that rations issued are very far below the standard to which troops in this country are accustomed. Parcels are therefore essential and were despatched with regularity in the earlier months of the war.
    The operations ending in the collapse of France unfortunately necessitated entirely new arrangements. The number of our prisoners in German hands increased very greatly at a moment when the means of communication became almost impracticable, all the shorter routes being closed completely. The British Red Cross set to work at once to build up a new system of transmission; but its task was very gravely complicated by the destruction of railway lines and services in France and by the fact that road transport presented equal difficulties. This caused a gap in the flow of parcels which was deplorable, but in the circumstances unavoidable, and it was not till September that an adequate rate of despatch once again became possible. The United States Embassy in Berlin, in a report dated 28th September, confirmed that a considerable number of Red Cross parcels had arrived at Oflag VII Camp and that further quantities were en route. Endeavours are now being made to ascertain the number of parcels that have since been delivered.
    Sir W. Davison: Can my hon. Friend say anything about the statement which was made that these unfortunate officer prisoners are in rags and are suffering very severe privation, and is he aware that, according to a statement made by the Postmaster-General on 22nd October, only 43,500 food parcels had been dispatched to our prisoners of war in Germany during September, which would allow for less than 1½ food parcels per month each?
    Sir E. Grigg: I have given the full facts. If my hon. Friend reads the statement, he will see that there was a gap, which, in the circumstances, was unavoidable.
    Sir W. Davison: I should like to have some statement that the position is better and that the matter is being attended to.
    Sir E. Grigg: The Red Cross are doing their utmost, with some success.
    Major-General Sir Alfred Knox: Have they explored the possibility of sending parcels through Holland as well as Lisbon and Spain?
    Sir E. Grigg: Every possible route is being explored.
    Mr. Henderson Stewart: Is the Minister aware that serious complaints are levelled against the Red Cross organisation in regard to the despatch of parcels, and is there not a case for proper inquiry into an organisation which deals with 30,000 of the most depressed British subjects in the world?
    Sir E. Grigg: The British Red Cross are doing admirable work, and I am not prepared to acid to my answer.
    Sir A. Lambert-Ward: Are these parcels being intercepted en route?
    Sir E. Grigg: Not that I know of.
    Sir Irving Albery: Are not British prisoners of war entitled to receive the same rations as are issued to German soldiers on home service—
    Sir E. Grigg: Yes, Sir.
    Sir I. Albery: And are not receiving them?
    Sir E. Grigg: No, Sir, they are—
    Mr. Speaker rose
    Sir I. Albery: As I was permitted to ask this question, Mr. Speaker, which is of some importance, might I not have an answer to it?
    Mr. Speaker: The question is no doubt important, but has nothing to do with the Question on the Paper.
    Sir A. Knoxasked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the Red Cross has taken sole responsibility for the despatch of parcels to British prisoners of war, he will appoint a member of the Government to the council of this society in order to enable Questions regarding its activities to be answered in this House?
    The Prime Minister (Mr. Churchill): His Majesty's Government have had this whole matter under review. Responsibility for the despatch of parcels to British prisoners of war has, by arrangement with the Government, been undertaken by the war organisation of the British Red Cross Society and Order of St. John. The influence and usefulness of the Society are largely due to its independence of Government control, and its relationship with the International Red Cross at Geneva rests on that basis. In these circumstances to appoint a member of the Government to the Council of the Society, as suggested by my hon. and gallant Friend would, in the view of the Government, be likely to defeat the very objects which he has in mind. As regards Questions in this House, various Government Departments have responsibilities in connection with prisoners of war, and I think it is desirable that Parliamentary Questions should be addressed to the Ministers responsible for those Departments. I have, however, arranged that, in order to meet the convenience of the House, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War will answer any Questions raising general issues relating to prisoners of war which are not specifically the concern of another Service Department.
    Sir A. Knox: Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is a great deal of dissatisfaction at the conduct of the Red Cross, and would it not be a good thing to have an inquiry to find out whether it is justified or not?
    Mr. Woodburn: Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that the Red Cross has sufficient funds at its disposal to do its work properly, and is there any method by which the Government could help it without interfering with the independent control which is essential to its work?
    The Prime Minister: I was not aware of any shortage of funds, but if that were shown, it is quite clear that endeavours would have to be made in a suitable manner to supply the necessary funds.
    Mr. Henderson Stewart: Will my right hon. Friend indicate to the House that he will consider the suggestion which was made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman that there should be an inquiry into the efficiency of the organisation?
    The Prime Minister: I do not think that would be wise at the present time. My hon. Friend can rest assured that Questions asked in the House in regard to this most burning topic will not pass unnoticed, but that attention will be concentrated upon the points raised.
    Mr. Keeling: Is my right hon Friend aware that any failure by the Red Cross is largely due to the complete breakdown, of the casualty branch of the War Office?

    PRISONERS OF WAR (PAYMENTS, EXCHANGE RATES).
    Mr. Bellengerasked the Secretary of State of War what is the rate of exchange at which payments to British and German prisoners of war are made.
    Sir E. Grigg: The International Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, to which both the British and German Governments are parties, prescribes that the rate of exchange applicable to payments to prisoners of war shall be agreed between belligerents. Pending agreement on this point with the German Government, an exchange rate of 15 Reichmarks to £1 is being operated provisionally for payments to German officers in British custody. As British officer prisoners of war in Germany receive, in accordance with the Convention, the rates of pay in German currency of corresponding ranks in the German Army, which are lower than those in the British Army, the question of the exchange rate does not arise in their case. Other rank prisoners of war receive no pay from the detaining power other than working pay.
    Mr. Bellenger: Are the payments made to British prisoners of war in German hands debited to their account at 15 Reichmarks to the £, and, if so, are not
    1188
    our nationals being unfairly treated, because the real rate of exchange is something better than that?
    Sir E. Grigg: I do not think that the arrangement is unfair, but I am afraid that there are prisoners who are not receiving the pay we would wish them to receive.
    Mr. Bellenger: Will the hon. Gentleman answer my Question? Are these payments being debited to the accounts of prisoners at 15 marks to the £?
    Sir E. Grigg: These payments are for German officers.
    Mr. Bellenger: Perhaps the hon. Gentleman does not understand my Question.
    Mr. Speaker: The hon. Gentleman had better put it down.
    Mr. Bellenger: It is obvious that the hon. Gentleman has misunderstood the purport of my Question.
    Mr. Speaker: That is all the more reason why the hon. Gentleman should put it on the Paper.

    COAL STOCIS (STACKING SITES).
    Sir W. Davisonasked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that, notwithstanding a special appeal made by the Government to London boroughs so long ago as April last, to assist the Government in finding suitable sites, so that stocks of coal should be accumulated by the Ministry of Mines for the supply, during the winter months, of coal to householders who had not accommodation to store coal themselves, only comparatively small amounts of coal have so far been provided for such storage, though sites have been specially selected and approved for the purpose in many cases; and what action is being taken in the matter, in particular in making provision for the necessary transport and stacking of supplies of coal which will be required immediately?
    The Secretary for Mines (Mr. David Grenfell): I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation of the response made by local authorities, including the London boroughs, to the circular letter which I issued in July,

    1189
    suggesting that to supplement the large volume of stocking by public utilities, industrial undertakings and householders, local authorities should assist in finding additional sites for Government stocks. No fewer than 69 Government sites are now in use in London, with a total capacity of 670,000 tons. Further sites are continually being inspected and brought into use.
    The quantity of coal certified by the contractors as having been stacked at these Government sites up to 26th October is a little over 122,000 tons. There has been some difficulty in certain London districts in obtaining haulage facilities and stacking labour, but the obstacle has been overcome in many instances by the willingness of the local authorities to undertake the work themselves. The rate of supply to Government sites has, however, been limited by the extent to which coal and transport have been available in excess of the requirements of the trade and consumers generally, both for current consumption and for stocking on their own account. The House will be aware of the appeal I made to all classes of consumers to stock coal and will, I am sure, approve the wisdom of concentrating on the satisfaction of these demands in the first instance. All possible steps are being taken by my Department in consultation with the Ministry of Transport and the Ministry of Shipping, to maintain an adequate supply of coal to London.
    Sir W. Davison: Does the Minister agree that an accumulation of even 60,000 or 70,000 tons throughout London is inadequate, and that many boroughs, such as Chelsea and Kensington, are, I believe, without any storage of this kind for householders who have no means of providing storage themselves?
    Mr. Grenfell: The hon. Member will be glad to learn that his assumption, based upon partial figures, is misleading. The fact is that there are about 2,500,000 tons of coal in stock in London at the present time.
    Mr. Rhys Davies: Is the Minister aware that even Lancashire local authorities who want to stock coal and who are near the Lancashire coalfield, right in the centre of it, have to apply for coal from Durham and Yorkshire?
    Mr. Grenfell: I am afraid that that is so, and it is unavoidable. We cannot exercise our choice of coal from particular pits in these days. We must take coal from where we can get it.
    Mr. Graham White: Are the efforts, which the Minister described as being made in regard to London, applicable to the great areas in the Provinces, where the same need exists?
    Mr. Grenfell: We are making a very special effort to serve the needs of Merseyside and the district which the hon. Member represents, and special action has been taken in the last few days.
    Mr. Craven-Ellis: May I ask the Minister whether any special steps have been taken to supply coal to Southampton?
    Mr. Lawson: Why should there be a shortage of coal anywhere in the country while masses of men are idle among the miners?
    Mr. Grenfell: The answer is that there is no shortage of coal anywhere in this country attributable to lack of production. There is a margin of productive capacity. The trouble which we have experienced is due to transport.
    Sir W. Davison: Can some steps be taken to provide storage in Chelsea and Kensington?
    Mr. Grenfell: I will look into the matter.

  CIVIL DEFENCE.

    EVACUATION (EIRE).
    Mr. Wedgwoodasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs what is being done with regard to the offer of the Government of Eire to take the Irish mothers and children refugees from Liverpool and to keep and educate them?
    The Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (Viscount Cranborne): As I informed my hon. Friend the Member for Oxford University (Mr. Herbert) on 22nd October, this matter is at present under active examination by the two Governments and I understand that good progress is being made. I am not aware of any offer which applies specifically to mothers and children from Liverpool, though, as an evacuation area, Liverpool will, of course, be included in the arrangements which are under discussion.
    Mr. Wedgwood: Are the Eire Government looking at this matter from the point of view of humanity or of good business?
    Viscount Cranborne: I believe they are looking at it entirely from the point of view of humanity.

    INTERNEES.
    Mr. Rhys Daviesasked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that anti-Nazi women internees are anxious to serve this country in the national emergency; and whether he will apply some scheme to them on the lines of the pioneer corps for men internees?
    The Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department (Mr. Peake): The only women interned, apart from those who were individually selected for internment on security grounds, are those placed by the Tribunals and Regional Advisory Committees in Category B, as being persons whom it was not thought right to exempt from the special restrictions applicable to enemy aliens. As regards any women who have been erroneously placed in this category, the proper procedure is to review their cases with a view to their release from internment: and arrangements have been made for such a review. The question whether the services of any German or Austrian women could advantageously be utilised by the Service Departments is one which affects not only any women who may be released from internment but also those who have not been interned. I am bringing my hon. Friend's suggestion to the notice of the Service Ministers.
    Miss Rathbone: Is my hon. Friend aware that even when these women are released from internment, or have never been interned, they find great difficulty in getting employment? Their services could be of value to the country if those who were considered reliable had some kind of organisation which could reassure prospective employers.
    Mr. Peake: That is one of the points which will, I hope, be considered by the Service Departments.
    Mr. Silverman: Will the hon. Gentleman say when it will be considered?
    Mr. Peake: I cannot speak for the Service Departments.
    Mr. Rhys Daviesasked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that there are many British-born wives left in this country of anti-Nazi friendly aliens interned in Canada and Australia; and will he consider taking steps to bring these husbands and wives together either in this country or in the Dominions?
    Mr. Peake: Precise information is not at present available as to the number of internees in Canada who have British-born wives in this country; as regards Australia, the number is eight. Consideration is being given to arrangements for bringing such internees back to this country, but the question whether, if this is done, the husband and wife will be together, depends upon the husband being released, or the practicability of their joint internment in a mixed camp.
    Sir Patrick Hannonasked the Home Secretary whether he contemplates, in consultation with the Minister of Labour, any scheme for the employment of alien internees; and whether, as many such people interned in the Isle of Man are in idleness, he will take steps to employ them, under effective supervision, on some kind of useful work?
    Mr. Peake: My Department is in touch with the Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Supply in this matter, and every possible effort is being made to find occupation for as many internees as possible, but there are many difficulties to be overcome, and at present it does not appear practicable to devise any scheme which would enable a large number to be employed together under supervision in some industrial occupation. My hon. Friend will be aware that the White Paper provides various categories of release for purposes of employment, including service in the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps, and a very considerable number of internees have been so released.
    Sir P. Hannon: Is it not a fact that in the Isle of Man at this moment a large number of these internees are living in idleness, at the expense of the taxpayers of this country, without rendering any service to the State? Cannot something be done?
    Mr. Peake: There are a great many difficulties to be overcome in providing large-scale employment within the confines of an internment camp.
    Sir P. Hannon: But is serious consideration being given to this question at the moment? When can a statement be made?
    Sir Henry Morris-Jones: Are not many of our own people idle?

    AIR-RAID PRECAUTIONS WORKERS (ROLL OF HONOUR).
    Sir Adam Maitlandasked the Home Secretary whether he can now give details of the scheme for establishing a roll of honour for men of the Auxiliary Fire Service and other air-raid precautions workers who lose their lives on duty?
    The Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Home Security (Mr. Mabane): No, Sir; it is not possible at this stage to give details, but provision is being made to ensure that the records necessary for this purpose are kept.

    LIGHTING RESTRICTIONS.
    Sir I. Alberyasked the Home Secretary what instructions have been given to the police and air-raid wardens with regard to judging the adequacy of the black-out as applied to the windows of private dwelling-houses?
    Mr. Mabane: The Lighting Order requires that lights in private dwelling-houses must be completely obscured so as to be altogether invisible from outside. The instructions given to the police are that, while every effort should be made to secure complete obscuration, they should exercise a reasonable discretion in enforcing the requirements by proceedings in the court. Air-raid wardens have no power to enforce the Order, but they co-operate with the police by local arrangement.
    Sir I. Albery: Is my hon. Friend aware that this duty is carried out with a great deal of differentiation? In some districts it is very lax and in others it is severe to the point of irritation. Whereas at two yards distance a black-out may not be complete, at 10 yards the same precautions may give complete black-out.
    Mr. Mabane: I am aware that there are differences in the way in which the matter is carried out, but I think that in general the police and wardens act with great discretion in this matter. They do not prosecute without warning being given or unless there is some flagrant breach.
    Sir W. Davison: Will my hon. Friend get into touch with his colleague the Secretary of State for War, as while the lights of Army vehicles generally are shaded satisfactorily, a large number of them on main roads round London show bright lights at night? I have had to stop a number myself.
    Mr. Mabane: Will my hon. Friend put that Question down?
    Sir I. Albery: There is no complaint about the desire of the police to carry out this duty efficiently and properly; it is simply that they do not seem to have had sufficient instructions as to what ought to be the degree of the black-out.
    Mr. Mabane: They have had full instructions, and if my hon. Friend would care to see them, I will let him have a copy.
    Mr. Higgs: Would not the Minister give authority to air raid wardens to enforce the black-out?

    BOMB CRATERS.
    Rear-Admiral Beamishasked the Home Secretary whether as the Government have laid down that it is the duty of the civil authorities to fill in bomb craters, more particularly in agricultural land, gardens and open country, he will instruct the appropriate departments to organise and put this work in hand immediately?
    Mr. Mabane: I have nothing to add to the reply which my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture gave to a Question asked by my hon. and gallant Friend on 24th October.
    Rear-Admiral Beamish: Is my hon. Friend aware that to all intents and purposes nothing is being done, either in this city or in the countryside, and that some pressure must be brought upon the civil authorities to get something done? There is a rapidly-growing impression that some members of the Government have no interest in these questions, and enjoy the policy of having no seats to their trousers.
    Mr. Mabane: As a matter of fact, as my hon. and gallant Friend is concerned about food production, the Minister of Agriculture is the Minister to whom he should address his question.

    CHURCH BELLS.
    68. Sir J. Jarvisasked the Home Secretary whether he will now permit the church bells of England to ring again?
    Mr. Mabane: No, Sir. I am advised by the military authorities that the grounds on which the original order was made still hold good.

    AUXILIARY FIRE SERVICE (INJURIES).
    Lieut.-Colonel Sir Assheton Pownallasked the Home Secretary what is the position of auxiliary firemen who are injured in the course of fighting fires?
    Mr. Mabane: Auxiliary firemen who sustain physical injuries arising out of and in the course of their duties, and are thereby incapacitated for duty, are eligible to receive injury allowances, and, in the case of serious and prolonged disablement, pensions under the Personal Injuries (Civilians) Scheme. The position of auxiliary firemen and of members of the other Civil Defence services injured on duty is under active consideration, and it is hoped to issue a general statement on the subject at an early date.

    ANDERSON SHELTERS.
    Mr. Brookeasked the Home Secretary whether he is aware of the feeling of injustice among people just outside the income limits for free Anderson shelters who cannot purchase their own shelters owing to cement or steel not being available, and yet see Anderson shelters, to the cost of which they, as taxpayers, have had to contribute, lying unoccupied by their possessors; and whether he has any definite proposals to help people in this position?
    The Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Home Security (Miss Wilkinson): I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave him on 22nd October. I am glad to report that considerable progress has been made, and the preparation of an amending regulation is now in hand.
    Mr. R. C. Morrison: Would my hon. Friend look into the question of people who, on grounds of income, are not eligible to receive Anderson shelters free, but are willing to pay for their shelters, and who are unable to get them because no cement will be released?
    Miss Wilkinson: I am glad to be able to tell my hon. Friend that the regulation which is to be made will deal with this matter.
    Sir Joseph Lamb: Is the hon. Lady aware that in one city there are thousands of these Anderson shelters which are not allowed to be issued, and that in others there are none available?
    Miss Wilkinson: I do not think that the hon. Member is quite correct in saying that. We know where all the Anderson shelters are, and the greatest possible us is being made of them.
    Mr. Thorne: Have the local authorities power to move those shelters to other places where they may be required?
    Miss Wilkinson: That is a point we are making clear in the regulation.

    BERNALES GROUP OF COMPANIES.
    Mr. Bellengerasked the President of the Board of Trade when he hopes to be in a position to make a public statement on the result of the inquiry into the affairs of the Bernales group of companies; and whether the inspector's reports have been made available to the shareholders?
    The Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade (Major Lloyd George): I am not in a position to make any general statement on this matter. In reply to communications addressed to them by the Department, the directors have informed the Board of Trade that they intend to send to each shareholder before the end of the current month a printed copy of the Inspector's report, together with a commentary by the directors, and that, as an interim arrangement, copies of the report will be available to members of the company for inspection on and after Monday, 11th November, at the offices of the Mercers Trust, 66, Gresham Street, E.C.2.
    Mr. Bellenger: As public money has been spent on the investigation of these companies, why will no statement be made by the Minister upon the relevant question which I have previously put, namely, whether any breach of the Companies Acts has taken place?
    Sir Frank Sanderson: Is there any reason why a full report of the inquiry should not be published in the Press?
    Major Lloyd George: I do not think my hon. Friend realises what the printing of the report in the Press would entail. It covers the activities of seven companies. I am afraid that it would be far too long for the newspapers. The point is that the report is being made available as quickly as possible to those who are interested. As regards the suggestion that public money is involved, I must ask for notice.

    AFFORESTATION (REPLANTING).
    Mr. David Adamsasked the right hon. and gallant Member for Rye, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, what areas of replanting are being undertaken by the Forestry Commission during the present season in the four Northern counties, respectively?
    Colonel Sir George Courthope (Forestry Commissioner): The acreage to be planted by the Forestry Commission during the present season in the four Northern counties of England is as follows: —Westmorland nil, Durham 390, Cumberland 810 and Northumberland 3,580; total, 4,780.
    Mr. Adams: Are those the maximum areas which can be replanted?
    Sir G. Courthope: It is a very substantial proportion of the total of 26,000 acres which will be replanted in Great Britain.

    CHANNEL ISLANDS.
    Mr. Ammonasked the Home Secretary whether there are any developments arising out of the attempts by the Red Cross Society to open up communication with the Channel Islands?
    Mr. Peake: I am informed that the Foreign Relations Department of the Red Cross and Order of St. John has succeeded in arranging a special Message Scheme for the Channel Islands. Persons desiring to communicate with their relatives or friends in the Islands can do so by taking ten-word messages to certain Citizens' Advice Bureaux, the addresses of which may be obtained at the nearest post office. The cost is 6d. per message, including reply. Messages
    1198
    must be written in English or French, and must deal with family matters only. They will go by air mail to Geneva, there to be dealt with by the International Red Cross Committee, but replies should not be expected for some weeks.
    Mr. Ammon: Can the hon. Gentleman give any information to the House as to the conditions in the Channel Islands?
    Mr. Peake: I am afraid I cannot.
    Mr. Mander: Does this arrangement apply to all the Channel Islands?
    Mr. Peake: Yes, Sir.

    POST-WAR RECONSTRUCTION.
    Mr. Manderasked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the advisability of setting up a reconstruction committee or Ministry of Reconstruction following the precedent of the last war, with a view to anticipating the urgent difficulties which will arise at the close of the war, and the consideration of which will require a considerable period?
    The Prime Minister: It is too soon to think of this.

    WAR ORGANISATION.
    Mr. Craven-Ellisasked the Prime Minister what special steps are being taken to allay the growing feeling amongst the general public that the country is not being organised for total war as quickly as was anticipated following the change of Government?
    The Prime Minister: I do not know what is meant by the expression "total war," nor what exactly it conveys to the mind of my hon. Friend. I am not in a position to measure what the public anticipated when the present Government was formed. I have no doubt it was something very unpleasant, and if so, they have not been far wrong. With regard to my hon. Friend's estimate of a "growing feeling in the country," I am obliged to him for bringing his opinion to my attention. But, of course, others may take a different view, and in the end it is only the House as a whole which can pronounce upon the feelings, growing or otherwise, of the general public.
    Mr. Craven-Ellis: Owing to the unsatisfactory reply, and the fact that the right hon. Gentleman does not know what "total war" means, I will raise this matter on the Adjournment.

    WAR RISKS INSURANCE.
    Mr. Woodburnasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, under the proposed war insurance for property, it is proposed also to require a share of the contributions to be paid by all ground landlords, mortgagors, etc., who will automatically have their risks covered by the national scheme?
    The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir Kingsley Wood): I would ask my hon. Friend to await further details of the scheme which I hope to announce in the near future.
    Mr. Woodburn: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that when he introduces the scheme it will probably be too late to take into consideration this important matter, and will he consider it before he introduces the scheme?
    Sir K. Wood: Certainly I will do so, but I do not think it will be too late. The matter is somewhat complicated, as the hon. Gentleman will appreciate.
    Mr. Thorne: Will the right hon. Gentleman expedite the matter?
    Sir K. Wood: All expedition is being made in this matter; in any event, the conditions will be retrospective.
    Mr. Lathanasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in connection with the proposed scheme for war risks insurance, arrangements will be made to consult with the national organisation representing the 20,000 employés concerned, as well as with the representatives of the insurance companies?
    Sir K. Wood: I do not think that the Government's plans are likely to affect the interests of the employés referred to, but I will bear my hon. Friend's suggestion in mind.

  NATIONAL FINANCE.

    INCOME TAX.
    Mr. Vernon Bartlettasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, except in the cases of men or women on urgent
    1200
    national service, he will consider the cancellation of regulations which allow British subjects to escape from British taxation by living part of the year out of this country?
    Sir K. Wood: I am not sure to what type of case my hon. Friend is referring. Persons who are ordinarily resident in this country do not escape liability to United Kingdom Income Tax merely by living part of the year out of the country. If my hon. Friend will send me particulars of any cases that he has in mind I will inquire into them.
    Mr. Bartlett: Is it not a fact that if people live the whole year out of the country, they escape Income Tax, and that certain people of great wealth, and therefore of great responsibility, have not been seen in this country since the war began?
    Sir K. Wood: In the Question the hon. Member says: "living part of the year out of this country." If he has any further information, I shall be glad to receive it.

    BANK FOR INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENTS.
    Mr. Bellengerasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any transactions are taking place between the Bank of England, acting as a member of the Bank for International Settlements, and other central banks forming part of that institution; and, if so, what is their nature?
    Sir K. Wood: The answer to the first part of the Question is in the negative, and the second part does not, therefore, arise.
    Mr. Craven-Ellis: Does the right hon. Gentleman not consider that our subjection to an international financial body, such as the Bank for International Settlements, might be highly dangerous to our future independence of action?
    Sir K. Wood: No, Sir, I have already answered the Question.

    AIR RAIDS (LIFE INSURANCE).
    Major Sir Jocelyn Lucasasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that insurance companies are offering to insure citizens against death from air-raids at an annual rate of 1 per cent.; and whether he will consider a form of State insurance or insurance guaranteed

    1201
    by the State at a rate of approximately £1 per £1,000 which would meet a public need and at the same time yield large profits to the companies concerned?
    Sir K. Wood: I am aware that insurance companies are offering to insure citizens against death from air raids at varying premiums. I am afraid that there are so many difficulties in my hon. and gallant Friend's proposition that I could not promise to adopt it.
    Sir J. Lucas: In view of the great importance of the subject, will the right hon. Gentleman use his best endeavours to see that the public are given fair rates, and if insurance companies are not prepared to take the risks, cannot the totalisator principle?
    Sir K. Wood: I will consider that.
    Mr. Bevan: What are the difficulties, apart from the vested interests of the insurance companies?
    Sir K. Wood: There is no question of the vested interests of insurance companies. I am asked here whether I would consider a State guarantee, and I say there are many difficulties in that connection.
    Mr. Bevan: Is there any reason why the State should not undertake this form of insurance?
    Sir K. Wood: That is a rather different question.
    Mr. Pritt: The Question put to the right hon. Gentleman includes the question as to whether he will consider a scheme of State insurance and not merely a guarantee. He should read the Question.
    Sir K. Wood: My answer to that was hat I cannot promise to adjust it.
    Mr. De la Bère: The insurance companies would not like it.

    WAR-WEAPONS WEEKS (BANKS).
    Mr. Stokesasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how much of the money subscribed to War-Weapons Weeks up to 31st October was money subscribed by the banks; and how much was money loaned by the banks to other persons or corporations for the purpose of subscription?
    Sir K. Wood: It is not the practice for the Government to publish details of the sources of subscriptions to Government loans. I do not think that any appreciable amount of the subscriptions during War-Weapons Weeks was financed by borrowing from the banks; as my hon. Friend is aware, borrowing for such a purpose would be contrary to the Government's policy.
    Mr. Stokes: Has the Chancellor's attention been drawn to the very large individual subscriptions which have been put up by various companies and persons, and will he satisfy himself that these are genuine personal or company savings and not loans from the banks?
    Mr. J. J. Davidson: Is his definition of "total war" a war in which the banks make no contribution unless there is a profit?

    NATIONAL DEBT (COST).
    Mr. Stokesasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the daily cost of the Debt service as at 31st August, 1939 and 1940, or near date; approximately how much is included for interest payments in each figure; and what he anticipates corresponding figures will be at 31st August, 1941?
    Sir K. Wood: The average daily cost of interest on the National Debt was £593,311 during the six months ended 31st August, 1939, and £625,816 during the six months ended 31st August, 1940. The average daily cost of the management of the National Debt was £2,740 for the year 1938–39 and £2,770 for the year 1939–40. I cannot now forecast what will be the costs in the corresponding periods ending next year.
    Mr. Stokes: Does the Chancellor propose to make any calculations as to what the cost of the National Debt is likely to be, and is it not sound business to do so now rather than to wait until later?
    Sir F. Sanderson: Is it not a fact that the total cost of the National Debt to-day is £25,000,000 per annum less than it was in 1931, and is not that to the credit of the Government?

    PURCHASE TAX.
    Mr. Rhys Daviesasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what steps are taken to prevent wholesalers charging retailers with the Purchase Tax on exempt goods, more especially children's wear?
    The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Captain Crookshank): Where tax is chargeable on a purchase the seller is required to show the amount of tax due on the invoice delivered to the buyer. If a retailer finds that Purchase Tax is charged in respect of exempt goods, he would presumably take up the matter with the seller before settling the account.
    Mr. Davies: If he cannot get any satisfaction by getting into touch with them, what other course can be take?
    Captain Crookshank: I think he would probably get satisfaction.

    FREE FRENCH FORCE.
    Mr. Wedgwoodasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what is the monthly expenditure out of British funds made to General de Gaulle's officers and men?
    Captain Crookshank: I regret that it is not in the public interest to give the information asked for.
    Mr. Wedgwood: Is the right hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that considerable sums are being wasted on maintaining a force the officers of which are largely Fascists, such as Prince Starhemberg, and who are not prepared to fight against the French, the Italians or indeed anyone?

    WIDOWS', ORPHANS', AND OLD AGE PENSIONS (CANADA).
    Mr. R. Gibsonasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, in the case of a widow without children in this country who has been in receipt of a widow's pension since July, 1932, is without assets in this country or in Canada, but is desirous of going to Canada where she has a married son who is anxious to receive here there, she would receive payment in Canada of her widow's pension or, alternatively, could have her widow's pension paid into an account for her in this country, so as to be available for her at the end of the war, in Canada, wherewith to repay advances made to her by her son in Canada?
    Captain Crookshank: As stated in my reply of 8th October, an individual in the United Kingdom who applies for an exit permit to migrate to Canada is required to sign an undertaking that no funds
    1204
    will be remitted outside the sterling area for his or her maintenance, and that no application for such remittance will be made. This means that, in the circumstances set out by the hon. and learned Gentleman, the pensioner is required, as a condition of the grant of receiving an exit permit, to undertake not to apply for payment of her pension in Canada. It would, however, be payable to an account for her in this country. No undertaking can be given as to when permission would be given to transfer such funds to Canada and it is contrary to the Defence (Finance) Regulations for an individual to promise to make repayment after the war.
    Mr. Stephen: In view of the desire and the necessity for a large number of these people to be allowed to go to safer areas, like Canada, could not the Government make an arrangement with the Canadian Government on this matter?
    Captain Crookshank: Any further Question had better be put down. It is a technical matter, and I have answered the Question on the Paper.
    Mr. Gibson: As there is no question of the transfer of money from this country to Canada contemplated in the alternative branch of the Question, will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman encourage those widows who may have pensions and desire to go to Canada to do so, and have their pensions paid into an account in this country?

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. Lees-Smith: Might I ask the Prime Minister whether he has any statement to make about the Business of the House?
The Prime Minister: I shall make a statement on the War Situation to-day, on the Motion for the Adjournment of the House. This will give an opportunity for a Debate which I am informed, through the usual channels, is generally desired.
On the next Sitting day we shall take the Committee stage of the Supplementary Estimate for Supplementary Old Age and Widows' Pensions and consider the Government of India Order now before the House.

1205
On the third Sitting day we shall take the Committee stage of the following Supplementary Estimates: Further Grant-in-Aid to the Central Committee for Refugees, Grant-in-Aid for the British Association for International Understanding and for Camps.
Mr. Silverman: Has not the time come when this practice of referring to "the next Sitting day" instead of stating the date, might be reconsidered?[HON. MEMBERS: "No."] I only asked whether it might be reconsidered. I think the country generally knows that the House meets at a certain time. When people working in factories up and down the country cannot conceal the days and times at which they are working, is there any real reason why we should conceal the days and times at which we are meeting?
The Prime Minister: I had an opportunity some time ago of judging this question very fully, and I really do not think that I have anything to add.

MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
  NATIONAL EXPENDITURE.
  "That they give leave to the Lord Reith to attend in order to his being examined as a witness before the Sub-Committee on Supply Services appointed by the Select Committee appointed by the Commons on National Expenditure, if his Lordship think fit."
  CONDUCT OF A MEMBER.
  Ordered, "That a Message be sent to the Lords to request that their Lordships will be pleased to give leave to the Viscount Simon, Lord Chancellor, to attend to be examined as a witness before the Select Committee on the conduct of a Member.—[Colonel Gretton.]

WAR SITUATION.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Captain Margesson.]
The Prime Minister (Mr. Churchill): Since I last addressed the House on general topics about a month ago, the course of events at home has not been unexpected, nor, on the whole, unsatisfactory. Herr Hitler declared on 4th September that as we would not bend to his will, he would wipe out our cities. I have no doubt that when he gave the order he sincerely believed that it was in his power to carry his will into effect. However, the cities of Britain are still standing. They are quite distinctive objects in the landscape, and our people are going about their tasks with the utmost activity. Fourteen thousand civilians have been killed and 20,000 seriously wounded, nearly four-fifths of them in London. That has been the loss of life and limb. As against this, scarcely 300 soldiers have been killed and 500 wounded. So much for the attack on military objectives. A great deal of house property has been destroyed or damaged, but nothing that cannot be covered by our insurance scheme. Very little damage has been done to our munitions and aircraft production, though a certain amount of time has been lost through frequent air-raid warnings. This lost time will have to be made up as we get settled down to the new conditions. None of the services upon which the life of our great cities depend—water, fuel, electricity, gas, sewage—not one has broken down. On the contrary, although there must inevitably be local shortages, all the authorities concerned with these vital functions of a modern community feel that they are on top of their job and are feeling it increasingly as each week is passed.
Transport has been a greater difficulty, as may well be imagined when we think of the vast numbers who go in and out of our great cities every day. However, we are getting a good grip of that, and I say with some confidence that by one method or another, and probably by many methods at the same time, the problems connected with transport will be solved in a manner tolerable to the great numbers of people who are affected. Shelters are being multiplied and improved, and preparations on an extensive
1242
scale are in progress for mitigating the inevitable severities of the winter for those who are using the shelters. All this is going forward, and the House has received accounts of it from the different Ministers who are particularly concerned. In these vicissitudes the bearing of our people, not only in London, but in Birmingham, Liverpool, Manchester and other places, has gained the unstinted admiration of all classes throughout the British Empire, throughout the United States, and, so far as they have been allowed to hear about it, among the peoples of the captive countries. As I was going home the other night, I asked a group of steel-helmeted men who stood about the door what was going on, and a deep voice in the background said, "It's a grand life, if we don't weaken." There is the British watchword for the winter of 1940. We will think of something else by the winter of 1941.
There is no doubt that the full malice and power of the enemy and his bombing force have been employed against us. They have tried their best to obey Hitler's orders, but the scale of their attack has dwindled. The weekly average of the casualties killed and seriously wounded was, for September, 4,500, and, for October, 3,500. In the first week of intense bombardment in September there were 6,000 casualties; in the last week of October only 2,000 casualties. This diminution in the scale of the attack is not entirely due to the weather. The weather, no doubt, has a lot to do with it, but there are other things going on which play their part besides the weather and which, I believe, will play a greater part as the months pass by. The House will not wish me to go into technical details on these points.
Meanwhile, how have the attackers fared? Two months ago I hazarded the statement—I admit it was rather a shot —that we hoped over our own country to destroy three enemy machines to one, and six pilots to one. So far it seems I was almost exactly right about the machines, taking the whole period, and I was very nearly right about the pilots, but, of course, if you count the whole of the crews of the large enemy bombers which have been brought down, all highly trained personnel, then it would be more like ten to one. So I somewhat understated, from that point of view, the results

1243
which have been achieved. Obviously, this process, combined with our own rapidly increasing production and the production in the Empire and in the United States of aircraft and airmen, is much the quickest road to our reaching that parity in the air which has always been considered the minimum of our safety, and thereafter reaching that superiority in the air which is the indispensable precursor of victory. Surveying the whole scene, alike in its splendour and its devastation, I see no reason to regret that Herr Hitler tried to break the British spirit by the blind bombing of our cities and our countryside.
More serious than the air raids has been the recent recrudescence of U-boat sinkings in the Atlantic approaches to our islands. The fact that we cannot use the South and West Coasts of Ireland to refuel our flotillas and aircraft and thus protect the trade by which Ireland as well as Great Britain lives, is a most heavy and grievous burden and one which should never have been placed on our shoulders, broad though they be. Moreover, we have been during the last month at the lowest point of our flotilla strength. The threat of invasion has always to be met. The great forces which we are maintaining in the Mediterranean, in addition to the escorts necessary for the protection of our innumerable convoys, have imposed on the Royal Navy a gigantic task.
However, this period of stringency is perhaps passing. The 50 American destroyers are rapidly coming into service just when they are most needed, and the main flow of new construction started at the outbreak of war is now coming on. In spite of serious losses, we have still very nearly as much shipping tonnage as we had at the outbreak of the war, and a great deal of neutral tonnage which used to trade freely with us is now under our control. Moreover, our U-boat hunting is still having its successes. Two more German U-boats have been sunk in the last two or three days on the Western approaches, one of them the U-boat which sank the "Empress of Britain." We have a number of their crews who have been saved, as prisoners of war. On the other hand, when I speak of our shipping tonnage not being appreciably diminished from the beginning of the war,
1244
it must be remembered that our shipping is not so fruitful in war as in peace time because ships have to go a long w ay round; they have often to zig-zag and there are delays in the marshalling of convoys and sometimes delays through congestion at the ports. Therefore, it would not be wise to suppose that a greater stringency has not been brought about, although the actual volume of shipping remains practically undiminished.
I need scarcely say that intense efforts are being made by the Admiralty—my right hon. Friend the First Lord gives the whole of his life and strength and high abilities to the task, and I am confident that he is aided by the ablest officers in the Service—and also by the Ministry of Shipping to cope with these difficulties, and having lived through a lot of it in this war and the last, I, personally, cannot doubt that they will be able to cope with them and will be able to bring in all the vital supplies of food and munitions which we shall require. Dangers in the air are sudden and might have become catastrophic, but the dangers to our sea-borne traffic mature much more slowly. They are none the less formidable however, and, if in any way neglected, they would touch the life of the State. We must expect that next year a still heavier U-boat attack will be made upon us, and we are making immense preparations to meet it.
We have to look a long way ahead in this sphere of the war. We have to think of the years 1943 and 1944 and of the tonnage programmes which we shall be able to move and which we shall have to move across the oceans then. Every endeavour must be made to use the time available to produce the greatest volume of food of which this fertile island is capable and so liberate our Navy and our merchant shipping for the movement of the considerable armies which will certainly be required in those years, if the enemy do not surrender or collapse in the meanwhile. Having dwelt upon this sea communications aspect rather openly and bluntly this morning, I should not like to leave it without assuring the House that I, personally, have no doubt whatever that we shall make our way through all right.
I turn to another of our dangers. Some of those very clever people who are some

1245
times wise after the event are now talking about "the invasion scare." I do not mind that, because it is true that the danger of invasion, particularly invasion by barges, has diminished with the coming of the winter months and the unpredictable uncertainty of the weather. It has also been diminished by the victories of the Royal Air Force and the ever-growing strength of the British Army. When I spoke at the end of June, I set forth in detail the well-known difficulties which would attend the invasion of these islands and which had been forgotten in years when we had not considered the matter at all. At that time, we had only a few brigades of well-armed and well-trained troops in this island. We had no Home Guard to deal with an invader or to deal with air-borne attacks behind the lines and the Royal Air Force had not then proved itself master of our own air by daylight.
Very different is the scene to-day. We have a very large Army here, improving in equipment and training continually. The main part of that Army is now highly mobile and is being constantly imbued with the spirit of counter-attack. We have 1,700,000 men in the Home Guard, all of whom will be in uniform by the end of this year and nearly all of whom are in uniform at this moment. Nearly 1,000,000 of the Home Guard have rifles or machine guns. Nearly half of the whole Home Guard are veteran soldiers of the last war. Such a Force is of the highest value and importance. A country where every street and every village bristles with loyal, resolute, armed men is a country against which the kind of tactics which destroyed Dutch resistance—tactics of parachutists or air-borne troops in carriers or gliders, Fifth Column activities—if there were any over here, and I am increasingly sceptical—would prove wholly ineffective. A country so defended would not be liable to be overthrown by such tactics. Therefore I agree with those who think that the invasion danger has for the time being diminished. But do not let us make the mistake of assuming that it has passed away, or that it may not occur in more acute form or in some other form.
What is it that has turned invasion into an invasion scare? It is the maintenance in Britain of strong forces and unremitting vigilance by sea, air and land. A mighty army crouches across the Channel and the North Sea, and substantial masses of
1246
shipping are gathered in all the harbours of the Western seaboard of Europe, from the North Cape to the Gironde River. We must not let our "shallow-clevers" lead us into thinking that this is all pretence, a manoeuvre to tie us down here and prevent us redisposing our Forces. The vital realities of their duties must be borne in on the whole of our Home Forces and the whole of our Home Guard during these winter months. There must be no relaxation except for necessary leave, but let me say this, that the plain fact that an invasion, planned on so vast a scale, has not been attempted in spite of the very great need of the enemy to destroy us in our citadel and that all these anxious months, when we stood alone and the whole of the world wondered, have passed safely away—that fact constitutes in itself one of the historic victories of the British Isles and is a monumental milestone on our onward march.
Here let me say a word about the British Army. We are engaged in forming and training a very strong Army, and the like is being done in Canada; Australia, South Africa, New Zealand and India. We are now in the fifteenth month of the war and the British Army, of which I speak particularly now, is beginning to shape itself with precision. Although the sea and air will be the main elements of the war effort of the British Empire, we must have a strong Army, well equipped, well armed, well trained and well organised, capable of intervening as the war proceeds in the liberation of one or the other of the many countries which are yearning to throw off the odious Nazi yoke. Without such an Army, forged, tempered and sharpened, and the sea power which gives it so wide a choice, the action of this war might be needlessly prolonged and might drift towards disastrous stalemate. Nothing must be done which retards or hinders the development of our Army. What it lacks in numbers compared with the Nazi or Fascist hosts, it must make up in quality and equipment. This is a lengthy process, but we must persevere and not let ourselves be drawn from the task by passing distractions of temptations.
The British Army is quite ready in any emergency to give all possible help to Civil Defence forces in meeting local difficulties which might arise from exceptional air attack. To some districts which are overweighted by the burdens cast upon

1247
them they have given very great assistance and will, where necessary, give more, but to hear some people talk, one would think that we must begin almost immediately to draft a large portion of our Army into the civil and A.R.P. Services. One would take its lorries, another would take its engineers and another would take its telegraphists; yet another would use man-power on a great scale to clear away ruins. Just as before this war it was a temptation not to make proper arrangements for Civil Defence, now there is this inclination, not unnaturally— it appears quite reasonable and rather seductive—to trench unduly on the efficiency of the military machine in order to meet day-by-day requirements. Let us be on our guard against this. All through this winter the Army has got to train itself and its fighting men in all the arts and manœuvres of war. The House of Commons, the Press and public opinion must be active to ward off from our Army all demands and influences which would hamper or delay the preparation of a weapon of the highest quality. Only in this way should we reach a position where instead of being forced to suffer the measureless vexations of a widespread defensive attitude—hit here now and hit there then, often inevitably too late—we shall regain the initiative and make the enemy wonder where and how we are going to strike at them. I ask the House which is the foundation of our war-making effort to keep a careful eye on this aspect of our affairs.
During all this menace of invasion, so near and so deadly, we have never failed to reinforce our Armies in Egypt, almost to the limits of our shipping capacity, not only with men but with precious weapons which it was a wrench to take from our forces here. Scores of thousands of troops have left this Island month after month or have been drawn from other parts of the Empire for the Middle East. These troops have been streaming away from this Island during the months when some of those who now talk so gaily about the invasion scare were scared stiff themselves. Several times I have told the House that I could not guarantee a favourable result in the Middle East. After all, our position there was calculated on the basis that France was our Ally and that the powerful French Armies that General Weygand organised would
1248
stand side by side with us in the discharge of our joint obligations. The submission of the French Government to the German conquest and to the Italian exploitation has not only deprived us of those armies in Syria, Tunis, Algeria and Morocco, but has denied us the assistance of the fine French Navy and the use of the French naval and air bases in the Mediterranean. Such a frightful desertion and loss might well have confronted us with an insoluble problem. The Italian army in Libya, which some months ago far outnumbered the British and Imperial Forces in and around Egypt, seemed likely to roll forward irresistibly upon the Nile Valley and the Suez Canal.
I am thankful to be able to assure the House that the balance of forces on the frontiers of Egypt and in the Sudan is far less unfavourable than it was at the time of the French collapse. I can certainly not prophesy to the House about battles which have yet to be fought, but I think at the beginning of July, if we cast our minds back, the House would have been very glad to be assured that on 5th November we should still be holding in largely increased force every position of any importance. We have not had any serious collisions with the Italian forces, but we have every reason to be content with the results of the skirmishes and forays which have taken place on the ground and in the air. Up to the end of September, the Italian official published casualties for the fighting in Libya amounted to 800 killed, 1,700 wounded and 860 missing; our own casualties for the same period and in the same theatre were 66 killed, 68 wounded, and 36 missing—a scale approaching something like 20 to 1. These facts speak for themselves and should be a good augury for the greater battles and engagements which certainly will develop, perhaps in the Winter, certainly in the Spring.
At the same time that the Navy is keeping open the sea routes under this very dangerous U-boat attack, and endeavouring to hunt down merchant raiders in the outer seas, and maintaining a strict blockade—at the same time as it is doing that we have ceaselessly strengthened the Fleet in the Eastern Mediterranean, and we are ready at any time to engage the Italian Navy in a general action. Time after time our Fleet

1249
has moved into close proximity to the main concentration of the Italian Fleet and we know that their presence has been detected from the air, but so far these cruises have not resulted in any decisive encounter. Still, the power of the British Fleet in the Eastern Mediterranean goes a long way to restore the situation created by the collapse of France and is a great guarantee to our friend and Ally, Turkey, of the unweakening power of Great Britain on the seas. Therefore, whether you look at the Home Front or at the Mediterranean theatre, I do not think it can be denied that we are far better off than anyone would have ventured to predict four or five months ago.
But now a new call has suddenly been made upon us. The Italian dictator, perhaps embarrassed by the somewhat florid flirtations of M. Laval with the German conqueror, or perhaps playing his part in some new predatory design, has, in his customary cold-blooded way, fallen upon the small but famous and immortal Greek nation. Without the slightest provocation, with no pretence at parley, Signor Mussolini has invaded Greece, or tried to do so, and his aircraft have murdered an increasing number of Greek civilians, women and children, in Salonika and many other open Greek towns. The Greek King, his Government and the Greek people have resolved to fight for life and honour, and lest the world should be too easily led in chains. France and Great Britain guaranteed to come to the aid of Greece if she were the victim of unprovoked aggression. It was a joint guarantee, and unhappily the Vichy Government is at this moment engaged in sincere and loyal collaboration with Herr Hitler in his schemes for establishing a so-called new order in Europe. At any rate, the Vichy Government is no longer in a position to play its expected part in the task it had accepted. We are, therefore, left alone.
We have most carefully abstained from any action likely to draw upon the Greeks the enmity of the criminal dictators. For their part, the Greeks have maintained so strict a neutrality that we were unacquainted with their dispositions or their intentions. I have already been at some pains to set forth to the House the very serious preoccupations which dominate us both at home and in the Middle East. We face one gigantic army across the
1250
waters of the Channel, we face another very powerful army, much more numerous, on the frontier of the Libyan Desert, and I must, as I say, approach the new task with a strong sense of the immense responsibilities which rest upon us both at home and in Egypt, and of the very great and continual dangers by which we are confronted. In the circumstances, there is only one thing we can do. We will do our best. We have already established a naval and air base in Crete which will enable us sensibly to extend the activities and radius of the Navy and of the Air Force. We have begun the bombing attack upon military objectives in the Italian cities and bases in the South of Italy. That will continue on an ever growing scale. I should also say that our forces are in movement with the desire and design to help the Greeks to the utmost of our capacity, having regard to our other obligations. I hope I shall not be asked by the House to give any definite account of such measures as we are able to take. If I were to set them high, I might raise false hopes; if I set them low, I might cause undue despondency and alarm; and if I stated exactly what they were, that would be exactly what the enemy would like to know. We shall do our best. That is all I can say. To that decision and declaration, generously and faithfully interpreted, I invoke with confidence the approval of the House.
Mr. A. Bevan: I know it is very unusual to ask the Prime Minister a question at this stage, but can he arrange before the end of the Debate for some member of the Government to say a word about what is universally felt to be a great blunder in sending representations to the Soviet Union concerning the Danubian negotiations, and also a word about what is happening in Tangiers, which is also causing very considerable disquiet? I think the House is entitled to hear from the Government a statement to-day on these matters.
The Prime Minister: I can only speak for a moment with the leave of the House and I do not rise to answer these questions. I have selected very carefully the topics on which I thought a statement could be made with advantage, and I did not feel that on these two points there was anything which I could usefully say to-day. No doubt other opportunities will occur for the situation in

1251
both these quarters to be discussed, and at any time when it will be of advantage to do so I shall be very glad to be at the service of the House.
Mr. Lees-Smith: The Prime Minister began his speech with a passage in which to some extent he plainly stated our position as it is at the present time, and he also gave some indication of the general prospects of the war. On that particular phase of the discussion I will give the impression I have formed, both from his statement, and from the events which have occurred since we last met. Looking at the matter on the whole and in sum, my impression is that we can now regard the war with a sober and reasoned confidence greater than at any stage up to the present moment. The reason I say that is on account of the explanation which the Prime Minister gave of what has been happening in the attack on this country. If I were asked to summarise my impression, it is that the Battle of Britain has now passed through its most intense and perilous stage. Hitler has failed to make this into a short war, and in a war of length the cumulative long-distance forces are unquestionably on our side. That seems to be the beginning and the end of the general picture.
I had intended to deal in some detail with the question of the sinkings at sea; as a matter of fact I dealt with this topic on the last three occasions when we discussed the subject of foreign affairs, but as a consequence of what the Prime Minister has said to-day, I will not go into the matter to the extent I had intended. A month ago I pointed out that the sinkings were greater than in the worst week of the last war. Since then they have increased, and in the last recorded week they have increased to a higher degree still. It is quite evident that now the sinkings must be at two or three times the rate of any replacements. I ventured to give an explanation. At the early stage of the war we had ports on the West of Germany, Plymouth and Portsmouth, and then as the result of the French collapse Germany obtained ports on the West of us. Obviously the remedy would be for us to have ports on the west of Germany, and those ports are there on the West coast of Ireland. I said three months ago that if we could have the use of Berehaven
1252
and Lough Swilly, the whole sea war would be transformed in a night. These sinkings are taking place on the West coast of Ireland, and the world ought to realise what we are paying for our principles. There is no doubt about what Herr Hitler would do; every month we watch the spectacle of hundreds of thousands of tons being sunk and of hundreds of British sailors being drowned because we cannot get the ports on the West of Ireland for our Navy. Yet Ireland, but for the Navy, would be where Holland, Belgium and Denmark are today. I think it is a fact that Ireland pays a good deal of attention to public opinion in the United States, and it is worth while calling the attention of the United States, who have influence, to what we are paying for our principles.
I want to come now to a subject which has again risen, partly as the result of the Prime Minister's speech, and which is one of the main topics upon which I wish to make a few observations. A month ago I stated that if we wished to assist those whom Italy was likely to attack—and coming events had cast their shadows a month ago—the most effective way of doing so would be continuously to bomb Italy on every possible fine night, without intermission. Italy has been bombed on several nights, but in my view the policy up to the present, until the attack on Greece, of sending bombing forces from England to Italy about three times, spread over several weeks, is not air operations but stunts, and stunts of the most mischievous character, because they give your enemy warning of what they may expect and give them time to prepare. When we first went there the anti-aircraft defences of Italy were practically negligible; I do not think there were any, and I do not know what they are now, but certainly they have had time, and it is a fact that the anti-aircraft defences of France are at the disposal of Germany and Italy. I know that the answer was given that Germany is our enemy, but deliberately we should have diverted to some extent our bombing forces from Germany to Italy.
The Prime Minister: That has been our policy. Of course, if we had the French bases, we should act with great regularity, but as we have to make the flights from England, and they are very long flights, over the Alps and around the

1253
coast, the weather interrupts the continuity of these operations. We will endeavour to make amends in the future to the utmost of our growing power.
Mr. Maxton: I presume the right hon. Gentleman will have some regard to the reasonable safety of the men employed on expeditions of that sort?
The Prime Minister: That is why they have not been sent when the weather was unfavourable.
Mr. Maxton: We can count on it that that will always be the consideration?
The Prime Minister: Certainly.
Mr. Lees-Smith: It is the case that all the bombers which have been sent to Italy have returned safely. There are no reported losses in that area of operations. But I do not wish to be pushed aside from my argument by the Prime Minister's explanation, because what he has said does not entirely satisfy me. In bombing Germany we have had a curtain order of priority—oil, railway lines, power stations, canals. I have felt and said for a long time that in that order of priority Italy should have been included, because Italy is as much the Achilles heel of Germany as is oil itself. I have long felt and said that Italy should have been continuously bombed on every possible night from the moment she entered the war. The weather was quite possible, for a long period, for expeditions to Italy, and the unfortunate fact is that the weather in future is not going to be so suitable as the weather in the past. The Northern cities—Milan and Turin—are no further away than Berlin and Stettin. I know the difficulties of climate, and I know that they have to fly over the Alps, but when they get there, they have by no means so fierce a resistance to go through as when they get to Berlin, and that should be taken into account. If we had put Italy No. 1 in our priorities, I am told by those with considerable knowledge of the subject that the effect on the Italian mind of this kind of bombing continuously, say, for the last six weeks or two months, would have been such that it would be very doubtful whether Mussolini could have undertaken an unpopular adventure like
1254
the attack on Greece, between whom and Italy there have been no feelings of enmity at all at any time.
The right hon. Gentleman spoke of bombing the South of Italy. Looking at the map, if once we have a base in Crete, the distance from Crete to the South of Italy is obviously not as great as the distance from London. That is not giving away any military information. But when you come to the Northern cities, the distance from our British bases is still shorter than the distance from Crete, and I hope, therefore, that the Northern cities will be bombed as well. I hope that the policy which I should like to have seen adopted six weeks ago will now be applied and that the Northern cities will be bombed from the same bases as we could have bombed them for all these weeks. I am impressed with the narrow margin by which Mussolini scores his victories, and has done so from the beginning of his career. It has been a tremendous gamble each time. In the case of Abyssinia 52 nations declared against him—a frightfully narrow margin of safety. In Spain and Albania, where I say he broke the Anglo-Italian agreement, and in Somaliland he has been able to secure a number of victories at very little cost up to the present, and the Italian people have the satisfaction of feeling that they are an Imperial race without knowing that there is a war on. I therefore suggest that now is the time to ensure that this war is fought in Italy and not merely in defending Greece.
Sir Percy Harris: I do not intend to follow the right hon. Gentleman in his experiments in strategy. I have not the knowledge and do not claim to be in a position to do so. I rise mainly to welcome—I do so particularly as a Liberal—our new Ally, Greece, the gallant little people who are bravely standing up to the Italian bully. The Greeks have a great history. They have inspired our poets and soldiers for hundreds of years. Marathon and Salamis have been historic incidents where a small people stood up to the Persian hordes and, against impossible odds, managed to defeat the enemy. The Greeks have been true to their ancient traditions, but we must not underrate their task—a small people of 7,000,000 up against a great and mighty Empire. They are poor economically,

1255
they have few resources and no great industries, and they must largely rely on their courage and on their military organisation. They have two great assets —impregnable mountains and magnificent harbours. I have visited some of the islands in the Aegean and seen these harbours, many of which would house a great part of the British Fleet. Time is a big factor. I appreciate the great responsibility that this country has and the enormous liabilities now that we are robbed of the assistance of our French ally, but the time is vital. The Greeks look to us for help and inspiration. We have the reputation, perhaps partly temperamental but certainly historic, of being slow off the mark, and again and again we are out-manoeuvred by our unscrupulous enemies. We recognise, of course, that the burglar can always steal a march on the policeman, but still the small nations who looked to us for help have suffered.
It may be that that cannot be entirely laid at our door, but there is a feeling—perhaps a wrong feeling—in the country that the Foreign Office is usually taken by surprise. Some blame the Intelligence Service, others tell me that the Intelligence Service is not to blame and that the Foreign Office is rather slow to take advice. We have one tragic example in Rumania. We are inclined to forget that Rumania was our Ally. It is difficult to gather from the Press what is happening there. Whatever it may be, I suggest that the Foreign Office might speed up its machinery, be more accessible to information and give a feeling to the country that it is now more rapid in its movements and as quick to seize a situation as the three fighting Services. Certainly we were out-manoeuvred in Norway and we seem to have been out-manoeuvred in Rumania, but I have a hope that we shall not be out-manoeuvred in Greece.
I will not say more than that, except to tell the Prime Minister that there is this undoubted feeling in the country that somehow or other we are not so quick off the mark, not so ready to seize a situation as are our more unscrupulous enemies. Nothing succeeds like success. Unfortunately, Ribbentrop and Ciano are not handicapped by scruples, but I sug-
1256
gest that we must be realists in these days if we are to get the confidence of the small countries which are looking to us for leadership. Their hearts are with us, but, sometimes, unfortunately, their heads are not, because they do not feel that we are quick enough or strong enough to give them help. I rise only to wish God-speed to the heroic people of Greece who are fighting against great odds and to assure them from these benches that the British people are with them heart and soul.
Mr. Bellenger: I have listened to numerous statements like that which the Prime Minister has made to-day, and I have often been disappointed in his remarks. I have also been disappointed by the Debates that have ensued after his statements. I think the reason is that the Prime Minister has now reached such a position in the country that not only the public but Members of the House think that he cannot say or do anything wrong. I do not wish to underestimate the Prime Minister's tremendous capacities, at any rate, for war making, and I hope that one of these days those capacities will be used for much more constructive purposes. That, in my opinion, is the only time to which we can look forward and which will really be the "grand life." The "grand life" is not that which we are now experiencing. I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman introduced that remark made by somebody at the back of his audience. Those of us who are used to making political speeches know the value of remarks made from the back of the audience. It is not a "grand life" that we are now leading and it is no use saying it is. The people of this country are only keyed up to their tremendous effort by the thought of the cessation of the war at not too late a date.
Sir Joseph Lamb: The hon. Gentleman would not say "cessation without victory," for that would be worse than anything?
Mr. Bellenger: I should be a bold Member if I omitted that from my remarks. I will not say "with victory" at the moment, however, because we take that for granted, but so far our military and other operations do not lead me to believe that we are on the road to victory. Other hon. Members can form their own opinions. I have taken part in a cam-

1257
paign in this war and my experience inclines me to the belief that we shall have to make much more strenuous efforts, not only in the Army, but throughout the nation if we are to get victory. When I can see the nation fully mobilised—and I do not believe it is to-day—I shall talk just as glibly as other hon. Members about the victory, which obviously I want as well as other Members.
I was referring to the slogan which the Prime Minister introduced into his remarks which was made by one of his audience about this being a "grand life." Let us be under no illusion. However much tribute we can pay to the morale of the people of this country who are suffering tremendously—and I pay my tribute to them—nevertheless, those people are anxiously praying and being taught to pray in their churches and chapels for the end of this war. That is the only thing to which I apply my remarks. It is the only test I apply to the Prime Minister. What are he and the Government doing to bring the war to a close as quickly as possible? I was surprised to hear him mention 1943 and 1944 I think he mentioned those two years in respect of some of our efforts in the Naval sphere. I remember at the beginning of the last War signing on for three years or the duration. Lord Kitchener was a far-seeing man, so we were told, although he has had his critics since, and he said we could look forward to a three years' war. We actually conducted the war for over four years. Hon. Members who served in that war will know that not only amongst the civil population, but in the Army itself, there were cries of, "Roll on the end of this sanguinary war."
I say that to-day the civilian population and the Army want to get to grips with the enemy in order to bring the war to a close, because they find no glamour, no splendour in this devastation such as the Prime Minister mentioned. As a historian the Prime Minister is used to looking upon the splendours of war, and as we read history there were certain splendours in past wars. To-day there are very few opportunities, except perhaps in the air, for what we call the chivalry of war. There seems to be little opportunity for splendour. As I look round about our great cities and see the devastation that is taking place—and my right hon.
1258
Friend asked for more in other cities—I cannot look upon that as splendour. I look upon it as useless devastation. Hon. Members may think that I am not out with them to get the greatest possible effort for victory. I am, but I have it in my mind that there is a possibility, unless we are careful, of a stalemate. The Prime Minister referred to that possibility as a disaster. He referred also to the training of our armies. I hope that the training to-day is better than it was last winter. I saw the training, or the lack of it, then, and unless our armies are being trained far more efficiently than they were last winter I cannot see much hope in all the sunshine talk I hear about counter-attacks and invasion. When we consider the difficulties which Germany has had in invading this country we can realise that it will not be an easy job for us to do what Germany failed to do. I presume, however, that that is the only way in which we shall win the war.
The Prime Minister spoke, as I thought a little emphatically, about not utilising the Army or Army services to remedy the breakdown—let us admit it—in many of our civilian services to-day. I would agree with him that we cannot denude the Army of essential services merely to use them upon civil operations, providing the Army has a job in hand. But what do many hon. Members say, even if they do not say it in this Chamber, and what do the public say? The public and hon. Members are saying that the Army has not enough to do in many parts of this country. If they are occupied fully with training for next Spring, when we hope the offensive will come, I should be satisfied, but I believe that the Army is not being adequately trained, is not adequately equipped, and is not likely to be adequately equipped for some considerable time, to undertake a major offensive operation overseas. In a debate like this it is impossible to ask for particulars as to the state of equipment of our Army. No doubt we have sent many men to the Middle East, but I should like to be assured that their equipment was on the same scale as the numbers that have gone out there. Perhaps we shall have an opportunity of discussing these points when the Secretary of State for War himself comes back, when we shall have a public debate or, perhaps, a secret debate —although I am not in favour of too

1259
many secret sessions—in which we can try to elicit some information from the Government, such as we have not hitherto had, as to the real state of our Army, because unless we know that, we cannot assess the prospects of their victory, even if certain Cabinet Ministers can. I would say to the hon. Member who interrupted me a little while ago that it is useless for us to talk of victory if it is only to remain talk. We cannot win wars by loud talk. If that were possible, then the dictator of Germany would have been able to invade this country by now.
Sir J. Lamb: The hon. Member was not talking about victory but about peace, and I said that I do not want peace—much as we all require it, much as we all wish for it—unless it is a peace with victory in which we can ensure the future of the world.
Mr. Bellenger: All I can say is that I would prefer peace without the tremendous sacrifices which we have got to undergo—if it were possible. I am not out for the splendour and glamour of war merely to get the sort of peace we got in 1918. I went through the last war for four years and helped to get that peace. We got the military victory, but we did not get peace. I am searching for something less ethereal than that peace we got at the end of the last war. I naturally hope that our cause will be victorious, but I would put it another way: I hope that the cause, or at any rate the regime, in Germany will be destroyed, because then it may be possible to set up a really new world order in co-operation with the German nation, which I believe is not to-day entirely whole-hearted about this war. However, I realise that it is no use being impractical. We are fighting a nation in arms, we are fighting a totalitarian State, we are fighting a people's war, and therefore we have to overcome that people. I realise that, and all I am asking is that we should adopt tactics and methods which will rouse our people so that they can put forth all their efforts to overcome either the instinct for war in Germany or, at any rate, those, and I think they are a minority in Germany, who have involved Europe once again in war.
Perhaps it is not the appropriate moment to talk about peace, either with
1260
victory or without it, but I hope that at some time we shall be able to discuss here, in this House, what are our aims when we get peace, because, strangely enough, that might help to shorten this war, and that is what I am after. I am for shortening the war as much as possible, and I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman talked about 1943 or 1944. If it is merely a General Staff idea that has been put into the Prime Minister's mind I would say, "Let us be very careful". The General Staff in this country are very cautious. They are not prepared to move until they have overwhelming masses of men and materials, We can look back upon some of our past history of which the Prime Minister himself has written so eloquently and so brilliantly, and see how we won some of our previous wars. It was not entirely by a preponderance of men or metal.
In conclusion, I would refer to something I said earlier in my speech about using military personnel and material to assist civilian clearance or reconstruction schemes. Every hon. Member knows that not enough is being done in that direction at present, not as much as should be done, and I think that every hon. Member will agree when I say that we should not only clear away the débris, which is having a very depressing effect on the morale of our people—and I admit in parenthesis that they are standing up to it very well—but reconstruct all the broken-down telephone wires and the gas mains. The right hon. Gentleman spoke as if those services had not been affected, but I could take him to certain parts of London where they have not had gas for several weeks. Those things have to be done, and if we are not going to utilise the military, who are there and could do it, and who seem to have no other job than their training, then it is incumbent upon us to mobilise those civilian services which are there and are able to do the job. Seeing that we have 700,000 nominally unemployed people in this country we cannot say that we are conducting this war in the best fashion. We are failing in that respect just as much as if we had not mobilised an Army. We have taken steps to call up our youth, and those who are no longer young, under the Military Service Act, but we are still allowing to go to seed hundreds of thousands of men who could be doing useful jobs in a civilian capacity.

1261
These are the concluding words which I want to leave with the House, and though it may not be possible for the Prime Minister to read them I hope that his attention may be called to them, because I can say that I have every confidence in the Prime Minister's conduct of the war so far—I think the House has and I think the country has—but I cannot accept without any criticism whatever all that the Prime Minister gives us on days like this when he comes here to make a statement about the war. If hon. Members are honest with themselves and their constituents and with each other they know that at the back of their minds there are big question marks. An hon. Member who sits below raised two points at the end of the Prime Minister's speech. They were glossed over; they were not even mentioned. If the Prime Minister is going to use his tremendous position and popularity to ignore questions such as these, then doubts will remain in the minds of hon. Members and in the public. It may not always be possible to tell the public all the truth, but at any rate we want to know something about the truth if we are to keep up our morale and ensure that victory which we are all seeking.
Commander Sir Archibald Southby: We came to the House to-day to hear a statement by the Prime Minister upon the present situation. I am sorry that my right hon. Friend is not in his place at the present time. I listened to every word he said, but I am bound to say that we did not hear a single thing that we could not have read, or have not read, in the newspapers or heard over the B.B.C. wireless. If these statements on the situation are to be of any value they must include answers to criticisms—constructive and not destructive criticism—and to questions to which hon. Members come down here on days like this to give voice. From the right hon. Gentleman who spoke from the front Opposition Bench we heard a question which has been in the minds of many of us for some considerable time, the question of the ports in Eire. We met the submarine menace during the last war because we used ports on the west coast of Ireland as bases. We are taking pride to-day in the fact that 50 American destroyers are coming to this country, but just let us remember that many of those same destroyers operated against German
1262
submarines during the last war from Queenstown, Blacksod Bay, Lough Swilly and other places in the west of Ireland.
Only because we had those bases available were we able to deal with the menace of the large submarine operating at a distance on the Atlantic trade routes. The people of this country have to gaze upon a rather curious spectacle these days. We are giving, quite rightly, leases of bases in outlying parts of the British Empire in order to defend the security of the United States of America, and the American people themselves admit that we are fighting their battle, but here is a part of the British Empire, of what we call the British Commonwealth of Nations, which denies to us, when we are fighting for our lives—and incidentally that includes the lives of the people in Eire—the very bases which will enable us to defend ourselves, to get food for our people, and to send our trade overseas. It passes the comprehension of the ordinary man in the street that such a state of affairs should be allowed to go on. We were told at Question Time to-day that Eire was to take evacuee women and children from this country, but what defence are those people to have when they get there? Does anybody doubt that, if it suited Herr Hitler's book, he would make Eire a base for attack upon this country? Hon. Members who have studied the map know that Eire is one of the places from which we are apprehensive that attack may come. This question should be faced by the Government. There may be a perfectly good answer. The difficulties are obvious to any one of us, but it is no use coming to this House and not facing the question, since it is uppermost in the minds of most people in this country.
Mr. James Griffiths: I quite agree with the general observation of the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but, believing that, when criticising, we should offer constructive suggestions, I would ask him how he would face the Irish situation.
Sir A. Southby: We should take rather a strong line with Eire on this subject, and should say that it is absolutely essential for us to use those bases. If Eire is expecting the possibility of German attack, as the speeches of their statesmen lead one to suppose, then we might also take the

1263
opportunity to say to Eire: "If you want to continue trade with us and to be part of the British Empire, with all that that entails, and all the advantages you gain thereby, you must allow us, because of your necessities and our necessities, to use these bases, which are vital to our prosecution of the war, even if you do not want to come into the war yourselves."
The right hon. Gentleman who spoke from the Front Opposition Bench used a phrase which I was hoping myself to use. He took the words out of my mouth. It is true that, at the present time and in present circumstances, Italy is the Achilles heel of the Axis, and very well does Herr Hitler know it. We seem to have been late all through this war. It is all very well saying that in our history we have always been late, but we have always won the last battle. I trust we always shall do so, but there is the possibility of the luck changing. There is no reason to be late deliberately if you can possibly help it. We were late in Norway and in Belgium. I will not say that we were late in Dakar, but Dakar has been a very serious blow to our prestige and has done us infinite harm in Northern Africa. We have been late in Rumania. After all, Rumania was tied to us by an understanding, a defensive understanding. We must have had knowledge of what was going on and of the risks which were being run; but to-day, vital oil wells are under the control of Herr Hitler. I do not know whether it was possible to take steps to render these wells useless, but, if we have air bases in Greece, as we must now have, let us not wait until the defence of those oil wells has been established. Let us bomb them at the first possible minute and keep on bombing them. Oil is the very life blood of this fight, and if we can stop a pint of oil going to Germany we do something to win the war.
Greece has come into the war. All honour to that country for standing up to it, and for the way in which, by all reports, she is standing up. Her entry into the war has this great advantage that it gives us vital bases on the Islands around Greece from which we can hit Italy hard and continue to hit her. In Greece itself there must be aerodromes
1264
which our Royal Air Force can use; let us not wait, but let us send as large a proportion of our aircraft as we can spare to operate from Greece. It is in my submission infinitely more important at the present time that we should hit Italy than that we should continue even to bomb the Channel ports. By all accounts, the Channel ports have been pretty successfully knocked out and if that be so—and I do not doubt it—the place at which you want to exert the whole of your force is at the vital spot of the Axis, which is Italy. It has always been an axiom of German military strategy to put the maximum force at the place where it will have the maximum effect. To hear some people in this country talk you would think it was something to be proud of that we are massing men in this country at a tremendous rate. If the vital place is in the Near East, then, as long as we have secured the defence of this country from invasion, which is still a very real risk, and if we can equip them, we should send the maximum number of our Forces to the Near East, where they can help Greece and beat Italy.
The right hon. Gentleman gave a slogan to the House which occasioned some criticism by an hon. Gentleman opposite. It was something he overheard an A.R.P. worker say. I suggest that under present circumstances the slogan of this country should be: "Sock the Wop." That is what we should do if we want to beat Germany. I do not believe that the Wop would take very much socking if we went on doing it. The right hon. Gentleman opposite said that we should bomb Italian military objectives; yes, bomb them at once and bomb them continuously. There are always rumours going about in the country and at the present time one bears talk of some arrangement that Rome should not be bombed. If it be true, I should like to know who made the arrangement. Why should military objectives in Rome be immune from our aircraft? I never heard it suggested that London was to be immune, but London seems to be standing up to it pretty well, all things considered. If Italy bombs Athens, let us have no nonsense about it; let us bomb Rome on its military objectives, and go on bombing them good and hearty, as well as the towns of southern Italy. The more we do that the more we shall bring to the Italian people the realisation that they

1265
have been led up the garden path by the dictator of Italy.
I hope we shall not be too late. This moment, when the Italian attack is being held by the Greeks, seems to be the moment at which we could get the greatest advantage by striking with all our power in the Near East. We have command of the sea, including the Mediterranean. Operating there at the present time we have probably the best and biggest Fleet which has ever been seen in the Mediterranean. Obviously it cannot operate without incurring same losses, but broadly speaking it commands the Mediterranean. We have command of the seas of the world, certainly in the areas where active warlike operations are taking place. People sometimes seem to forget that command of the sea gives us ability to strike. It is no use trying to start in with an Expeditionary Force unless that Force is trained and properly equipped. Do not let us make the mistakes which we have made in our past history of abortive expeditions sent here, there and everywhere. When we send an Expeditionary Force, let is see to it that it is really and filly capable of carrying out its duty and succeeding. At the present time we have fie facility, which the command of the seas gives us, to send an Expeditionary Force to any part of the world to carry out any duty we want carried out.
Reference has been made to the question of the use of troops for various A.R.P. purposes in this country, and it has been suggested that better than men being idle it would be well for them to be employed on urgently needed national work. There is a danger of people getting into their minds an idea that soldiers are glorified labourers. They are not. The country is trying to train those men and it needs to train them as speedily as possible. I wish to impress upon hon. Members the vital necessity for enabling men to train. It is not giving away any secret to say that the necessity for guarding against an invasion, which was a real danger is recent months, did make it difficult to give proper training to the troops now under arms and therefore I would impress upon the War Office the necessity for guarding against any temptation to release large bodies of men for purely labouring work, when it is vitally essential that those men should be given the best military training that it is possible to give them. I believe that the whole of
1266
the training of the Army is bound up with the question of equipment. This House is probably not quite satisfied in its mind that equipment is coming along as fast as we should like. Men cannot be trained for modern warfare unless they have equipment to use. It is all very well for Ministers to say that the rate of production has increased by so much per cent., when we do not know with what number we started from scratch. It is a dangerous thing to say that when the spring comes we shall despatch a large Expeditionary Force somewhere. Rather let us say that we will despatch an enormous Expeditionary Force as soon as we have it fully trained and equipped.
I have referred to submarine sinkings. Anyone who has had anything to do with the figures of the last war realises that the submarine menace has become a great deal more serious during the last few weeks, possibly because of the use by the Germans of a more efficient sea-going type of submarine. But do not let us forget that the collapse of France has presumably resulted in Germany obtaining every bit of secret information with which we furnished our late Ally when this war began. I am not surprised to find that the sinkings of submarines do not go on at the same rate. When the war started we had the Asdic apparatus, which no one else had. I imagine that we gave it to the French; if we did then I suppose it is now in the hands of Germany. People who talk about rebuilding and restoring France might pause to think what a vital blow France has struck us. I go round my constituency and I see those little houses smashed, torn and shattered, and I think of the 400 pilots that our airmen brought down in France and whom a treacherous France handed back to Germany so that they might go on with their work. Do not let any Minister or Prime Minister forget the feeling which exists in this country about the way in which we have been let down by France. If the French Fleet is to be handed over—and I hope it will not—by the Vichy Government for use by the Germans or the Italians, let us make it perfectly plain that we shall regard that as a definite act of war by France against this country. We are fighting for our lives.
We are standing on our own exceedingly capable feet. We are doing pretty well, thank you, in the war at the moment.

1267
Morally we have command of the air; numerically we hope to have command of the air before very long. We have command of the sea. Day by day we are building up a magnificent Army. I do not think we count our blessings enough. We have been forced to embark upon a war which we never sought. We are going all out to win that war, and if other peoples corns get trampled on in the process, they have themselves to thank. If the French Fleet is to be handed over, I say: Bomb Paris and tell them you are going to do it. I hope that next time when we have a Debate on a statement on the war the Prime Minister will perhaps be able to give us a little more information than he has given us to-day, and that he will take notice of the various questions which are exercising the minds of the people. There is not a Member in this House whose postbag is not full of the things which I have been trying to say. This country desires to win the war and to win it as speedily as possible.
I find myself in considerable agreement with the hon. Member who spoke last from the other side of the House. There is precious little honour and glory about modern warfare, but there is great honour and glory in the way people's heroism and spirit of sacrifice have been brought out by the war. One thing is sure, and that is that it is the desire of most people in this country to put forth the maximum effort of which we are capable and to win the war as soon as possible. There is a feeling that we are not being ruthless enough and that we are not striking when we could strike. The Prime Minister has a tremendous following of the people in this country. People look to him as somebody who would prosecute the war 100 per cent. I do not know who was responsible for Dakar, but the people of this country want to know what went wrong with Dakar, and it is no use saying that you are going to have an inquiry and then for nothing whatever to happen. It is no use trying to find scapegoats in the Foreign Office or the Admiralty who are in a position in which they cannot defend themselves. We want to know who was responsible for backing the expedition to Dakar and when that expedition looked like being a failure, if it was necessary for us to have Dakar, then we want to know why we did not go out 100 per cent. and
1268
take it. The country did not know what happened to the "Royal Oak" or how she was torpedoed in Scapa Flow. There is a pretty heavy bill of incidents piling up for the failure of which the people in this country are going to demand who was responsible. I believe this Government is out to win the war, and I support it in its efforts to that end, but do not let it forget the House of Commons and the people of this country have a responsibility and certain rights.
Two hon. Members, one on this side and one on the other side of the House, had a difference of opinion about peace aims and when the war should finish. Might I quote something which I think sums up the attitude of mind of most of us, if not all of us? At a fair at Philadelphia, held to raise money to help the wounded, President Lincoln said this of the American Civil War, and in my opinion nothing could be more applicable to present-day conditions:
"We accepted this war, we did not begin it. We accepted it for an object, and when that object is accomplished, the war will end, and I hope to God that it will never end until that object is accomplished."
In the minds of most of us, and certainly in mine, our object in this war is the destruction of a tyranny which threatens the ordinary man and woman everywhere in the world, the restoration of peace and freedom, and the building of a better world than we have ever known.
Mr. Price: The Prime Minister has indicated in his speech that German tactics and strategy have undergone a change in recent months. Well they may have, since the remarkable organisation of our effort to resist and to strike back when the time comes. As a historian, the Prime Minister will no doubt have seen a few historical parallels. Parallels of that kind are often a little dangerous; history never quite repeats itself, but within certain limits there are sometimes parallels which may be useful in indicating the future. It was over 100 years ago that Napoleon was standing on the cliffs of Boulogne with his flat-bottomed boats and ships to invade our Southern shores. Thanks to our naval and military preparations, that plan ended in a fiasco, and Napoleon turned East. There followed the great victory of Austerlitz. It looks as if Herr Hitler has turned East to-day, and there-

1269
fore it behoves us all the more to look to the Mediterranean.
We have heard occasional rumours, and there have been people who have been contemplating a possible evacuation of the Mediterranean. A few weeks ago there was loose talk about our position there becoming impossible. If such talk did exist—and I think it did—and if it was at all serious, it must be serious no longer, because it was in the East that Napoleon got his coup de grace, and it is, I believe, in the East that Hitler also will get his final coup de grace. I do not know whether history will repeat itself so far as to have scenes similar to that which was enacted on the raft at Tilsit, when the Emperor Alexander I met Napoleon and between them they settled the Eastern question—on paper at least—or whether we shall perhaps see M. Stalin and Herr Hitler on a gondola in the sea of Marmora settling the East according to the ideas of those two dictators.
That is a danger, because Russia, although she fears Germany to-day, knows her own weaknesses. The Finnish war showed that, and other symptoms as well. Russia in the main is looking out for her own interests; we cannot blame her, for so, unfortunately, in these days of power politics, is every other country. She is not going to risk her national interests if she thinks that a quarrel with Hitler is going to involve those interests. At the same time that, to my mind, makes it all the more important that we should not involve ourselves in any unnecessary disputes with Russia. I look with some fear to possible disputes which may develop between ourselves and Russia over the control of the Danube. It is not the time for us to pick a quarrel with Russia over that question. Any possible new arrangement, which may be made about the Danube can be arrived at without involving any dispute between Britain and the U.S.S.R. I, for one, do not place much hope on getting assistance from Russia to solve our military and strategical problems in the East. That time has not come yet; it may come.
In the meantime, if we cannot look for help in that quarter, it is across the Atlantic that our great hope lies. Without the great American Republic being with us, morally, industrially and economically —which I think she is, whatever the results of the election may be—our position
1270
would indeed be very, very grave. It is, however, the great moral and material help which we are getting from the United States, without actual participation in the war in Europe, which is our great hope for the future.
This raises another point, the question of the Far East. It is in that sphere where, I do believe, the United States can be of enormous help to us. According to American friends who have written to me recently, public opinion in the United States is more likely to be roused by events involving American interests in the Far East than by anything else. The United States have great material interests there, as well as a moral interest in the survival of the Chinese Republic. Seeing that we have our hands full in Europe and the Mediterranean, and obviously cannot offer much resistance to Japan in the Far East if the worst should come to the worst, it is extremely important that we should come to some agreement with the United States in regard to naval bases on the Pacific seaboard. The weakness of the United States at the moment is that she has no naval bases very far advanced from the coast of California. Even Honolulu and the Hawaian Islands are only a thousand miles from the Californian coast, and she has no position from which to defend her interests in the Far East unless she obtains a base more advanced than Honolulu. It therefore seems to me that, just as we have broken the ice by coming to this magnificent agreement with the United States in connection with naval bases covering the approaches to the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico—in fact, the whole of the west Atlantic seaboard—we could also initiate serious discussions with a view to leasing to the United States, or giving them at least a temporary use of, such naval bases as may be in our power in the Pacific Ocean. In that way I believe we could stabilise the position in the Far East and prevent any serious acts of aggression by the aggressor power there.
I should like to reinforce what has been said in regard to naval bases in Ireland. I think the time has come when the Prime Minister should use his tremendous influence and discuss seriously with Mr. De Valera whether the time has not come for them to give us some assistance there. They must know that by our stand in this country we are shielding them from the destruction of Eire's nationality, of which

1271
she is so proud and which has been pushed to such a length that she is refusing us the use of those naval bases. I hope that if that has not been done already, steps will be taken in that direction. There is no doubt that the statesmen of Eire have been thinking that they would be able to utilise the present position to secure their dream of a united Ireland and to utilise American opinion to bring that about. Their principle is that if they give something away to Great Britain, they expect something in return. Fortunately for us, American opinion has raced ahead. American opinion is, we feel, now so wholeheartedly with us that the statesmen of Eire have no chance of playing that trump card. In regard to our relations with the Government of Vichy, I feel, we have to go very warily but very firmly. I have reason to think that Marshal Pétain is an honourable man, and that he does not wish to injure a former ally. But everything points to the belief that he is likely to be overborne by the unscrupulous rascals —I mention no names—who are practically in control of the Vichy Government. I support the view that unless we get a very firm guarantee that the French Fleet will not be handed over to our enemies, we must take strong action to prevent that happening.
There is another point to which I would like to refer. Has not the time come when we should make some statement of our war aims, in more definite terms than the mere declaration that we are out for victory over Hitlerism and for a better Europe? I admit that we cannot now go into details: we cannot tell what the future will bring or what problems will face us in peace; but we should regard our peace aims as a war measure. We have those thousands and millions of people on the Continent who are our potential fifth columnists, working for us—millions of slaves, groaning under the Nazi yoke. They would like to know that we are really out for a better Europe. There is a great danger that the Nazi propaganda about a new Europe may catch on among certain people—not, perhaps, the most important people.
Mr. Tinker: Will my hon. Friend give us some outline of his definition of peace aims, differing from those that have been already announced by the Prime Minister?
Mr. Price: There are one or two points about which we could be more explicit. Why was it that peace broke down, and that we got this war? It was because there was no system of collective security in Europe. The League of Nations was allowed to become a nonentity. We require a system whereby collective military, naval and air force will be used against future aggressors who attempt to disturb the peace of Europe; and there should be an assurance given that we are prepared to work for an international force to that end. That, I think, is a practical point. There is another point. In my opinion, one of the things which helped to bring about this disaster was the fact that when we broke up the Austrian Empire we failed to put anything in its place. We balkanised Eastern Europe, splitting it up into a number of small states with high tariff walls. The situation was impossible, and could not last. We ought to say something about that. That, also, is a practical point. I am certain that a statement on those two points would hearten all our millions of friends on the Continent of Europe, who are groaning under intolerable conditions. They are our potential fifth column, and one of the weapons by which we can overthrow this tyranny.
Sir Annesley Somerville: May I add a word on a point of extreme importance, which has been touched on by several speakers? I happen to have personal knowledge of the harbours on the South-West coast of Ireland. The absence of facilities for the use of those harbours means a great deal to the Fleet. There is no doubt that the fact that these harbours are considered neutral affords a very great advantage to the U-boats. In these days the word "neutrality" has lost its force. No country can be neutral in the present contest between good and evil. There are countries which call themselves neutral which are allowing the forces of one of the opposing sides to pass through their territory. I would earnestly suggest to His Majesty's Government that it ought to be possible, in conjunction with the Southern Irish Government, to produce a formula which would preserve, at any rate, the formal appearance of neutrality, or the name of neutrality, and yet allow the forces of the Crown—that

1273
is, the Crown of Southern Ireland—to be allowed the use of those harbours. I believe that the result would be an immediate and definite diminution in the toll of our shipping that is now being taken by the U-boats.
Mr. Wedgwood: I remember my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Bellenger) advising me, when this war started, not to be dismal about the war, because I had said that it might last for a decade. Now I must retaliate, after hearing his speech. I do not think that he need be so dismal. As the Prime Minister said, this is a very splendid time for all of us. It is not like the last war, when all our friends were being thrown away on the French battlefields. It is giving us a magnificent example of what mankind and womankind can stand up to. Who would have imagined, when we were discussing this war 15 months ago, that in actual practice our airmen—our boys, drawn, mind you, not from the public schools, not from the aristocratic caste, but from the secondary foundation schools of this country—[An HON. MEMBER: "All schools."]—yes, but especially from those schools—would prove infinitely superior to the product of the Hitler mentality? Is it not a splendid thing to have lived to see the day when our people are showing a spirit of self-sacrifice unto death which we could not have hoped to see, which is not equalled in history, and which has come from a people charged with being—and perhaps thinking itself—to be a decadent people? Far from being a decadent people, we have acquired now a confidence in ourselves, which alone is an enormous asset in the successful prosecution of the war. It is not only our men in the air who have given us this exaltation. Above all, it is the people of London. I remember London in the last war. When a few bombs were dropped in the East End men went about blindly, women shrieked and children ran screaming. That short bombing of London in 1016 was a terrible thing.
How is it that this time nothing of the sort occurs? It is because we are, in this war, better inspired and more united. We are in it perforce not because we like war, but because we cannot get out of it. We know that we have to face it. There is no alternative. When you have got the ordinary Englishman put into that
1274
position, he stands up to it in a way that he never would have expected, and in a way that is evidently not common form in either Germany or in Italy. Going through London streets when there is an alert on and bombs are actually crashing, and seeing the way that the women behave, that is indeed a splendid sight. I am coming to think that everybody in this world behaves as other people expect them to behave; not as they naturally would, but as other people expect them to. You see girls, particularly the girls in uniform, who continue to walk obviously without hastening their pace. I am bound to say that whenever I hear a crack in the sky I want to walk quickly; I want to get to the nearest doorway.
I have been through a great many wars, and I have never not been afraid when I have been under fire. The only difference is that most people, myself included, are more afraid of being thought afraid than we are of the danger. These little girls in uniform walk on—one knows they are terrified—without hastening their steps and without changing the conversation and without looking up into the sky, which is more than I can do. The very fact that they do that makes all the other girls do the same. The force of example is a terrific force. I have been in many panics. I know how infectious fear can be in this world, and I am grateful to these girls, and indeed, to the ordinary citizen of London who declines to show fear because he is afraid that if he does show fear, it will make other people afraid. That is a very wonderful thing. So I say there is something splendid about this war, which not merely shows how much nobler the human character can be than we should expect, but has also taught that virtue of courage to a great many people who did not possess it before. May I add that it is the finest form of military education you can have.
Mr. Bellenger: I hope that my right hon. Friend will not give an entirely, or perhaps even a slightly wrong conception of what I was attempting to say. The Prime Minister used the words "the splendour and devastation," and I merely replied to that by saying that the Prime Minister had probably the historian's mind and way of looking at war, and that I could see no splendour in it, although

1275
I agree that the spirit that the people are showing is something more than splendour.
Mr. Wedgwood: I know that my hon. Friend and I agree, and that it is merely a question of words, but I want to say something about the splendour of devastation as well, because that too does appeal to a great many people in this country. The South window of Westminster Hall, I hope, will never be repaired. It reminds me of Fountains Abbey, a famous relic of the past. In the same way, a great many ruins in this town are the outward and visible sign of a great epoch. Whenever you go to Heidelberg, what do they show you? Not the university. They take you up the hill and show you the ruins of the castle which was blown up by Napoleon. That is their pride, a glorious ruin. I think that Westminster Hall is a glorious ruin, and I am not certain that the Temple Hall should not be preserved as a glorious ruin. Was it not Macaulay who drew a picture of a future New Zealander gazing on London from the ruins of London Bridge? I do not see why he should not, if he comes and sits on the ruins of London Bridge 2,000 years hence, think of the glorious resistance made by London to a bombardment worse than the Western Front in France in 1914. He will think of the most glorious hour in London's history. I ask my hon. Friend to let him have a pictorial representation of that famous bombardment and not rebuild all our ruins, so that we shall see for ever this certain splendour. The ruins of ancient Rome are splendid. I would make them, at the present time, even more splendid.
Mr. Quibell: I believe you would.
Mr. Wedgwood: I would. One could infinitely improve the modern Colisseum. In exactly the same way, the traditions of the people are their most valuable assets. These traditions can be preserved if we realise their value in time and see that they are not blotted out. The tradition that London has established in the last two months is far and away the finest thing in the whole of the history of London. Do not let us blot it out. That brings me to my next point—"Do, for goodness sake, clean it up." It is this awful question of what to do with our
1276
Army. They are still being trained. I understand that they are still jumping trenches, with bayonets flashing in the sunlight. They are still studying the great works of Clausewitz and Julius Caesar. They are still preparing to carry out the storming of the hill of Albuera—probably in about the same place, I should think. Whether it be the officers or the men, they are still thinking of the past and resenting bitterly the horrible revolutionary, red views of the people who have been fighting. I have no doubt that there will be some change made in the training of the British Army, as the older generals die off, but do let us realise that the precious training that they are getting at the present time is not the last word. The proper training at the present time for a total war is very different from the training required by Marlborough's soldiers and by those who followed Wellington. It is very different. In a total war you want your Army to be able to turn their hands to anything. London streets are at present the practical actual trench in the war—better training there than in the nursery. Five or ten thousand members of the A.M.P.C., who are mostly foreigners with insufficient status to be allowed to fight, have been given the task of clearing up London. There should be 250,000 training troops put to work to clear up London. They would have had a far better education; they would learn something about sewerage, drainage, gas mains and electricity. They would get some practical experience of war.
The Joint Under-Secretary of State for War (Sir Edward Grigg): I hesitate to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman, but I think he was not in the House the other day when it was definitely stated that the Army had given civil authorities all the equipment they were prepared to use.
Mr. Wedgwood: I know all about that. It is all very well the Army riding off on the plea that they have not been asked by the civil authorities. Have they never been asked by the Cabinet or some Government Department? If not, then it is a scandal, and the responsibility rests on the Cabinet and not on the War Office. All essential restoration work in modern warfare should be part of the training of the military at the present time. There should not be a man in the Army to-day

1277
who does not know how to ride a motor cycle or drive a car. It is not part of the old official training of the Army, and, therefore, they are not doing it. So far as training is concerned let them put transport and other necessary services in order.
My next complaint—and I hope the House will not think I am complaining too much about the War Office; it is such joy to see one of the War Office representatives present—is that people do not understand commanding officers. At this moment we ought to be doing our utmost to help Greece. One division sent to Greece would stiffen resistance and ensure the morale of their people. Greece to-day is fighting far beyond expectation. Do not let that be lost. We know we ought to have our Air Force actively engaged in bombing Italian towns and protecting Greek tow us. Sooner or later they will get there, because there is a certain amount of initiative left in the junior Service. But a small British army contingent would inspire confidence in people who are not quite sure of themselves. During the last war I was one of an early expedition to Belgium which went over with a naval brigade, and I am confident that if we had not gone then, Belgium would have gone out of that war just as she went out of this. We were sent by the then Prime Minister, quite ill-equipped and untrained, but the fact that we were flying the Union Jack on our armoured cars everywhere "bucked them up" It is not the size of the British force that matters; it is their presence, and especially so in times like these. The placing of one British division at Athens would be of enormous advantage at the present moment. personally, I have not the slghtest doubt that before we have done speaking that force will be there.
The difficulty of getting it there is not solely that of transport. It means also getting round the natural inclination of a commanding officer. The Cabinet here were extremely anxious in the early days of the last war to get help from India, both in France and Mesopotamia, but there was sullen opposition from the Indian Government to the sending of assistance. Both the General Officer Commanding and the Viceroy made every sort of objection. They said they could not send more troops because women and children in India would be endangered. Finally, Lord Kitchener, then War
1278
Minister, cabled to the Viceroy saying, "Send troops. It would be better to lose India than to lose the war." I think that may be the attitude which must be taken up to-day by His Majesty's Government. You have to-day in Egypt, as in India in those days, the natural human tendency of every commander, whether of an army corps, division or brigade, to try and preserve the size and the power of his command. When he is asked to send part of his command elsewhere, his natural tendency is to resist and invent every reason why his own force shall not be reduced. I think we must suppose, judging from previous standards, that there will be every effort made by the officers commanding in Egypt to preserve the strength of their force and to draw attention to the grave danger in which that force stands if it is in any way diminished in size.
I do not believe for one moment that Graziani will ever seriously attack Egypt. That is my opinion. I judge it simply from history. In the whole of 6,000 years of history Egypt has never been conquered by land from the West. I do not think it can be done now, but whether I am right or wrong, even if there were a danger of Graziani beating our reduced Army in Egypt because we had detached from that Army a number of troops to send to Greece, still it would be better to send those troops. Success in war depends always on taking risks. You cannot carry on war successfully without taking risks. I think the risk in this case is a very small one, and even if it be a large one, I think it is worth taking. I say more; speaking as a democrat as well as an Englishman, I would sooner save Greece which is prepared to fight for itself than save Egypt which is not prepared to fight for itself. I consider that the whole future prosecution of the war depends more upon our holding the Greek Islands, and the Greek mainland if it can be done, than upon our holding Egypt. Between Egypt and Palestine is another desert. The Suez Canal can be blocked for ever by sinking ships in it. I think this is the turning point in the war. If we can, as it really appears likely now, give the junior partner in the Axis a nasty knock, if we can drive him out of Greece and out of Albania, we shall do more to end the war than we shall do by any amount of successful saving of Egypt and any

1279
amount of successful defence in a war in which offence was never more needed, or more possible.
Mr. Hare-Belisha: My right hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Wedgwood) has made some bold and stimulating remarks which I hope will register their effect upon others besides myself. He has covered a very wide field of inquiry, and it is a field of inquiry which is properly opened out as a vista from the speech of the Prime Minister this morning. That speech related to events some of which transpired a long time ago, and others of which have occurred in swift succession in the last 12 days since the House, on the Motion of the Government, was adjourned. Those events are not in themselves conclusive; they are preparatory to more far-reaching events. It was a pity, I thought, that my right hon. Friend lacked this morning some of his customary full-bloodedness. There are occasions upon which discretion is the lesser part of valour However, my right hon. Friend had no achievement to record. There is no achievement by His Majesty's Government which has been described to the House. There is, however, a great opportunity, perhaps the greatest opportunity for offensive action which has occurred throughout the whole course of the war. To take it in full measure would lead to the downfall of Italy. To neglect it might lead to the loss of British influence in Asia and in Africa. My right hon. Friend saw difficulties in the way of offensive action. But it is not we who are invited to help Greece; it is Greece which is helping us. The aid that the Greeks are giving to our flag at the present moment is equivalent to the despatch by Britain of another expeditionary force. That is the light in which this matter should be viewed.
When Italy first entered the struggle there was great expectancy. Ministers spoke disparagingly of the military prowess of that country and they still do. They never mention the Italian navy except in terms of contempt. Therefore, it was thought that we should be virile. There was a peninsula with 2,500 miles of coastline, with all the principal railways running around that coastline; with the industries concentrated in one region.
1280
Never was there a land so vulnerable to attack from sea and air. Further, the possessions of Italy were isolated. They were across the sea. Their armies could not be reinforced or supplied. Consequently, it was hoped that there would be a revolt in Abyssinia, that the Arabs who had been so maltreated by Graziani would be encouraged to rise. However, there were reasons—and they have been explained to us—why we could not do what was expected of us. The Army in Egypt had not been reformed to meet the new contingency created by the French defection. The Fleet lacked sheltering harbours; the Air Force had no bases from which to bombard Italy from close range. All that has been rectified. A ceaseless stream of convoys, we have been told, has been proceeding to Egypt. Our Fleet, we have also been told, has been reinforced twice over in its effective strength, and we have complete control of the Eastern Meriterranean. These are encouraging facts. But the harbours for the Fleet and the aerodromes for our pilots were until a week ago still lacking. They have now been provided. This deficiency has been remedied. We were not invited to invade a hostile country and overcome resistance. Wide arms are open to us. Our Fleet can find anchorages and our bombers can have bases. Nothing will rejoice the 13ritish people more than to learn that Italy is being given in unstinted doses some of that medicine which she is ready so callously to dispense to others. Let us bomb Italy and bomb Italy hard. I quite agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith) that now we can do it. Well, let us take advantage of the chance.
There are other opportunities before us. It will have been noticed what importance the Italians are attaching to the acquisition of Corfu. They want to protect the right wing of their advance into Epirus. They want to safeguard their communications with the Motherland. Why should we not be there first? That is the most practical assistance we can render to Greece, and one which is easily given by arms of which we command a superior strength. But if we must be swift, we must also be circumspect. We have been told by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister that other British forces are in movement. We have landed

1281
at Crete, but that was not a very difficult operation, and I am surprised it did not occur before. We have landed there, but we are told that there are other forces in movement. It should be borne in mind, in my submission, that the mainland of Greece is not the principal objective of the enemy. His aim is two-fold. Firstly, it is to occupy the islands in order to exert against us all the advantages which we might have against him if we occupied those islands. That is his first aim, and his second is to get to the coast of Asia Minor and to the oil in Iran and Iraq. Were we to send an Expeditionary Force to Salonika at this stage, we should be falling into a trap. Those forces would have to be constantly supplied under difficult circumstances, and they could be outflanked if Germany were to come down through Thrace. We could deny to Italy all the benefits of an occupation of Salonika, assuming she were to overcome the superb courage of the Greeks, by keeping watch and ward over the Straits by the occupation of Lemnos and other islands.
No, it is not on the mainland of Greece—although perhaps we should, if required, have some Forces in the Peloponnesus—that our main forces should be concentrated. The enemy's objective is Asia Minor. Syria is more important to us than Salonika. Syria is as important to British security in the Middle Fast as Ireland is to British security in the Atlantic. Like everyone else in the House, I deeply regret that the past months have not been used in order to effect the united defence of Ireland, and I believe that that is an omission which some day we may regret. If it be possible for the British Empire to hand over bases to America—a most inspiring act, for which full credit should be given to my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister—then it is possible without any loss of prestige for Ireland to give us back the bases which we once held. However, I say that if Ireland be important to us in the Atlantic, Syria is important to us in the Middle East.
What is the situation in Syria? If Syria is held, neither Turkey nor Palestine can be attacked on two flanks. What is the situation? The French army has been disarmed. A part of it, and perhaps a large part of it, is still well affected towards Britain; at any rate it would be if we were paying them their
1282
emoluments. These elements may perhaps have been discouraged by the failure at Dakar, but that is a failure which in some part can now be redeemed, although not wholly because the geographical situation is different. In Syria it is the Italians and not the British who are spreading their tentacles. They have a Commission in Syria holding up British supplies to Turkey. But Syria does not belong to France; it is mandated territory and the Italians have no right in Syria. Why should it always be left to others to take strong action? We are defending a great cause which may go down if we do not show more resolution.
This morning we read in the newspapers that, having apparently deposed the French administrator, the Spanish military commander at Tangiers has proclaimed himself Governor of the port, and has liquidated most of its international institutions, presumably with the intention that it may soon be annexed to Spain or become a Spanish protectorate. If the Spaniards can do it, we can surely do a little less. The suggestion I am making is not that we should dispense with international institutions and take over Syria as a British possession, but that we should appear there as liberators and that we should offer to fulfil the contract which France had with Syria to give the Arabs their independence. If we were to enter Syria in that crusading spirit, we should not only give expression to the purposes for which we entered this war, but we should gain a great strategical advantage for ourselves and also confer a strategical advantage of infinite importance upon Turkey. Our diplomacy has failed to bring Turkey in. Our diplomacy has not had one single success since the war began. It is a dismal chronicle, but here with strong action could we not persuade Turkey to stand in greater safety by our side? There are reasons for haste. There is not only the reason I have given that we would perhaps bring Turkey into a more encouraging frame of mind, but there is the Pétain-Hitler agreement, which my right hon. Friend never mentioned this afternoon. Let us act before the agreement is implemented.
I should like to know whether it is true, and, if so, for what reason, that a message was sent to Marshal Pétain commiserating with him upon the misfortunes of France. Pétain is the cause and origin of those misfortunes. He is the declared

1283
enemy of Britain, and, had he not lent his great name, no Government in France could have been formed to conclude an armistice. Is that the man to select to whom to send a message, a man who has been described as infamous by General de Gaulle, whom Pétain has condemned to death, and who has been described by the Prime Minister as a traitor to the common cause and a breaker of obligations? Do the Government now cringe before Marshal Pétain and send him messages? Cannot you distinguish between your enemies and your friends? The agreement which Pétain will make with Hitler will not be to the advantage of Britain. The whole reputation of the Marshal is bound up in discrediting Britain. A British victory would mean his complete downfall and his branding as a wicked man who had sold the soul of his country. His fortunes are wrapped up in a victory for Germany, and let us realise it. Let us take strong action in the French Empire before it is too late, otherwise a means will be found of allowing Pétain and his Government to keep that Empire in circumstances which will not seem too humiliating to themselves. They may even be allowed a condominium. Let us take action against the French fleet before it is too late. Why was there a change of policy between the time of Oran and the time of Dakar? Why was it then important for us to remove the French fleet from the seas as an instrument while ships for Dakar were allowed to sail calmly through the Straits? What is the policy of the Government? There must be greater realism not only in dealing with individuals but in dealing with situations.
Up to the last moment we thought that by persuasion we might convert Rumania to our side. How else can you explain leaving a British fleet of tankers on the Danube for Germany to use? How else can you explain leaving the oil wells intact which will give Germany 6,250,000 tons a year as long as she keeps that country? How many pilots will we require to bomb the oil tanks and refineries before you can account for 6,250,000 tons? Is there realism in dealing with Japan? Is it true that the Government are going to allow British companies to sell oil to Japan when the Prime Minister has said with great clarity that the victory
1284
of Japan would mean the extermination of British interests in the Far East? Why should we be conciliatory towards Spain? Why should we relax our blockade to please Spain? I hope that in the case of Greece we are going to seize this great opportunity. I am doubtful, though I hope I am misguided, because my right hon. Friend is now beginning to speak of 1943 and 1944. Previously it was 1941 and 1942. That is an ominous use of the calendar. With every victory of the Axis they acquire more territory and they add to the resources which they can develop. They have all the shipyards, all the aircraft factories and all the iron ore in Europe. They have most of their requirements. What use can they make of them in the next three years? You cannot win a total war without a total effort.
My right hon. Friend poured scorn on an hon. Friend of mine for using the expression "total war." You cannot beat Germany, which has a fully employed population, and in addition a million prisoners whom she is using, and above that a million captives from the occupied territories, with such an effort as we are making. It is not only the reputation of my right hon. Friend, it is the survival of this country which depends on the realisation of these facts. You have virtually more unemployed today than when the war broke out. Is that realised? We cannot regard that situation with complacency. When the war broke out we had a million. Since then we have called up the best part of 2,000,000 people, and we still have 600,000 unemployed. Last January my right hon. Friend called upon a million women to come boldly forward. We are now in November, and there are 227,293 women unemployed. Is that a total effort? You have over 8,000 unemployed in shipbuilding, over 15,000 in engineering and 12,000 in agriculture, on which we depend for our sustenance. In chemicals, in metals, in bricks, in building, in almost every industry you have unemployment. At any rate, you are not using the country to its full capacity. We have perhaps 45,000 men in training to make and set machine tools. In Germany they have 23,700 instructors. They have more than half as many instructors as we have people in training. They have 200 special schools. We have 24 training centres.

1285
In Germany they have trained half a million men since the war. We have not trained 100,000. This is not a total effort, and a total effort must be made against powers so unscrupulous, so formidable and so industrious. If my right hon. Friend, who devotes all his great mind and brain to external matters, would think about the organisation of the home front our prospects would be more encouraging.
So much for fighting this war. There is also to be remembered the cause for which we are fighting. My right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal on the day the House was adjourned, for a reason which was never furnished, for it was on the eve of these happenings, was asked by me whether he would undertake that if any event of importance occurred, Parliament would be assembled at once, and I added that that was not done in the case of the Dakar episode. I received the answer that I expected and this was, "Certainly, if there was need for it Parliament would be called earlier." There have been, not one, but two, events of great importance, but Parliament was not called. Why? It is becoming the practice of Ministers to make their important announcements on the wireless. That is bad enough, but when they do not even make them on the wireless which addresses the people at home, but make them on the Overseas wireless at 3 o'clock in the morning, that is a course of action to which exception might be taken. It is not fair to the House of Commons to whom all these Ministers owe their careers. We are all the children of Parliament. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has upheld Parliament more than any other man. His writings and speeches are full of tributes to it and of recognition of it for the part it has played in moulding his own life. Only last Sunday I was reading an article which was reprinted in a newspaper and which he had written on my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War. In that article, which he wrote before he became Prime Minister, he complained that the House of Commons
"had declined in liveliness and debating power. The bulk of its Members became functionaries to register the will or lack of will of party leaders."
What an irony it would be and what a paradox if, under my right hon. Friend's aegis, Parliament, to which he and the nation owe so much, were to fall into
1286
useless inanition, or, as he might phrase it himself, into innocuous desuetude. It is enough to call my right hon. Friend's attention to this, for he is a great man and a great democrat, a man whom I, like most of us, have always admired. Let him use his opportunity for preserving the democracy for which we are fighting. It is only from the people, acting through their representatives in Parliament and through a free Press, that the Government can be stimulated and, if necessary, criticised, and that the purpose which we entered this war to vindicate can be justified in the eyes of the world.
Mr. Tinker: I am sorry that we have had such a speech as that to which we have just listened. The right hon. Gentleman in his concluding remarks said that he believed the Prime Minister to be a great and wonderful man. If anybody had been in the Gallery and heard only that remark, he would have thought that the right hon. Gentleman had been eulogising the Prime Minister. The whole of his speech, however, has been critical of the Prime Minister's Administration. The Prime Minister has been in his office since May last—six months. The right hon. Gentleman's speech was nothing but criticism of the way in which the Government have carried on during that time. The Prime Minister has been in complete control all the time, so that the right hon. Gentleman's indictment must be against him, if against anybody. I hope that when he looks at this speech he will ask himself whom in his heart he is really against. I have waited the opportunity for some time to say a few words to the right hon. Gentleman. I have listened to him on several occasions. I was present when he resigned his office. I say "resigned," but I do not know whether he did or not. I will say "when he gave it up." I was waiting here then in the hope that he would take a stand. Many of us on these benches felt the Government of the day was not the right Government, yet we wanted something to get at, something to drive out that administration. When word came through at the week-end that the Secretary of State for War had to resign, then, knowing what he had done up to that point, we expected something to be said as to why he had given up. He came in just like a beaten schoolboy—sorrow-

1287
ing, depressed. "Well, I am waiting now for the House of Commons to defend me, but I am not going to say anything. I am not going to criticise the Prime Minister." I am not going to say why he resigned. We knew very well that the then Prime Minister ought to get out. We wanted something to get at, and we had hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would provide us with the opportunity. Did he do it? No.
Mr. Hore-Belisha: I did not do what the hon. Member suggested, that is, use my resignation for the purpose of party advantage and for the purpose of giving hon. Gentlemen an opportunity to destroy a Government which I myself had supported.
Miss Rathbone: Before the hon. Member for Leigh (Mr. Tinker) goes on, may I ask him whether, instead of criticising the right hon. Member himself, he will criticise what he has said? Will he point to a single statement in his speech which was not voicing doubts that are in the hearts of every intelligent man in this country? I think we ought to be very grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his speech.
Mr. Tinker: The right hon. Gentleman said nothing definite at all that day. When the present Minister of Information resigned his position as First Lord of the Admiralty he had the courage to tell us why he resigned, and a former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs told us why he had resigned. The right hon. Gentleman did not do it. I would have excused him had he kept quiet since then, had he said, "All right, I am not going to interfere with the affairs of the Government, seeing that I was not able to help it." But since that time he has taken every opportunity to drive at the Government. May I remind him of what he said at the time of the Finnish-Russian affair, when, if he had had his way, this country would have been at war with Russia? He said that was the only way in which this war could be finished quickly—to get at Russia, and do something on a big scale. If that advice had been followed, I wonder what would have happened. Now he has again told us what we ought to do. Surely he must remember that we have not unlimited forces at our command, and
1288
to do as he has suggested to-day would require that. After all, we must have some regard to our position, and we must have some little confidence now in our present Government. It has been changed, and made up of all parties, and therefore it has a right to command more confidence than has been given to it to-day. I would mention also my hon. Friend here the Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Bellenger). He is given to criticising the Government from time to time.
Mr. Bellenger: Why not?
Mr. Tinker: Why not, if you give grounds for it, and are honest and candid and say you are criticising; but my point is that the times are so critical that it is hardly fair for Members, especially those who have held high positions, to come out on every possible occasion to try to belittle what has taken place.
Mr. Magnay: Is there no room at all for constructive criticism? What is the good of this House at all?
Mr. Tinker: Yes, there is room for criticism, but those who do criticise must be in a position to remember their past. When people have had an opportunity in the Government and have failed to use that opportunity to the best advantage of the country, the least we can expect of them is to keep quiet and let somebody else have a say in criticising. That is why I say again to the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon that I hope he will examine his past and follow on from that time, and see what his attitude has been since he resigned office. That is what I want him to do.
Now I want to touch upon the speech of the Prime Minister. It was a very grave speech in many aspects, and the gravest was what is happening on the west coast of Ireland. That is deplorable, and the time has come when this House should be a little more eloquent on the matter than it has been in the past. Eire has the right to examine the position but she ought to take into consideration the number of Irish people who are scattered all over the world. In America there is a big contingent of Irish people who are giving all the help they can to Britain, yet Eire is providing a situation that is causing us great concern in this country. The time has come when Mr. De Valera and the people of Ireland ought to realise the position in which they are placing us.

1289
In this country there are Irishmen—and I am one—who have stood by Ireland on all occasions and tried to do what they could to improve the position of Ireland, knowing that, in the past, Ireland has not had fair treatment. We of the Labour party, and most people in this country, are doing. all they can for the Irish people, yet Mr. De Valera, by what he is doing, is placing this country in jeopardy.
I shall not say to the Prime Minister that he ought to do this, that or the other, I know that it is extremely difficult to use force with regard to Ireland. The German propaganda organisation in America might use it as a means of saying to the Irish-American people: "See what Britain is doing to Ireland." Nevertheless, I make an appeal to Mr. De Valera that, in the interests of Irishmen all over the world who stand for freedom, he should examine the position with a view to declaring in favour of this country and of dropping this neutrality. We should be given an opportunity of having a naval base so that we could see that our people get the provision that we want.
We cannot view this matter with calmness when we have reports from time to time that vessels are being sunk and hundreds of our people are going down because of it. The matter is too serious altogether. If Mr. De Valera wants a united Ireland, as we all do, I urge him to realise that it will depend upon him awl upon the attitude which he takes. If he were now to declare in favour of Britain and of what we are doing in trying to win the war, the first step to be taken afterwards would, I am satisfied, be a united Ireland. If, on the other hand, he continues the line that he is now taking, we shall not very well be able to forget it when the war is over and, in place of the friendship that everybody wants to give to Ireland, there will be hostility, when the time comes to settle this matter in the future. Therefore, in the interests of the Irish people in Eire and all over the world, I make an appeal, as an Irishman, to Mr. De Valera, to drop his neutrality and to come in on the side of Great Britain.
Mr. Quintin Hogg: We have been considering such grave matters that I feel a certain hesitation in bringing to the attention of the House a specific Complaint, of which I gave notice some few days ago. It is an important matter,
1290
and I believe that, unlike some of the other issues which have been raised this afternoon, we should have the honour of a reply to it. On 24th October I asked my right hon. Friend the Minister of Information whether his attention had been drawn to a speech by one of the members—
Mr. Bevan: If I may interrupt the hon. Member, he has just informed the House that he believed that there would be a reply to his speech. I would like to know whether he has any right to say that, and if so, whether the House is not entitled to expect from Mr. Speaker an explanation of why a highly important Debate has now been turned into the discussion of a completely different matter.
Mr. Hogg: If I have in any way transgressed the Rules of Order can assure the House that I am sorry for it, but I do not think that these were questions which affect me.
Mr. Bevan: It is usual that Adjournment Debates should be addressed to such matters as it appears to you, Mr. Speaker, the House desires to discuss. Now I gather that we have left the original issue. We have had a very important speech from the former Secretary of State for War, and we have had other important speeches to which there has been no reply. We now gather that the whole subject of the Debate has been entirely changed, and the hon. Member who is raising the new subject believes that he is going to have a reply. May I have the attention of the right hon. Gentleman opposite because it is time they treated the House with more respect? It is outrageous; over and over again—
Mr. Speaker: If this is on a point of Order the hon. Member has no business to address his remarks to a Minister on the Front Bench.
Mr. Bevan: I referred to them in a Parliamentary manner. I wish to know whether it is not an affront to the House that a Debate should be raised in this way?
Mr. Kenneth Lindsay: May I enforce the appeal of my hon. Friend? A number of hon. Gentlemen have come here at great inconvenience, some in uniform, who wished to take part in what I supposed would be one of the most important Debates the House has had recently. Some of us have been lis-

1291
tening to the speeches and we were hoping for some reply from the Government. Suddenly the Debate is interrupted by an hon. Member raising another matter.
Mr. Magnay: Did not the hon. Gentleman raise the matter on a question which he put to a Minister, and did he not say that he would raise it some time on the Adjournment between four and half-past four? The Motion to-day for the Adjournment was moved by the Patronage Secretary specially in order that the Prime Minister should be heard. This is a small detail which has nothing to do with the major purpose of this Debate.
Mr. Speaker: The House should understand that on the Motion for the Adjournment an hon. Member can raise what question he likes.
Mr. Magnay: Could not the hon. Member be appealed to in order to have the good will of the House, to postpone his speech until a more convenient season?
Mr. Bevan: This is a very important matter, because what will happen if this practice is to continue? A Debate might take an embarrassing turn for the Government at any time, yet at any moment the Government, or any Minister, might be saved from embarrassment by the interpolation into the Debate of a wholly alien subject. It has been the practice of Parliament ever since I have been here, that one subject under Debate should be exhausted before another subject is called by the Chair. If that procedure is to be altered, it will do grievous and permanent damage to this House of Commons in its Debates. The only way, in my submission, by which we can have intelligent Debates is for one subject to be exhausted before another is called. That has been the practice of the House ever since I have been in it.
Mr. Speaker: It is quite contrary to my experience of the House that an Adjournment Debate must take the full time of the House on one distinct occasion. I am sure it would be a great mistake to alter the procedure.
Mr. Cocks: Although that is applicable in peace time, circumstances have now arisen in which the House holds at intervals full-dress Debates on the war and on foreign policy opened by the
1292
Prime Minister on the Motion for the Adjournment. This morning the Prime Minister in announcing the business of the House said that he understood it was the general wish of the House to have a Debate on the war on the Adjournment.
Mr. Speaker: The hon. Member must remember that we have spent more than three hours on the Debate already. It would be very contrary to the rights and privileges of Members that they should be debarred from raising questions which they think to be important.
Mr. G. Strauss: When the Adjournment is moved for the specific purpose of hearing a speech by the Prime Minister and then discussing it, as far as the House desires to do so, surely these are special circumstances and under those conditions I suggest that it is very unfair for the House to branch off on to some minor matter when the Adjournment was moved for a specific purpose.
Mr. Henderson Stewart: The Whip calling us to attend this meeting of the House stated specifically that a speech would be made by the Prime Minister on the present situation and the war and that a Debate would follow.
Mr. Ellis Smith: That is news to us.
Mr. Stewart: That is the news that reached me. Some of us have come very long distances to the House to-day to hear that statement and to speak upon it. Whatever may be the Rules of the House in peace time, I do suggest that we must meet war conditions with war procedure. It would, I think, be most unfair to many Members who have come so far for a specific purpose—to discuss the general war policy—if they were to be prevented from doing so merely because the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Hogg) raises now an issue which I understand he could equally well raise in three-quarters of an hour's time. It might be meeting the wish of the House if he would consider the protest which some of us are now making.
Mrs. Tate: May I suggest that a very large number of people have spoken to-day and that no reply of any kind has been made to their speeches. In view of that, would it not be desirable that we should have another Debate on to-day's subject?
Mr. Speaker: That is not a question for me.
Mr. Hogg: I can only say that I am covered with confusion at my intervention in the Debate being the subject of controversy. As some hon. Members know, I was willing to raise this matter at any time convenient to the House. I raised it at a time which it was indicated to me would be convenient. On 24th October I asked the Minister for Information whether his attention had been drawn to a speech by a member of a local information committee in my constituency, to the effect that it would not be a major disaster if we withdrew from Egypt? The reply that I got from the Parliamentary Secretary was that the person who made the speech had made it plain that he was speaking in a purely private capacity, and that, in that capacity, he was entitled to express whatever opinions he chose. In answer to a supplementary question, my hon. Friend went on to say that it was of the greatest importance that these local information committees should be representative of every shade of opinion. It occurs to me that this is an important matter. It is certain that the Ministry of Information have attempted to justify what has happened, and that they have offered no sort of assurance that it will not happen again. Therefore, I think it proper that the matter should be brought to the attention of the House.
The attitude of my hon. Friend makes it comparatively unimportant what was actually said by the gentleman in question, but I think it right to say this. There is, I believe, no responsible body of opinion in this House which would think it other than a major disaster if we were to withdraw from Egypt; and if there were anything required to make the speech of this gentleman sillier, it was a proviso which, apparently, he added: "If we were to destroy the Suez Canal and hold on to Palestine." I do not suppose that he had considered how Palestine could be defended once the Suez Canal was destroyed and Egypt altogether lost. But it is not the folly of the speech itself of which I complain. It is the effect upon public opinion and the attitude of the Minister to this question. The immediate effect upon public opinion in the locality concerned was very grave. I have since received messages from responsible people in other parts of the
1294
country, in which they make it plain that, in their view, this speech by a member of a local information committee was a trial balloon, or a feeler, by the Ministry of Information. Of course, I am not concerned to repeat that as a statement, because it is obvious that the Ministry had no such intention; but that is the effect which speeches of this kind have upon public opinion. And it is useless for my hon. Friend to take the view that he is not concerned with the mistakes that the public makes. That is precisely what his Ministry is concerned with.
My hon. Friend says that Mr. Taylor made his speech in a purely private capacity. He was speaking not ex cathedra, not of a matter of faith or morals. But my hon. Friend goes on to suggest that the public capacity of one of the members of the local information committees is something like a raincoat, which Mr. Taylor can leave in the cloakroom of the Rotarian Club and not put on again until he has finished talking nonsense. I am not concerned with, and I do not subscribe to, these theological distinctions. I do not believe that the members of a local information committee can put off their public character in this way.
These local information committees were formed for a very important purpose in order to give information to the public in various localities when all other channels of communication had broken down, when public opinion, therefore, was extremely nervous, possibly almost distraught, and it is vital, in those circumstances, that only responsible people should be on these local information committees. It is vital that, if somebody on one of these local information committees proves by his personal deeds or by his personal words that he is irresponsible, and that he is not worthy of public support or confidence, he should be asked to leave the committee. Perhaps the clearest answer to the attitude of my hon. Friend, as disclosed in the House of Commons, is to be found in the logical conclusion to which his argument drives him. What is Mr. Taylor's next public speech going to be like? What are the members of various other local information committees going to say to the public?
If Mr. Taylor wants to say, first having made it plain that he speaks in a purely private capacity, that he thinks the evacuation of London would not be a

1295
major disaster provided we held on to Croydon and blocked the Thames Estuary; if he should say that we want to make war on the United States of America or on the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, would the Minister take the attitude that he should still remain a member of his information committee? Is it really going to be said that because he is speaking in a private capacity he can still make irresponsible speeches in any sense he chooses, first making it plain that he is not using his public position in order to do so? In my submission, the Ministry of Information have committed themselves to an intolerable position in having these men without any kind of public responsibility, the Ministry accepting no responsibility for what they say, and yet retaining them as the channels of communication to the public when all other channels of communication have broken down.
I call the attention of the House to the other argument that my hon. Friend put forward. He said that it was important that the committees should have on them representatives of every shade of opinion, even if those opinions were not such as to commend themselves to every member of the community. I venture not to doubt the validity of that argument but merely to ask what had my hon. Friend in mind when he put it forth? What is its relevance to the question in issue? What responsible body of opinion in this House or in the country thinks that it would not be a major disaster if we were to go from Egypt? Why does he bring in this necessity for representing every shade of opinion? That particular sentiment represents only one body of opinion in this country and that is the Fifth Column. Does my right hon. Friend seriously suggest that that body of opinion should have its representatives on the local information committees? The fact of the matter is that this need for having shades of opinion represented has been trotted out from time to time by the Ministry of Information in order to conceal the irresponsible character of the people they have on these committees.
It is impossible to touch the subject of the local information committees without gradually becoming aware that most members of the House are dissatisfied with them. It is true that that dissatis-
1296
faction often takes the form of political objection. It is true that some Conservative Members say, "They have sent down a Member of a Socialist party to disturb my constituents," and it is equally true that my hon. Friends opposite have complained to me that some empty-headed Conservative has been sent to their constituency to disturb their constituents.
Mr. J. J. Davidson: Will you tell us the Members on this side who have complained to you about empty-headed Conservative Members?
Mr. Hogg: I should not like to betray their confidence but it is certainly true that I have had complaints from Members of my hon. Friend's party that they do not approve of some of the Conservatives who speak by arrangement with their local information committees.
Mr. Davidson: That is a modification of your first statement.
Mr. Hogg: I think my hon. Friends opposite would have expressed themselves rather more strongly than I should have been inclined to do about Conservative speakers. The fact is that both sides are right. The Minister of Information has no right to be upsetting Conservative constituents with Socialist speeches or Socialist constituents with Conservative speeches. There are busybodies and mischief makers in every party in the House and of this extensive range of humanity the Ministry of Information have now taken a representative collection. If I go down Petticoat Lane I could get a representative collection of dogs but I hardly think that they would be accepted as a fair representation of the best dogs in the country. It seems to me that the Minister of Information is really responsible for the political elements on these committees. It is not right to put forward the need for wide representation in order to justify the irresponsible actions of members of these committees. This is a matter on which the Minister should not take such an intransigent attitude. There have been many changes at the Ministry, some for the better and some not, but in one respect the Ministry has shown itself perseveringly if not laudably consistent. It has been steadfast at least in this, that it has shown an unwavering contempt for public opinion whenever

1297
public opinion has manifested itself. So far as I am able to ascertain, public opinion does not favour local members of local information committees saying that it would not be a major disaster if we withdrew from Egypt. Public opinion disapproves of that, and if these people do say it, public opinion on the whole would have them withdrawn from their public position. I suggest that the Minister would be well advised to make a concession on this point, and not to persist in arguments which have only to be examined in order to see that they are wholly without foundation.
Mr. A. Bevan: I regret exceedingly that a Debate which had taken so interesting a turn has been very largely spoiled, not because of the nature of the speech of the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Hogg) but because of its having been made at the wrong time, and T sympathise with him that his interpolation should have been at so unfortunate a moment. But we are entitled to ask that when speeches are made which obtain the support of large numbers of Members, the Government should make some effort to reply to them. If we are to understand that in future, whenever we have Debates of this kind, you, Mr. Speaker, in the exercise of your discretion and your rights, select hon. Members because they have other questions to raise, then we shall have to reconsider the whole of our procedure.
What does it mean? It means that the House would be at the mercy of an unscrupulous Minister. There is always a large number of hon. Members who have given notice that they intend to raise certain things on the Adjournment. Let the House visualise what might happen. A Debate takes place that is highly damaging to a certain Minister or his administration. Around runs a Parliamentary Private Secretary to a Member who intends to raise an entirely different matter of debate and says, "Raise it and the Minister will reply." In that way Debates can be smashed, they can be ruined, and the House of Commons can be reduced to a complete farce. Unless we are to have assurances that whenever WC debate a matter on the Adjournment moved by the Prime Minister, it will run its full course and that Ministers will be prepared to reply, it will be necessary for
1298
some of us to put Motions of a declaratory nature on the Order Paper and insist upon Divisions on them.
The House cannot be treated in this fashion much longer. There is no reason why hon. Members in any part of the House should feel that they ought not to be critical of the Government. I was astonished when my hon. Friend the Member for Leigh (Mr. Tinker) rebuked my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Bellenger) for making a speech critical of the Government, and rebuked the right hon. Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) for making a very important speech. My hon. Friend did not proceed to answer one of the arguments that had been put forward, but simply said that because the right hon. Member was wrong yesterday, he is wrong to-day. I must say that if, before we are to make any criticism of the Government, before we are to utter a critical speech, we must first review the whole of our public career in order to find out whether there is not a stone that can be thrown at us, then permanent silence will fall upon all of us.
Mr. Kirkwood: Including the Prime Minister.
Mr. Bevan: Yes, including the Prime Minister. There is no need for us to be afraid of making critical speeches, for critical speeches have saved this country in the last twelve months. It was only the other day that the Prime Minister himself lost his temper in a most undignified fashion over the Swinton Committee and rebuked us for discussing it; three weeks later he did what we wanted him to do, and altered the Committee, putting on it members who were more worthy representatives of the nation. We must be able to make critical and constructive contributions fearlessly. It is our duty to the country that we should do so.
I will venture to bring the Debate hack to what we were discussing before the hon. Member for Oxford spoke. I was not disappointed with the Prime Minister's speech to-day, because I did not expect him to say anything other than he did. But it did seem to many of us here a little hard that we should have had to read in the morning newspapers the speech which the First Lord of the Admiralty made over the radio at a time when others could not listen to it. There

1299
were great anxieties about Greece, and there were questions in our minds. We were very apprehensive about it, and we wanted to have news. Surely it is an affront to this House for an important declaration of policy to be made by a Minister in that way over the radio when the House was meeting to-day?
Captain Plugge: And it was broadcast on a wavelength which made the speech inaudible in this country.
Mr. Bevan: May I ask the Government quite frankly, when they are going to apologise to the House for treating it in this fashion? The reason why this sort of thing is happening is because our present system—the Coalition system—has tied up Members like docile sheep. It will not go on much longer. There is a feeling growing up in this country—please do not try to convince me that that feeling is not there, and that I am not representing large numbers of people when I say this—that this House will fall into contempt if a rigid, docile Parliament prevents the House of Commons doing its job in war-time. One of the reasons why we have been treated in this way is because Ministers know beforehand that there is to be no Division, and that we are going to listen, like the Reichstag, to a long speech by the Prime Minister and say "Amen," and then go home.
Mr. Kirkwood: And they know there is not to be any General Election.
Mr. Bevan: The whole thing is fundamentally unwholesome, and there will have to be a change. I put two questions to the Prime Minister after his speech to-day. I did not expect him to reply, because he had made an important statement which he had to prepare very carefully beforehand. But surely these are very important questions. This is the one nation in which audiences still take the greatest possible interest in Russia. We cannot avoid it, because there is still a question mark opposite that nation's name. People are still uncertain what Russia is going to do. I may be wrong, but I think we are on the eve of very important developments, and if one cannot take a military offensive, it seems to me that we have reached the point where we could take a very strong diplomatic offensive. One embarrassment has been
1300
removed. The American Presidential election took place to-day, and it has been very difficult to consider major alterations of British foreign policy while the result of this election was still undetermined. It has had great influence indeed, but all that will now be over. The second great event is that a theatre of land operations has opened up in Greece, and more important than that it is a piece of territory in which Russia is likely to be interested. The repercussions are going to be important.
The third great event arising out of the other two is that Herr Hitler is now faced with the necessity of having to provide a policy to meet the needs of the 200,000,000 people under his control. He knows it is no use to try to hold down those nations. Napoleon tried that and failed. If Hitler is going to develop a policy for Europe, if he is to assimilate them under his rule, he has to sell them a legend, a story, a system of make-belief which is entirely different from the Aryan myth. After all, if he is to provide an ideology for Europe, he has to provide one which meets that big bloc of France, Italy and Spain—large Catholic countries. I have been convinced for some time that Hitler is going completely to change his old propaganda. He is going to drop his Aryan myth for the time. He is going to conduct a large-scale Catholic offensive in Southern Europe. He is bound to do it. He cannot help himself. He cannot expect those people to be assimilated under the leadership of so offensive a story as the supremacy of the Aryans. He has to provide another idea for them. An article by the diplomatic correspondent of the "Times" yesterday shows that Hitler's mind is beginning to move in that direction. I do not believe that the Catholic peoples of the world will be deceived by that tactic, but it is an important change in Hitler's whole attitude towards Europe, and it is a diplomatic offensive with which we shall have to deal.
The reason why I regard it as important is because Hitler cannot start organising a vast Catholic bloc in Europe unless he is brought into relations of increasing hostility with the Soviet Union. He has to have a hero and he has to have a villain. He cannot make the unifying idea of a Catholic Europe agreeable to those nations and at the same time be on terms of friendship with the Soviet Union. It seems to me that we have now an

1301
opportunity opened up to us of establishing closer relations with Russia because of these changes. I am not suggesting that the Russians are anxious to go to war, I am not even arguing that Russia will come into the war, but I am suggesting that circumstances to-day are far more favourable to a rapprochement with Russia than they have been since the war began and that, if our Armies are locked in conflict with the armies of Germany and Italy, Russia will have one fear removed—and that fear has been expressed more than once—that if she got into hostilities with Germany in the East, the British Empire would take a ringside seat and watch the operations. No one can suggest that Russia has not had some justification for that fear. What happened in Poland was a justification. It seems to me that we have to have a great, powerful Any like Russia if we are to bring the war to a speedy and successful conclusion.
I have been informed, probably wrongly, that one of the reasons why the Government are not taking up a much more friendly attitude to Russia is because of some influences from the United States, that certain financial interests in America were not favourably disposed towards the Soviet Union and would discountenance any move by us that would bring us nearer to them. I do not think the Government should be amenable to influences of that kind. It would be disastrous, because, powerful though the help of America may be, the Soviet Union could bring this war to a conclusion in one week. An hon. Gentleman laughs, but he knows better than I do that if Germany were involved in large land operations in Eastern Europe and were faced once more with the spectre of war on two fronts, the morale of Germany would be very much undermined.
Let us suppose that what I am saying is remote conjecture. Nevertheless, it is the duty of the Foreign Office at this moment to explore every possibility and to get Allies wherever we can find them. Yet this is the moment to select in which to send a Note to the Soviet Union protesting against their becoming a member of the Danubian Commission. Here is a Note sent by a nation which is not even a riparian nation to a nation which is a riparian nation protesting against their having membership on the Danubian Commission. I would like to know from the Lord Privy Seal whether the Foreign
1302
Office did this on its own initiative or whether it was discussed by the War Cabinet. Was it a decision of the Cabinet, or was it the usual flat-footedness of the Foreign Office? We ought to have some explanation, because, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) has said, the Foreign Office has had a long series of uninterrupted disasters for 10 years. It is the worst Department in the Government, and that is saying a great deal because some of them are pretty bad. The Foreign Office has completely forfeited the confidence of the country and it ought to have forfeited the confidence of the House.
What was the use of sending this protest? We cannot follow it up. Even from the lowest and meanest point of view it was a silly thing to do. All Russia has had to do is to reject it, and we cannot do a thing about it. Why give Russia in these circumstances unnecessary affront? Are we not anxious for Russia to be on the Danubian Commission? Is it not better for Russia to be on it than off it? Some people may say that it gives another opportunity for co-operation between the Soviet Union and Germany. It also provides an arena for possible friction. It has already done so, and I should have thought that even our myopic Foreign Office would have rejoiced at the opportunity, but instead of that we send our protest in circumstances of this kind. We have not yet come to any settlement over the Baltic shipping. While we are negotiating and Russia is protesting against taking ships, another Department grabs more ships. Does that suggest itself to the House as indicating any intelligent, integrated, central direction of the war? Is not there something really wrong when Departments can behave independently and take major decisions of policy at a time like this? Is the War Cabinet considering these matters? It seems to me we are doing our best to give every affront we can to the Soviet Union at a time when I believe that changes in Germany's policy must come more and more into conflict with the Soviet Union. Therefore, we ought to have some change. It is time that Lord Halifax was removed from the Foreign Office. I do not know to what extent the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has any influence over policy, but he has

1303
been in the Foreign Office a long time, and although he makes very agreeable speeches in this House his policies have not been as good as his speeches.
Sir Joseph Nall: The hon. Member complained of policies over the last 10 years, but neither of them has been there 10 years.
Mr. Bevan: I agree they have not been there for 10 years, but they were appointed by the people who have been in control for 10 years. They belong to the same school. Then there is the position at Tangiers. We have been appeasing Spain for months past. The right hon. Member for Chelsea (Sir Samuel Hoare) is in Spain as our Ambassador—why, I do not know. Why he was selected I cannot tell. All that time Spain has been in a condition of active non-belligerency, the last stage before hostilities. Now, without a "by your leave," and having allowed large Spanish forces to gather at Tangiers quite improperly, the Spanish commander has dissolved the international control authority and declared himself governor. That may not be of itself very important, though I think it is. I am not going to argue the strategical advantages that may grow out of it, but what state of mind does that indicate? What is the state of mind of Spain? It shows that the nation is being prepared to collaborate with the Axis Powers whenever it suits its strategical interests to do so. It seems to me that our Government has got no compass. The Government has not disclosed to the House or the nation any developing theme. It is impossible to see what are the active principles of its foreign policy. When the right hon. Gentleman complains that we do not divide our friends from our enemies, it is because we have not got a principle of division. It is because we have not made up our minds where to go. For months we have been asking that there should be a declaration of war aims. What future picture of Europe are we putting in the minds of Europe? How can you conduct a diplomatic offensive, inspire the people in this House or assemble your friends in Europe, unless you tell them what you are going to do, what they are being asked to fight for and to make sacrifices for?
Captain Plugge: That means, to let them know.
Mr. Bevan: Exactly, it is a part of the whole system. What right have we to ask a German miner, or a French miner, or an agricultural worker in Spain, to risk losing his life merely to restore the old Europe? We have no right to do it. I dare say that drawing up war aims is a complicated and difficult task, because we have to reconcile so many divergent views, but nevertheless it must be done if we are to have an offensive spirit in this country, and it must be done not only to rally Europe to us but to rally our own people. There is no use in saying that people can stand this sordid bombardment day by day and night by night unless they are provided with deep and inexhaustible foundations of moral inspiration, and they have not got them when they are merely called upon to suffer in this way in order—
It being the hour appointed for the interruption of Business, the Motion for the Adjournment of the House lapsed, without Question put.
Question again proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Mr. Boulton.]
Mr. Bevan: I was almost concluding, and I apologise to the House for speaking for so long. I implore the right hon. Gentleman to settle down to his task and to provide something for us quickly. There is plenty of energy and idealism in this country; they should be harnessed. There are numbers of men who never took any interest in politics before and whose views were somewhat orthodox, who are now convinced that we cannot get back to the old world. They are convinced that the future has to be different and much better. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to give us the blue prints of it and to give us something tangible. If he does so, he will have a response which will astonish him. I believe that behind the offensive, and the military strategy of which the right hon. Gentleman has talked, we must have a deeper and wider social purpose. You must give the people of Europe some idea of the sort of Europe to which we are wading and fighting, and if necessary for which we are bleeding. If you give them the vision, I am sure that you will get the response.
Commander King-Hall: In the very few minutes during which I venture to detain the House I will try to follow up the points just made by the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. A. Bevan). The probability is, in my judgment, that, in the not distant future, we may be faced with a so-called peace offensive on the part of the enemy. I am desirous of saying a few words on this subject because I want to impress upon this House and upon the Government, so far as I am able to do so, the importance of the fact that this business of total war includes very much more than the mere use of brute force.
It is often said that in war your object is to impose your will upon that of the enemy, but in total war, as I see it, this process of imposition is composed of two parts. There is the assault on the enemy's body in order to persuade the enemy, if I may so put it, that it would be more comfortable for him to adopt one's own point of view of what is right than to persist in his own grievous errors. There is also the part which consists in appealing to the enemy's mind by means of persuasion. If Herr Hitler has understood one thing, so far as I am able to judge by a study of his campaigns, it is that total war is much more comprehensive than the use of brute force upon men's bodies. Many people in this country and in this House remember that, in the last great war, the greatest military problem that confronted the armies on both sides was probably that which was illustrated during 1916 and 1017. It was how one could obtain bombardment in sufficient depth to break down the enemy's defence, or to make a gap through which you could break. In order to achieve that result, both sides for many weary months burled thousands of tons of projectiles at defences which were rarely more than 10 or 15 miles in depth, and they did not succeed in breaking through.
In order to overcome this problem, we invented the tank, but unfortunately we used it only in penny numbers. I believe that Herr Hitler, or somebody who has been advising him, has had the intelligence to solve this problem of the breakthrough, and the manner in which they have done it is by carrying out a bombardment in the psychological field. They were able to bombard right back into the Cabinet of Paris, far beyond the Maginot
1306
Line or any defence that any army could put up. They were able to go right back, in the case of France, to the very heart of the country. I believe that historians may describe the actual advance of the German armies into Northern France as merely a "mopping-up" expedition to exploit a situation which had already been created by this bombardment in depth on the psychological plane.
There are two points that we must bear in mind in trying to get the war plan of grand strategy for which by hon. Friend asks and of which I believe the people of this country are feeling the lack. There is this question of the battle of the bodies entailing the use of the ordinary armed Services in order to bring to bear on the enemy pressure of a physical character, and there is the problem of the battle of the brains, as I call it. The whole art of total war is the correct co-ordination and fitting together of those two operations. I want to ask the Government whether they are satisfied—because I am not—that sufficient attention is being paid to the question of the strategy of the battle of brains. It is a part of the whole conflict which we shall ignore only at our peril. What depresses me is that when I look for the outward signs of the instruments which have to be used on this side of our warmaking effort, I do not see many of them. I believe it was in the first speech which I had the honour to make in this House that I asked that the chief man on the side of the battle of the brains should sit on the Chief of Staffs Committee. At present the Chief of Staffs Committee is composed of people responsible for the battle of the bodies. There should be a fourth man concerned with the psychological side of the question. I am not going to attempt to describe what I think should be the strategy of the battle of the brains. My hon. Friend who has just sat down has dealt with it in outline. I would like to say, however, that the great advantage of the strategy of the battle of the brains is that you do not have to keep quiet about it. In the case of the strategy of the battle of bodies it is very difficult to discuss in public whether or not it is advisable to take this or that island. If you get the correct strategy in the battle of the brains, nine times out of ten you should give it the greatest publicity you possibly can.

1307
In conclusion, I would like to receive from the Government an assurance that the importance of this matter is not being neglected and that we have got ready the right reply and the right counter-offensive to what I think will be a very dangerous attack on the psychological plane by our enemies if we are not prepared to meet it with a correct and sharp counter-atack.
Mr. Sexton: I would like to refer to the Prime Minister's speech. The dictators in this total war have not hesitated to attack civilians. The latest attack is on the trend of civilisation and even on the trend of democracy itself in Europe. I noted the Prime Minister's remark that we must be careful of our commitments because they are conditioned by our capacity to fulfil them. There is a further point which needs to be emphasised, and that is the dissipation of our Forces. We have had two lamentable examples of that in Norway and Dakar, when our forces were dissipated and nothing came as a result of our efforts. I am sure that the Government must have been forewarned by those two lamentable expeditions before they gave their pledge to help Greece all they could. But now that we have undertaken this pledge to help Greece, we must show that we mean it. Italy must not prevail in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea. We must endeavour as far as we can to put a sprag in the wheel of that State.
Then I wonder sometimes—the Prime Minister did not mention it in his speech, perhaps it was not the occasion—whether the question of diplomacy is properly thought out by the Government. Diplomacy to me is one of the strongest arms that the country can possess. We all know the old proverb, "Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war," and another which can he made from it: "Diplomacy hath its defeats no less renowned than war." As has been said in this House to-day, nearly all along the line our diplomacy has suffered defeat. I am not going to cover the ground so ably covered by my hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. A. Bevan), but I sometimes wonder why it is that during the last few years there have been nothing but rebuffs for Russia whereas for the Fascists and the Nazis there have been appeasements. I was just wondering whether the Government are going to take up in earnest the question of the relation-
1308
ships between the Russian Government and this country, besides the question of Turkey, so briefly mentioned by the Prime Minister in the reference that he made to "our gallant ally, Turkey." To Turkey and to Russia the entry of Greece into this war is of fundamental importance, and if our diplomats played their cards aright and the Government backed them up, I see no reason why we should not have the good will of both Russia and Turkey. More than their good will: we may be able to get from both these countries some very valuable assistance.
The Prime Minister in his speech also mentioned the Home Guard and our land forces. I have something to say about the Home Guard and about their equipment. I live in the wilds of Durham, amongst the hills, fells and moors, mists and fogs, and our Home Guard up there have been going out in their own clothes. They are being trained to attack over very difficult country, which means for them an expense that they cannot afford. There are hopes that they will be provided with greatcoats and capes later on this Winter and that boots will be provided. I am also hoping that some machine guns will be given to them, because we have in the Home Guard all over the country men who proved themselves experts in machine gunnery in the last war and who could now, if they were equipped with the weapons, give valuable assistance to the Home Guard. I have a second complaint about the training of the Home Guard. In some parts there is too much "spit and polish" and not sufficient advanced work; too much of the old "forming fours," though I believe it is "forming threes" now. There is too much of what I would call static work and not sufficient active work. The Home Guard all up and down the country are asking to be shown some of the new phases of modern warfare, and that ought to be done.
A third point in regard to the Home Guard. I have a complaint in my Division that there is competition between an industrial guard set up by a company and which is serving the company's interest and the Home Guard which is to me the more valuable of the two. If there is to be conflict and friction between these private armies protecting private interests and the Home Guard who are protecting the interests of all, it seems to me to be a very sorry state of

1309
affairs. I have already notified the War Office about this friction, and I hope that something will be done, because members of the Home Guard in that area are resigning as a result of this trouble.
Commander King-Hall: When the hon. Member speaks of industrial guards, does he mean that they are not Home Guards, but members of private bodies?
Mr. Sexton: They are not Home Guards, but bodies of men organised by the proprietors of the industrial concerns to guard their premises, and there is trouble between them and the Home Guards.
I should like to speak about what is to happen after the war. My hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale and others have stressed the importance of this. What prospect are we to hold out to people in France, Belgium, Holland, Denmark and Norway? Is it to be the same future as was given to men in this country after the last war—20 years of misery and unemployment? There are people, including, I am afraid, some hon. Members of this House, who
1310
believe that this war is a sort of hiatus between pre-war and post-war. If this war is not fought as a definite step towards the perfection of democracy, it is being fought in vain. We hear about total war. Look at Durham County, look at South Wales, and the unemployment that exists. Our men in those districts where there is unemployment and underemployment are eating out their hearts, because they cannot take part in this so-called total war. All these people are prepared to do far more than they are being asked to do, and they are grumbling because they are not allowed to. We have, in Durham and South Wales, men who are working two days a week, and thousands of others who are not working at all, many of them hardened and determined men, who could be used in various parts of the country. There are men who could tunnel; and not only that, because our miners have brains as well. You could train them in various ways, and it is the duty of the Government to take them away from unemployment and give them a real part in this war.
Question, "That this House do now adjourn," put, and agreed to.

AFFORESTATION (REPLANTING).
  AFFORESTATION (REPLANTING).
  AFFORESTATION (REPLANTING).
BRITISH ARMY.
  HOME GUARD.
  HOME GUARD.
  FIELD RANK (PROMOTION).
  FIELD RANK (PROMOTION).
  RIFLE CLUBS (AMMUNITION).
  RIFLE CLUBS (AMMUNITION).
  OFFICERS (RESERVE).
  OFFICERS (RESERVE).
  DISCHARGES.
  DISCHARGES.
  PRE-1900 PENSIONS.
  PRE-1900 PENSIONS.
  BILLETING (MEALS)
  BILLETING (MEALS)
  MILITARY BANDS (LONDON).
  MILITARY BANDS (LONDON).
  OFFICERS' OUTFIT ALLOWANCE.
  OFFICERS' OUTFIT ALLOWANCE.
  LAND DISTURBANCE (CLAIMS).
  LAND DISTURBANCE (CLAIMS).
  BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR.
  BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR.
  ARMED FORCES, INDIA (TELEGRAMS).
  ARMED FORCES, INDIA (TELEGRAMS).
SCOTLAND.
  FISHING INDUSTRY (BURNTISLAND).
  FISHING INDUSTRY (BURNTISLAND).
  OLD AGE PENSIONS.
  OLD AGE PENSIONS.
  REHOUSING (CLYDE AREA).
  REHOUSING (CLYDE AREA).
  EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICE (CIRCULAR).
  EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICE (CIRCULAR).
TRANSPORT.
  PRIVATE MOTOR CARS (PETROL RATIONING).
  PRIVATE MOTOR CARS (PETROL RATIONING).
  ROAD PASSENGER SERVICES.
  ROAD PASSENGER SERVICES.
  RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.
  RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.
  UNDERGROUND RAILWAY, LONDON.
  UNDERGROUND RAILWAY, LONDON.
  FACILITIES, SWANSEA.
  FACILITIES, SWANSEA.
RUMANIA.
  BRITISH LOANS.
  BRITISH LOANS.
  ARMAMENTS (BRITISH EXPORTS).
  ARMAMENTS (BRITISH EXPORTS).
  BRITISH SHIPPING.
  BRITISH SHIPPING.
CIVIL DEFENCE.
  PUBLIC SHELTERS.
  PUBLIC SHELTERS.
  INTERNEES.
  INTERNEES.
  EVACUATION.
  EVACUATION.
  CIVILIAN DOCTORS (INSTRUCTION).
  CIVILIAN DOCTORS (INSTRUCTION).
  EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICES.
  EMERGENCY MEDICAL SERVICES.
  AIR RAID CASUALTIES.
  AIR RAID CASUALTIES.
  DOMESTIC SHELTERS.
  DOMESTIC SHELTERS.
  GALLANTRY (RECOGNITION).
  GALLANTRY (RECOGNITION).
  DECONTAMINATION FACILITIES (RHONDDA).
  DECONTAMINATION FACILITIES (RHONDDA).
NATIONAL FINANCE.
  SAVINGS (UNASCERTAINED COMMITMENTS).
  SAVINGS (UNASCERTAINED COMMITMENTS).
  PURCHASE TAX.
  PURCHASE TAX.
  AIR-RAID DAMAGE (COMPENSATION).
  AIR-RAID DAMAGE (COMPENSATION).
NATIONAL WAR EFFORT.
  WORKERS (EMERGENCY RESTRICTIONS).
  WORKERS (EMERGENCY RESTRICTIONS).
  ALUMINIUM.
  ALUMINIUM.
  MINEWORKERS, COUNTY DURHAM (TRANSFERS).
  MINEWORKERS, COUNTY DURHAM (TRANSFERS).
  EMPLOYMENT EXCHANGE, DAGENHAM.
  EMPLOYMENT EXCHANGE, DAGENHAM.
MILITARY SERVICE.
  PHYSICAL FITNESS STANDARD.
  PHYSICAL FITNESS STANDARD.
  EXEMPTIONS.
  EXEMPTIONS.
  EMPLOYMENT, LEICESTER.
  EMPLOYMENT, LEICESTER.
  PUBLIC ASSISTANCE.
  PUBLIC ASSISTANCE.
FOOD SUPPLIES.
  RATIONING.
  RATIONING.
  MILK (PRICE
  MILK (PRICE
ROYAL AIR FORCE.
  DISCHARGES.
  DISCHARGES.
  AIR RAID WARNINGS (CONTROL).
  AIR RAID WARNINGS (CONTROL).
  SHIPPING (PROTECTIVE MEASURES).
  SHIPPING (PROTECTIVE MEASURES).
  FURNITURE (STORAGE).
  FURNITURE (STORAGE).
  HOUSING (ADVANCES ON MORTGAGE).
  HOUSING (ADVANCES ON MORTGAGE).
  DAMAGED PROPERTY (SALVAGED MATERIALS).
  DAMAGED PROPERTY (SALVAGED MATERIALS).
  WAR DAMAGE (RENT AND MORTGAGE PAYMENTS).
  WAR DAMAGE (RENT AND MORTGAGE PAYMENTS).
  CONTRACTS (WAR CONDITIONS).
  CONTRACTS (WAR CONDITIONS).
  TREACHERY ACT.
  TREACHERY ACT.
  ROYAL NAVY (DISCHARGES).
  ROYAL NAVY (DISCHARGES).
  BROADCASTING (EUROPEAN SERVICES).
  BROADCASTING (EUROPEAN SERVICES).
AGRICULTURE.
  PIG CLUB MOVEMENT.
  PIG CLUB MOVEMENT.
  VEGETABLES.
  VEGETABLES.
  DUTCH EAST INDIES (OIL SUPPLIES, JAPAN).
  DUTCH EAST INDIES (OIL SUPPLIES, JAPAN).
  JUGO-SLAVIA (GERMAN TRADE AGREEMENT).
  JUGO-SLAVIA (GERMAN TRADE AGREEMENT).
EDUCATION.
  TEACHERS (CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS).
  TEACHERS (CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS).
  SCHOOL ATTENDANCE (LONDON).
  SCHOOL ATTENDANCE (LONDON).
  GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS (WAR OFFICE).
  GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS (WAR OFFICE).
  ESPARTO PAPER MILLS (EMPLOYMENT).
  ESPARTO PAPER MILLS (EMPLOYMENT).
  GIBRALTAR (EVACUEES).
  GIBRALTAR (EVACUEES).
Preamble
The House met, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.

WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION AND BENEFIT (BYSSINOSIS) BILL. [H.L.]
THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDERSECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA AND BURMA (THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE): My Lords, I beg leave to introduce a Bill to provide for payment of compensation or disablement benefit in the case of male workmen who have died from, or become totally and permanently incapacitated for work as a result of, the respiratory disease known as byssinosis and for purposes connected with the matters aforesaid; and to move that it be now read a first time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1ª.—(The Duke of Devonshire.)
On Question, Bill read 1ª, and to be printed.

SUNDAY ENTERTAINMENTS ACT, 1932:
BOROUGH OF CHELTENHAM ORDER.
BOROUGH OF STAFFORD ORDER.
URBAN DISTRICT OF SALTBURN AND MARSKE-BY-THE-SEA ORDER.
RURAL DISTRICT OF ETON (PARISH
OF IVER) ORDER.
THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE: My Lords, I beg to move that the Orders made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department under the Sunday Entertainments Act, 1932, and laid before the House on the 16th of October last, be approved.
Moved, That the Orders made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department under the Sunday Entertainments Act, 1932, and laid before the House on the 16th of October last, be approved.—(The Duke of Devonshire.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

PROLONGATION OF PARLIAMENT BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT SIMON): My Lords, I move the Second Reading of this Bill. As your Lordships see, the enacting words of the Bill cover only three lines of print. That is an illustration of how large a matter may be contained in a very limited space. The operation of the Bill both constitutionally and practically is, of course, of the greatest importance. Constitutionally there can hardly be a more remarkable proof of the legislative omnipotence of Parliament than that it should be able by ordinary process of law to extend the period of its own life and to provide that members of the House of Commons, who are elected at most for five years, should continue as Members of Parliament in a Parliament which may last for six years. That has been done before, notably in the case of the Septennial Act in the early days of George I. The Septennial Act, as your Lordships recall, was passed in a Parliament which itself was constituted to have a maximum life of three years. It is, I believe, one of our real advantages, owing to the fact that we have no formal written Constitution, that in a time of emergency such a result can be achieved by the ordinary processes of legislation. I recall that Professor Dicey describes the Septennial Act as "at once the result and a standing proof of Parliamentary sovereignty."
Practically speaking, if I may turn to that aspect for one moment, the need for the present enactment must be manifest to us all, and I do not anticipate that any objection will be raised to it in any quarter. Our friends in the United States are indulging at this moment in the carrying through of a hotly-contested Presidential Election in their own country, but everybody will realise how in this country, when the thoughts and energies of every one of us are continually occupied in a struggle upon which depends the future of British freedom, we cannot afford to exhaust curselves in the domestic strife of a General Election. And yet, unless this Bill is passed, a General Election would inevitably be upon us in a few weeks for, as matters stand at this moment, the maximum life of the present Parliament must come to an end on
578
November 25. We propose, therefore, to follow the precedent of the last war, when the life of the then existing Parliament was first extended by one year by the Act of 1916. I should perhaps add that the successive Acts carried during the last war for the purpose of prolonging the life of the then Parliament, dealt also with the question of the registration of electors. I should point out that that is unnecessary in the present case as these matters have been already dealt with separately by the Local Elections and Registration of Electors (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1939. It is, I think, desirable to keep these subjects separate and the explanation why we do not provide for the difficulties of a new register in the present Bill will be plain from what I have said.
Finally, I must repeat the statement which was made on behalf of the Government in another place when this Bill was being considered. I am able to inform your Lordships, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, that when a General Election becomes practicable—which I think we shall agree cannot possibly be until the close of the present war and probably some time after—it is the intention to give sufficient notice for the creation of a new register, and the interval which must elapse before the then expiring Parliament comes to a close will also afford an opportunity for Parliament to consider if it so desires questions connected with changes in our electoral system. That declaration, which was carefully framed with the authority of the Cabinet, is designed to make plain that these questions are left open for further consideration, if need be. That justifies the simplicity of the present Bill, which does nothing more than enact, as your Lordships see, that in place of the maximum life of the present Parliament being five years, as it would be under the terms of the Parliament Act, six years is substituted for five. I beg to move that this Bill be now read a second time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2ª.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, I know there is not a disposition in any quarter to question the necessity of this Bill and I will make only one or two observations in connection with it. It is obviously necessary now that this Bill should be passed because, on account of the diffi-

579
culties of registration and other difficulties connected with the enormous displacement of population, it would be a practical impossibility to hold an Election just now, apart from the reasons connected with the war itself and the necessity for the non-diversion of our mental and physical energies from war ends. At the same time I would like to put a note of interrogation at the end of one sentence used by the noble and learned Viscount. I gathered that he said he did not think it would be possible to hold an Election at all until the close of the war. We none of us know how long the war will go on, and I do not think we should accept the proposition that it would not be possible to hold an Election during the war. It may be necessary to do so. We must not forget that we are fighting for the maintenance of democratic institutions, and therefore we do not necessarily agree that they must be put into cold storage during the time of the conference. Nevertheless I agree that in existing circumstances we should accept this Bill.
VISCOUNT SAMUEL: My Lords, I feel sure that all your Lordships will agree that the country would not wish to contemplate a General Election at the present time. Therefore your Lordships will be very ready to pass this Bill which has already passed the other House. There is no great issue for the country now to determine. Our political unity on the one question that commands the attention of all of us and of Europe and of the world is happily solid and complete. That is our strength. We see in France the results of a lack of such unity and it is the underlying disagreement within the public opinion of Germany and of Italy, although now concealed, which will ultimately develop and which will probably decide the fortunes of the war. Therefore if there were to be an Election held now there would be no real issue before the people and in all probability there would have to be an agreement between the Parties as now prevails at by-elections to avoid contests. The consequence of that would be that a General Election would have to return practically the same House of Commons as now. There would, however, be this difference, that the same old Parliament would be given the status of a new one, and the present artificial conditions would have their effect during a period of perhaps four or five years.
580
That would not really be to strengthen the control of the people over Parliament, but in effect would be detrimental to it.
If, on the other hand, there were to be contests in a number of constituencies, then candidates fighting against one another for the support of the electorate would be bound to emphasize and perhaps exaggerate differences, probably on subordinate and ephemeral questions, and the new Parliament, so far as it was elected by contests, would be elected on those secondary issues. That might perhaps result in a House of Commons being elected which would not reflect the permanent desires of the electorate. Furthermore, such contests, if they took place, could not but have an effect upon the cohesion of the Government which consists of men of various Parties; and it would be difficult for them to continue sitting side by side in Cabinet or inter-departmental conferences while their political followers were fighting for their electoral lives, particularly now that the present Prime Minister has accepted the chairmanship of one of the great Parliamentary Parties—a decision which I am bound to say that in present circumstances I regret.
There are also the minor considerations which have been incidentally mentioned by the noble Lord who has just spoken and by the noble and learned Viscount on the Woolsack—that large parts of the population are away from their ordinary homes, that there is no recent register and that there are difficulties with regard to the black-out and political meetings which would greatly detract from the effectiveness of any General Election. Those, however, are only minor considerations; the main one is that to which I have previously referred. It leads to the clear conclusion that the Election should be postponed and that this Bill should be passed. But let us remember that this is a very grave matter, and ought not to be dealt with by Parliament in any light-hearted spirit or as though it were a mere matter of routine. Probably no other Constitution in the world could permit such a procedure; and it is, as the noble and learned Lord Chancellor has said, one of the great advantages of the absence of a written Constitution that our forms are elastic and that we are able to meet the clear exigencies of a situation such as this without any extra-constitutional action such as would be needed in some other countries. It should be realised and

581
placed on record, however, that Parliament passes this Bill only because of the clear necessity for it and because there is substantial agreement on the matter both in Parliament and in the country.
I notice that the Home Secretary, in introducing this Bill in another place, said that the life of this Parliament would be continued until November 25, 1941. A leading ex-Minister, speaking in another House, said in effect that if this Bill were passed there would be no possibility of a General Election for the duration of the Act. That, of course, is not so; this Bill permits this Parliament to continue for another year, but does not require it to be so continued. There may be a Dissolution within the year and, if the war should end, if the collapse in Germany should occur earlier than now seems probable, certainly a General Election might be required within the twelve months and would obviously be fully legal.
When it does come, certain contingencies have to be envisaged to which reference has been made by the noble and learned Viscount on the Woolsack. There have been two discussions in this House of recent years, both of them initiated by my noble friend Lord Rea, one on May 4, 1938, and the other on March 12 of this year, in which we debated questions of electoral reform and of redistribution in connection with a General Election. Now, redistribution has not been mentioned to-day, but it is a very important matter in this connection. The last distribution of seats was twenty-two years ago, in 1918. Since then, there have been great changes in the distribution of the population, and the noble Lord, Lord Jessel, who took part in those debates to which I have referred, mentioned several striking instances. In one constituency there are now 168,000 electors who elect one Member, and in other constituencies there are over 100,000. What is to happen with regard to that before the General Election takes place?
The noble and learned Viscount, in introducing this Bill, has stated the proposals of the Government. They would be to allow an interval to elapse after the end of the war and before the General Election took place, in which a new register would be drawn up and furthermore, apparently, matters of electoral reform considered. I did not hear the word "redistribution" used, though it
582
is of great importance in this issue; but I Was glad to note that the Lord Chancellor's statement of the proposals of the Government differed somewhat from that made by the Home Secretary and was of a more definite character. That of the Home Secretary was extremely guarded. I think that I shall be in order in quoting it, because it was in the nature of a Ministerial statement. He said:
"No one can foresee what circumstances will arise, but in normal conditions it will be the desire of His Majesty's Government, when a General Election again becomes practicable, to give sufficient notice for the creation of a new register, and this interval would also afford an opportunity for the House to consider, if it so desired, questions connected with changes of our electoral system."
The Lord Chancellor, I was glad to see, was much more specific; he used the word "intention" instead of "desire," and omitted the qualifying words. I think we can take it, therefore, that when the war is over there will in fact be an interval during which questions of electoral reform can be considered, and presumably also questions of redistribution. Your Lordship's House has taken, if I may say so, a more progressive view on the question of electoral reform than the other House, and has frequently passed proposals which would be acceptable to those who sit on these Benches, but which have not yet become law. The Liberal Party, I think I may say, would certainly be prepared to participate now in any conference of Parties in order to endeavour to achieve agreement on these matters before the war ends and another General Election takes place; but, if the other Parties are not prepared to do so, obviously no such steps can be taken.
I would, in conclusion, emphasize the great need for an adequate interval after the war and before the General Election takes place in which these matters may be considered, and which will give the nation time to collect itself and to reflect upon broad political issues. We ought not to repeat the scandal of 1918, when a General Election took place three weeks after the Armistice and when a Parliament was elected under the stress of emotion and excitement which sat for four years, leading to some unhappy results and ending in a period of confusion which resulted in three General Elections being held in three successive years—1922, 1923 and 1924. I trust, therefore, that an interval for reflection will be allowed to the people when

583
the war is over and before they are called upon to choose a Parliament which will have to deal with matters of fundamental and lasting importance, perhaps over a period of several years.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR: My Lords, I will just add one or two words at the end of the debate, first to say that, as I had expected, I am happy to find there is no difference of opinion that the Bill should be passed. I am glad my noble friend who has just made so effective a speech did not convict me of the error of saying that this Bill necessarily carried on the life of this Parliament to a particular date next year. We none of us know how long we shall live, whether individuals or institutions, and of course there always remains the Prerogative power to dissolve Parliament. The effect of this and of similar Bills is merely to enact that the maximum life which Parliament can live shall be that laid down in the Statute.
I must be careful to make it plain that I had no intention in my remarks of departing at all from the declaration which was made on behalf of the Government in another place, and I do not think I did so. We will see how the record comes out. The language that was used in another place and which was quoted by my noble friend Lord Samuel was that "when a General Election again becomes practicable" it was "the desire"—I may have said "the intention"; I will say both the intention and the desire of His Majesty's Government
"to give sufficient notice for the creation of a new register, and this interval would also afford an opportunity for Parliament to consider, if it so desired, questions connected with changes of our electoral system."
I must not be understood of course to offer on behalf of the Government any further assurance than that.
What we all have to do now is to make provision for the present emergency. It may be, as the noble Lord, Lord Addison, said, that circumstances will so change during the war as to make the inexpediency or the possibility of a General Election something different from what the situation now is—I do not know. I do not wish to affirm either that it will be or that it will not be so, and it is for that very reason that the Government do not propose to extend the maximum life of
584
the present Parliament by more than twelve months. Let us see what that twelve months bring forth and we shall then be in a better position hereafter to determine what is the proper course to pursue. Well, finding as I do that your Lordships are of one mind as to the carriage of this Bill, I will put the Question. I do not propose to invite the House to take the Committee stage upon it, and the final steps in the measure will not be undertaken until to-morrow.
On Question, Bill read 2ª; Committee negatived.

THE WAR SITUATION.
LORD ADDISON LORD ADDISON had the following Notice on the Paper: To ask His Majesty's Government whether they have any statement to make on foreign affairs; and to move for Papers. The noble Lord said: My Lords, I beg to ask the noble Viscount the question which stands in my name.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (VISCOUNT HALIFAX): My Lords, I am, as usual, grateful to the noble Lord for the opportunity which he has given me to make a short statement on some of the recent developments in the international situation. In a war of this nature there is scarcely any limit to the topics that Parliament might usefully on such an occasion as this review; but were I to attempt to cover that ground completely I should obviously make too great a draft upon the patience of your Lordships. I therefore propose to restrict myself to what I conceive to be the two principal matters that at this time are predominant in your Lordship's minds, and those two matters are the particular features at the present moment of the war in the air and on the sea, and in the second place the situation in the Balkans that has arisen out of the Italian attack on Greece.
With regard to the first, your Lordships have had the opportunity in the course of the last day or two of observing in the Press certain figures of the enemy's air losses in the last twelve weeks, and I think that even a layman can say without undue presumption that a loss of 2,433 bombers and fighters in aircraft and something over 6,000 in personnel in those weeks must certainly have given to those directing the air effort of Germany

585
rather bitter food for thought. And, of course, added to those losses that are proved must also be the unknown figures of aircraft which never reach their bases on return, though they are not actually seen to fail by our defending forces. And no doubt, further, there must be large numbers of aircraft which crash on return, either because of damage received or by reason of adverse weather conditions. The picture thus presented does, I think, give ground for solid encouragement, and daily, certainly, we pile up a greater debt of gratitude to all those, from the Air Staff through all ranks of the Air Force to aircraftmen, who are giving their energies and often their lives to defend this country.
Foiled in the air, the enemy has recently redoubled his efforts to starve us into surrender by cutting off our seaborne supplies, and there, too, he has failed. With the heavier burdens thrown on us after the collapse of France, the Royal Navy and the Mercantile Marine have none the less been able to keep going the steady stream of supplies from overseas which means so much to us, and I doubt whether all our history shows any finer example of dogged courage and persistence. Our losses have of late been heavy, but not more than we can bear, and with the advent and the bringing into active operation of the United States destroyers, and with our own new construction now being completed, our Services may look forward to some easement of that strain.
LORD STRABOLGI: Is the noble Viscount referring to new construction of warships or merchant ships, or both?
VISCOUNT HALIFAX: I was referring mainly to the new construction of warships—anti-submarine construction—but, of course, the other is also relevant.
I now turn to say something in the more specific region of foreign affairs. Your Lordships may remember that when I last spoke in this House on the subject of Greece I described the Greek Government and the Greek people as being firmly determined to defend their hard-won independence and integrity should Italy pass from threats to a violation of their territory, and I went on to state that His Majesty's Government stood by the guarantee given to Greece in April, 1939, at the time of Italy's rape of Albania. The Italian Government have now added to their record of cowardly aggression on
586
small States, and, as we all know, on October 28, at three o'clock in the morning, the Italian Minister at Athens delivered to the Greek Prime Minister an ultimatum demanding the consent of the Greek Government to the occupation of unspecified strategic points by six o'clock that morning. The ultimatum, of course, as might be expected, contained a number of quite demonstrably baseless charges against the Greek Government. Your Lordships may have noticed that, after reading these charges, General Metaxas inquired what were the strategic points which the Italians wished to occupy, and when the Italian Minister answered that he did not know, General Metaxas did not hesitate to reply that he considered the demand, and the manner in which it was made, constituted a declaration of war. I really doubt whether cynicism could any further go—the Italian Minister ignorant of the strategic points that he was supposedly instructed to demand‡
Half an hour before the expiry of the time-limit, the Italians opened hostilities on the Albanian border, and shortly afterwards proceeded to bomb the airport of Athens and the port of Patras. There can only be one feeling of the warmest admiration both for the manner in which General Metaxas contemptuously rejected the Italian ultimatum and for the spirited defence of the Greek armed forces. The task of this country in the discharge of obligations assumed in partnership with France, when France is no longer there to play her part, is obviously made more difficult, but I need hardly say that it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to do all in their power to assist Greece in defending herself against this unwarranted aggression by her rapacious neighbour. Measures to this end have already been taken and other measures are in hand. Your Lordships will not, I think, expect me to be more precise. It will, perhaps, suffice to say that we make the cause of Greece our own.
These events, of course, have not been without direct influence on, as they have been a direct cause of increased difficulty for, other nations, Greece's neighbours. The position in Yugoslavia, sufficiently difficult since the defection of France, has been rendered yet more delicate as the result of this latest Italian move. Geographically, Yugoslavia lies mid-way between Germany and Italy, and I doubt

587
not that both these countries are attempting to take the fullest advantage of this situation. The Yugoslav people and Government have been resolute in the face of Italian and German pressure, and they are only too well aware, I fancy, of the ambitious ideas that these neighbours of theirs may cherish; but we are confident that they will reject, as they have hitherto rejected, any demands from Germany or Italy which are incompatible with Yugoslav sovereignty. They have before their eyes the example of the fate of Rumania which provides, perhaps, the most characteristic example in this war of the fate that attends a country which fails to show a firm front to German menaces and to detect the hollowness of German promises.
Rumania may well now be regretting that she did not show greater determination and courage in the face of realities. What, I wonder, has it profited her to throw herself, as she has done, into the arms of Germany? She has lost great slices of her national territory, and now she is being nakedly exploited by Germany for Germany's own ends. Already morally occupied by Germany, she is in the highway to becoming physically occupied by Germany as well. Your Lordships will have seen that, in anticipation of such physical occupation, arrangements were made for those members of the British colony in Rumania, who wished to do so, to leave the country. For the present His Majesty's Minister and a reduced staff are remaining at Bucharest with the object of protecting the remaining British subjects and British interests. The attitude of Bulgaria has, of course, an importance of its own. His Majesty's Government fully appreciate the difficulties of her situation, and they welcome the assurances given by His Majesty the King of the Bulgarians at the opening of the Bulgarian Parliament on October 29, in which he asserted the readiness of all Bulgarians to defend their independence.
As your Lordships would have naturally expected, we have been in close consultation with the Turkish Government regarding the situation that has arisen, and the attitude of that Government was stated with great clarity and great resolution by the President of Turkey in his speech at the opening of the Turkish Parliament three or four days ago.
588
Thanks to the wise and far-sighted policy of the Turkish Government, Turkey constitutes a very solid barrier against aggression, and I do not doubt that your Lordships will fully share the confidence of her President in the ability of the Turkish Army to carry out any tasks that may fall to it to perform. For myself, I would take this opportunity of endorsing and repeating, on the part of His Majesty's Government, the words used by the President when he said that the bonds of alliance which unite our two countries are solid and unbreakable. We have, on this side, the same faith in Turkey as we believe Turkey has in us.
The relations of His Majesty's Government with Egypt and with the Egyptian Government are, I am glad to say, close and cordial, as is indeed only natural in view of the Treaty of Alliance, which the Egyptian Government are implementing both in the letter and in the spirit with great good will. I have no doubt that Italy thought that her entry into the war would be a sign to Egypt that she was preparing to carry out the promises to the Arabs made by the Axis Powers. After all, we must never forget that Signor Mussolini is the self-styled Protector of Islam, and the German propaganda service only recently issued a statement of the deep sympathy Germany feels with the cause of Arab independence and said that her partner, Italy, was in full accord with these generous emotions. But I do not think that either the Egyptians or the Arabs in general have such short memories and I do not think that they are likely to forget the Italian behaviour in Libya, in Albania or in Abyssinia.
It was perhaps an unfortunate coincidence of events that the German statement of deep sympathy with the Arab cause was immediately followed, if not accompanied, by the bombing of Bahrein and Saudi-Arabian territory, and I do not think the Arab world will have been blind to the significance of that. Signor Mussolini had indeed promised that Egyptians had nothing to fear during the whole month of Ramadan, but that promise was almost immediately broken by the dropping of bombs near Cairo, and therefore I do not think that it is likely that the promises made by these Powers will hold any great attractions for Egypt or for Arab States. Egypt remains contented,

589
prosperous and independent, and to that prosperity we have ourselves made a powerful contribution by guaranteeing a market for the entire cotton crop of 1940.
As your Lordships will have observed, the Secretary of State for War has been paying a personal visit to Egypt in order to be able to assure both His Majesty's Government and the Egyptian Government that nothing that is humanly possible is left undone, first, to maintain the security of Egypt, the Suez Canal, and the Sudan; and, secondly, as opportunity offers, to engage and strike at the Italian forces on the frontiers of those lands. I am glad to say that my right honourable friend has expressed great satisfaction with all he has seen there. Sir Hubert Huddleston, the new Governor-General of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, has arrived in Khartoum. He is no stranger, as your Lordships know, to that country, which he knows well, and where he spent many years in active command of the Sudan Defence Force. I have no doubt that his return as Governor-General is warmly welcomed by the Sudanese, whose military forces, your Lordships will have been glad but not surprised to see, have been distinguishing themselves in some very useful encounters against greatly superior Italian strength.
I perhaps might mention that we have recently welcomed in London the Prime Minister and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium, who, after many vicissitudes and much wandering, have succeeded in reaching this country, in joining their colleagues here, and in formally transferring the seat of the Belgian Government to the United Kingdom. The Belgian Minister of Finance, immediately on their arrival, once more in a broadcast address reaffirmed the determination of the Belgian Government to continue with the United Kingdom the struggle against Germany with all the resources at their command. I trust that the arrival of the Prime Minister and the Minister for Foreign Affairs will lead to the fullest organisation of free Belgians everywhere in resistance to our common enemy.
Lastly I must say a word or two about the position in France. Herr Hitler has prosecuted and is prosecuting his design of attempting to disintegrate the whole life and future of the French nation, and
590
I think it is in that light that we must look upon his recent meeting and conversation with Marshal Pétain. We are not, indeed, fully informed of what has passed between Marshal Pétain and Herr Hitler, and it would no doubt be well to suspend judgment until we know what return France is asked to make for such concessions as may have been offered by the Germans. The Armistice terms were cruel enough. The Germans have, since that time, gone far beyond them, and Herr Hitler has once again shown that his word is not any very secure foundation on which to build a policy. We realise to the full the difficulties of Marshal Pétain's position. No doubt he hoped by entering the path of collaboration that the load of suffering of France might, in the near future, be eased, that the lot of the French prisoners in Germany might be improved, that the burden of occupation expenses might be lessened, and that the line of demarcation between the two parts of France might be made more flexible.
Whatever he may have hoped, or may hope, to gain for France, we cannot believe that a Government headed by a man of honour like Marshal Pétain would commit France to a course which would be a stab in the back of her former Ally. We, on our side, have repeatedly rejected all suggestions from the enemy for an agreement with us at the expense of France. Is it too much to hope that those who direct French policy may see more and more clearly, as German plans are unfolded, that in the end the cause of French survival is the same as ours, and that any action that would have the effect of aggravating our difficulties, and which, of course, we should have to meet with whatever counter action circumstances might demand, must also directly deny that which must be the prayer of every loyal Frenchman that he may see France restored to her former state and greatness?
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, I am sure everyone of us will welcome this opportunity of hearing the review just made by the Foreign Secretary. It illustrates in a very striking way the ever-changing aspects of this great contest. It is only a short time since we had a brief Recess—two or three weeks or less ago—and then at our reassembly a number of matters came up, some of them of great

591
and critical importance, which, by most of us at any rate, had been more or less unforeseen. Now, after a further short interval, we have, not perhaps unforeseen but entirely new developments brought before us, and who knows what will come next?
It is not in my province to traverse the many matters mentioned by the noble Viscount, but I will make some observations on two or three. He first mentioned, I am sure with the agreement of us all, the remarkable results—results which will have an enduring influence, possibly, on history—of the exploits of our airmen. He paid a high tribute to what we owe to them, and the results of the Blitzkrieg, so far as the air is concerned, since August 8, in this country, speak for themselves. But on that I would like to ask the noble Viscount if he is going to make any use of this significant and remarkable achievement. I believe that it may well be—we all recognise that it may well be—the deciding battle of the war. It may have given Great Britain that opportunity for the assembly and mobilising of all her resources, aided by supplies from across the Atlantic, which will determine the issue of the war. More than once I have exhorted the noble Viscount to good work in spreading abroad such encouraging news as can be spread. I know very well that he is not in a position to state publicly what steps, if any, he takes to give effect to those exhortations, but I will repeat them. I cannot imagine anything which, if it were brought home to the oppressed millions in Czechoslovakia, France, Holland, Belgium and other countries, would give them more hope and more encouragement and stiffen their backs a bit, than the news of the results of these air battles over our own shores. I hope that the most energetic and relentless steps are being taken and will continue to be taken to encourage these oppressed peoples by a full knowledge of what has happened.
I have nothing to say as to the very accurate description which the noble Viscount gave of Mussolini's action in attacking Greece. "Here," Mussolini thought, "is somebody weak and a fit object for my valour"—just as he thought France was when she was beaten down. It is entirely characteristic of the man, and
592
every one of us rejoices that the Greeks are putting up a good fight. They must be facing tremendous odds and one can only hope that British help so far as it can be afforded will rapidly be given. It is not for me to make suggestions affecting matters of strategy, but at the same time there are obvious advantages presented to our Naval and Air Forces by the entry of Greece into the war—advantages very manifest and perhaps exceedingly valuable, perhaps having a determining influence upon the character of the war in the Eastern Mediterranean. Naturally the noble Viscount did not tell us what His Majesty's Government are proposing to do and I would not ask him. All I can say is that we shall all be profoundly disappointed if effective and swift action, so far as it can be, is not taken. We know that whatever is done must be conditioned by what we can do, and it is that deplorable deficiency in supplies to which some of us have referred time after time in this House and elsewhere that I am afraid is the determining factor as to what we can do with regard to the air. Therefore it is of first-rate importance that reinforcement of our supplies shall be pushed forward in every way as rapidly as possible.
Now may I say just a word on a subject which is delicate but upon which some of us have misgivings—that is, the highest direction of our Admiralty effort? It is so very important in view of the situation in the Mediterranean that that should be of the very best. We have not yet had a proper explanation of what happened over the loss of the ship "Glorious" and we have had the loss of the "Empress of Britain" under very disconcerting circumstances quite recently. Then there was the slip through of the ships to Dakar. Somehow or other these things do not make us feel at all comfortable. Added to that, of course, we have had the terrible sinkings of the last two or three weeks. I know that we must take account of the acquisition of French ports on the Bay of Biscay and of other advantages which the enemy have reaped by their successes in France and perhaps the reinforcement of their U-boat resources by Italian boats. We all hope and pray that very soon, as has happened before more than once, this wave of sinkings will diminish, but I confess I feel a little uncomfortable—I will not put it higher than that—and I believe

593
many people in the country feel uncomfortable about these happenings. The Dakar business has not been explained at all and I do hope that the Government will be no respecters of persons in securing that there is the most efficient direction possible for this vital Service.
I would like also to make one or two comments on another subject arising out of the very interesting and illuminating review which the noble Viscount has given to us. It reflects to some extent on his own Department, but what I say is said, as he knows, with complete good will and only with an anxiety that we should keep in our minds things that are vital to success. The noble Viscount did not mention Russia in his statement. I do not think I have any more liking for the mode of government in Russia than has anyone else here, but that has nothing to do with it and it has nothing to do with him. Perhaps he did not mention Russia because he had nothing new to say. That would be a very good reason. I am sure that Sir Stafford Cripps has a very difficult job. In times past we have been guilty of serious neglect of our opportunities for cultivating better relations with this great and vial State. One cannot forget the folly of the Munich episode. All that I would say is that, although I recognise that it was not material in the review which we had been given to discuss the efforts which are being made—I am sure that they are being made—to improve our relations with Russia in every possible way, I would remind the Foreign Secretary that many of us are exceedingly anxious that there should be a more active and alert diplomacy on behalf of Great Britain in respect of this matter than has often been the case in the past.
Somehow or other, in matters of diplomacy the "other fellows" seem always to take the initiative. I do not see why they should. I do not quite know why it has been so difficult for His Majesty's Government to be better informed as to what is happening at Vichy. Ribbentrop and Hitler keep running about and having much advertised interviews. I would not suggest that the British Foreign Secretary should imitate their example in that respect; but, without going so far as that, I should like to see a great deal more enterprise in our diplomacy. I do not want us always to seem to wait upon these "other fellows,"
594
which we certainly seem to be doing at Vichy—waiting to find out what they are up to. That is a feature which unfortunately, I am afraid, characterises our diplomatic efforts fairly extensively; it is not limited to our relative helplessness at Vichy and to our blunders in Moscow. I wonder what efforts we made in Rumania. We seem to have taken the position there lying down. I do not know whether we have, but nothing has been said to lead us to suppose anything to the contrary.
What applies to our diplomacy and representation there applies also else-where, and certainly in Japan. I am not quite sure whether our diplomatic representation is quite in keeping with the necessities of the time. I am not going to indulge in any cheap criticism, but I am judging by results. It is often said that the standard of diplomats which Britain maintains is entirely worthy to be compared, so far as sartorial and other elegances are concerned, with, let us say, the period of the Regency; but I am not quite sure whether the standard of efficiency of our diplomatists, particularly in some of the Balkan countries, has been maintained and improved as it ought to have been. I do not myself think that it has. Just as we expect other Departments—the War Office, the Air Ministry and the Admiralty—to see to it that their staffs are the best possible, regardless of all other considerations, so I should like to ask the Foreign Secretary to review his staff and his diplomatic representatives in the different countries. They certainly have not served us with outstanding success in the last year or two, and I cannot help thinking that perhaps a little new blood might be useful.
Take what is, I believe, the distinguished success of Lord Lothian in the United States. We all felt confident when he was appointed that he would be a great success, and we owe a great debt of gratitude to the noble Viscount opposite for appointing him. His success is due to the fact that he was not so much of the stock pattern. I think that in existing circumstances, if we had confined our diplomatic representation in Washington to what may be described as the stock pattern, we should not have been as well served. That affords an excellent illustration of the necessity of bringing new minds and new methods into this important service. I have men-

595
tioned this subject more than once before. I regard these questions of propaganda, of the presentation of our case, and of the continual review of staffs, whether Service staffs or diplomatic staffs, as of first-rate importance. I am sure that the noble Viscount will not misinterpret these reflections. They are made with one purpose and with one thought only: to enable us to prosecute the war with greater efficiency, and therefore more quickly to bring it to a successful end. I beg to move for Papers.
LORD MOTTISTONE: My Lords, there is only one point to which I would venture to draw your attention. While thanking the noble Viscount for the very clear statement which he has made, I hope that perhaps before we leave this debate he will emphasize one aspect of it. All of us—certainly all of us on these Benches, and I am sure that I may say in all quarters of the House—rejoiced to hear the promise made by the Foreign Secretary to give effective aid to Greece in her struggle to maintain her independence against the unprovoked attack of Italy. He mentioned that there would be naval support and we have read in the Press of military support by the landing of our troops in Greek territory. What must be present in the minds of all of us, however, is that in the case of every country which has been overrun since this war began, it is the attack from the air, and especially the failure of the country overrun to be able to respond by counter air attack, which has been the primary cause of the downfall. I am sure that His Majesty's Government fully appreciate this, but I speak, I Know, the minds not only of your Lordships in this House but of the people outside when I express the hope that His Majesty's Government will give all possible support in the air to the Greek people in their struggle, by whatever methods.
I would not for a moment ask the noble Viscount, even if he were able to do so, to give details of any kind, but I know that the people of this country would never forgive any Government which did not rush to the aid of Greece by every means in their power, not out of romantic attachment for this small people but because of the feeling that we have been too late on other occasions, often not through our own fault. I am sure that we shall
596
not be too late this time. I hope, therefore, that the noble Viscount, when he comes to reply, can say that without imprudence, but taking all risks, as we know that the Royal Air Force and the Fleet Air Arm are anxious and ready to do, they will give the Greeks all the support that they can in the air. If he can do so we shall indeed be grateful, and I think it will be good for our cause.
LORD NOEL-BUXTON: My Lords, while thanking the noble Viscount for his most interesting statement, I desire to make a suggestion in regard to the much-discussed question of a somewhat fuller declaration of the aims that we have in view in the war. The Prime Minister, replying lately to a question in another place, said that the time has not yet come. I want to suggest that it should not be far off. We must agree with the Prime Minister that the rebuilding of the world depends on the degree to which it proves to have been destroyed. But the broad outline of the principle for which we are fighting cannot await the final victory. Victory itself would be hastened if the ideals that we have in view are clearly seen. The German people at large are moved by a strange enthusiasm, largely due to the fact that they have been given a very clear vision of some aim which, whether noble or ignoble, is clear; and we ought to cultivate an enthusiasm on our side for which we have far greater and sounder material. No one is more fitted than the Foreign Secretary himself to put our ideals in a noble form.
The German aim was lately defined by the German Minister Funk in a very crude but rather telling way. He sketched the economic domination that Germany would establish. He promised that the peculiar German methods of trade, which have been unfortunately successful in the Balkans, will be a great feature of the German economic régime. The German currency, he said, was to dominate all others, free foreign exchange was to become a thing of the past—he denounced it up hill and down dale—and labour was to be distributed by force so as to suit German convenience. Well, such a plan, however odious it looks to us, has attractions for a very large and influential class of people who, as directors of policy, would no doubt benefit by employment

597
under the German régime—leaders of industry in very large numbers—and it is attractive also to those masses who are impoverished under the present system, as also to all the enemies of Communism. Therefore it surely needs a more clear-cut alternative associated with our side.
It is not enough to praise liberty to very large classes who may think that they should be more prosperous than they are under democratic rule. We should be able to pass, if our outline of policy is clear, to the offensive in propaganda, not only in the Allied countries, but in the hostile countries themselves. Could we not base our programme, not of course in detail but in broader outline, on the general principles of the free association of nations, especially of the nations of Europe? It is not enough to fob off public feeling by statements as to the appropriate moment, expressed by a member of the Government lately in language which did not make a very happy impression when he said that "the appropriate moment is the moment which is appropriate." The Prime Minister very finely said, "The right to guide the course of history is the noblest prize of victory." Therefore surely we should conclude that the world ought to know what general use we shall make of victory when the time comes. Let us give an impression of knowing clearly what we want and so develop to the full the power to obtain victory at the earliest moment.
VISCOUNT HALIFAX: My Lords, perhaps I may in two or three sentences answer one or two of the observations that have been made, and if I differ from them I do not differ in any controversial spirit. First of all, the noble Lord who followed me, Lord Addison, was, I think, perhaps unwittingly, less than just to those of our diplomatic representatives who represent His Majesty in the Balkan countries, and who have been doing so in circumstances of extreme difficulty. I can assure him, of course, that none of them—and indeed no diplomatic representative—would be at their posts unless His Majesty's Government, and I, I suppose, primarily, thought that they were fit for the responsibilities that rest upon them. And therefore, if any complaint was ever to be made against them, it is to me, and as against me, that the complaint should be addressed, rather than by a general disparagement of a body of men who are
598
doing their duty, as I have said, under circumstances of extreme difficulty.
But I would also add this. The noble Lord has spoken on more than one occasion of what he terms—I am not sure whether these are his words, but what he sees as firm diplomacy. With all respect, I would remind him that when the world is in a state of war, and when people and Governments and countries in difficulty are only immediately concerned to look at what is to be their early fate, as measured by tanks and aeroplanes and instruments of force, your diplomacy in words may be as firm as it likes, but unless you can satisfy them on the points of their immediate anxiety we cannot always achieve the result merely by what the noble Lord would call firm diplomacy.
The noble Lord, Lord Mottistone, expressed the general feeling in the House in what he said about Greece, and I have no hesitation at all in repeating to him and to the House that it is the determination of His Majesty's Government to give to the Greeks all support in their power, and that we are fully alive to the fact that in that support the air probably holds a position of predominant importance.
The noble Lord who spoke last, Lord Noel-Buxton, renewed a plea that he has made on other occasions in this House for a more precise statement of the war aims of His Majesty's Government. With a great deal that he said I am sure every member of His Majesty's Government would be able to find himself in agreement. Especially do I recognise the importance of what he said as to the desirability of being able to set up for the consideration of Europe and the world, to say nothing of our own people, a picture alternative to that picture that Hitler and those who work for him have sketched as to the future. It is not necessary, I hope, to assure him that His Majesty's Government are greatly preoccupied with the consideration of these matters. He would, I think, be not unwilling to leave to His Majesty's Government the responsibility for deciding what is the appropriate time at which to make such a statement as he has in mind. Obviously it must depend on a good many considerations, but on the main issue as to the importance of bringing these matters to effective consideration there is no difference between him and His Majesty's Government.
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, there were two points I mentioned to which I had hoped the noble Viscount would refer. Perhaps it is not too late for him to do so. One is the question regarding propaganda in occupied countries, and the other whether he can tell us anything with respect to our relations with Russia. If he has nothing to say I shall be content.
VISCOUNT HALIFAX: My Lords, I apologise to the noble Lord. These points were in my mind, but they slipped out of it. With regard to Russia, he correctly interpreted my thought in what he said that the omission of any reference to questions concerning Russia in my speech was merely because I had done my best to deal with them on a recent occasion, and, as I said at the beginning of my speech, one cannot cover the whole field. I do not think there is anything I can usefully add. The Ambassador in Moscow is, as always, using his best efforts—and, I hope, feeling that his efforts are being supported by His Majesty's Government—with the object of removing any misunderstandings that may exist between us and the Soviet Government, and so building foundations for the avoidance of such misunderstandings in future. In that work we shall certainly do our best to proceed.
With regard to the matter of propaganda, there the noble Lord is entirely preaching to the converted. I can assure him that I am as fully alive as he is to the great importance of getting a true knowledge of facts on which ultimate judgment as to the future issues of the war can best be founded to all those people in the occupied territories all over Europe. He is perfectly right in feeling that nothing could be more encouraging to that spirit of resistance, which is one of the principal influences on oar side in this struggle, than such a knowledge truly brought. However, I shall have pleasure in passing on what he has said to the Department primarily concerned with this work, and I can assure him that in that respect at least a full measure of regard will be had to what he has advised.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.

UNEMPLOYMENT IN NORTHERN IRELAND.
LORD DAVIES LORD DAVIES rose to draw attention to the high incidence of unemployment in
600
Northern Ireland and to urge His Majesty's Government to take immediate steps to alleviate the position by the establishment of factories for the production of war material; and to move for Papers. The noble Lord said: My Lords, I beg to move the Motion standing in my name. I have put this Motion on the Paper in order to draw attention to the abnormal incidence of unemployment in Northern Ireland. I regret that this matter has not been brought to your Lordship's attention by some member of your Lordship's House who is more familiar than I am with the conditions in that part of the country, but I make no apology for doing so because the figures of unemployment which I shall give are so alarming and distressing that no one can help being impressed with the urgency and seriousness of the matter.
Everyone is agreed, I am sure, that unemployment, not only in Ireland but everywhere else, is a curse. It is the greatest blot on our economic system or, as some people prefer to call it, our capitalist system. I maintain that every person has a right to work, and, if his services cannot be absorbed by private enterprise, it is the duty of the State to find employment for him on some work of public utility rather than allow him to become dependent on the "dole." I imagine that most of your Lordships will find yourselves in agreement with this general principle. It is, however, a principle which has been consistently ignored and flouted by the Governments of this country during the last twenty years. Not one of them has seriously applied this principle to the question of unemployment.
I ventured to point out in this House a few months before the outbreak of war that, whereas the number of unemployed in this country was at that time 1,300,000, there were practically no unemployed at all in Germany. I urged the noble Lord opposite to utilise the services of our unemployed in strengthening our national defences and in increasing the output of munitions in anticipation of the struggle which was then so rapidly approaching. It is bad enough that there should be unemployment in peace-time, but it is nothing short of a public scandal that it should exist in time of war, when the services of every man and woman should be mobilised in defence of the country and when it is the right and privilege of

601
everyone to participate in our war effort. It is true that since the outbreak of war the unemployment figures in this country have fallen from 1400,000 to 867,000, but with all the talent at the disposal of the Government the problem has not yet been solved. There are still nearly 900,000 persons on the unemployment register. This is the position after twelve months of war, the most stupendous struggle the world has ever witnessed, when we are fighting for our very existence. There are still not far short—only 100,000 short—of a million persons who cannot find a job of work at a moment when there are so many urgent jobs to be done.
Now we come to the position in Northern Ireland. There, the percentage of unemployed for July was 22.2 per cent, compared with 5·7 per cent. for the United Kingdom. The latest returns available are those for the month of August and the comparative figures are: Great Britain, 5·4 per cent.; Northern Ireland, 20.9 per cent. I regret to say that the next highest figure is that of Wales, which is 10.3 per cent. What it means is that out of every 100 insured persons in Northern Ireland twenty-one are unemployed, and the percentage of unemployment there is four times as great as it is in Great Britain. May I give your Lordships another comparison? Unemployment throughout the country fell from 1,326,000 in July, 1939, to 898,600 in July, 1940, a decrease of 427,000. The figures for Northern Ireland, however, during the same period actually increased from 69,700 to 71,400. I am sure your Lordships will agree that this is a most unsatisfactory and tragic state of affairs.
The responsibility lies with the Government here. The Government in Northern Ireland are helpless in the matter. However willing and anxious the latter may be to play their part in our war effort, they have neither the resources nor the powers to establish more industries and munition factories. The question we have to ask ourselves is how this waste of man-power can be best utilised to promote our war effort. That, I venture to suggest, is for the Government of this country to decide. How many, for instance, of those unemployed persons are fit for service in the Army? Why is it that conscription has not been applied to Northern Ireland as it has to the United Kingdom? What steps
602
have been taken by the Minister of Supply, in collaboration with the Minister of Labour in Northern Ireland, to establish war industries there? It may be objected, of course, that Ireland is not a particularly safe place in which to plant war industries, but I would remind the Government that up to now Ulster and the adjoining counties have been practically immune from air raids. As the crow flies I believe the distance from Belfast to the nearest point in enemy occupied territory is about 400 miles. The distance from the French coast to Coventry, for example, is only 200 miles. Consequently it would appear that the risk from bombing attacks is far less in Northern Ireland than in some of the industrial centres of this country.
In conclusion, I may also point out that this is not the first time that attention has been drawn to this matter. It has been repeatedly raised in another place. As far back as February questions were asked and vague promises made by the Minister of Supply that some action would be taken to terminate unemployment in Northern Ireland, but so far, with the exception of placing a few Government contracts, nothing appears to have been done. It seems to be another example of drift. The Government cannot plead that they do not possess the powers to remedy this unfortunate state of affairs. What they apparently lack is the will do it. May I therefore appeal to the Government to deal with this urgent matter at the earliest possible moment? After all, the loyal people of Ulster are entitled to play their part in winning this war. We are responsible for the defence of their country, and we are also responsible for giving them an opportunity of pulling their weight and of utilising their services to the best advantage. I beg to move.
VISCOUNT SAMUEL: My Lords, I should like, in a few words, to associate myself with the observations that have fallen from my noble friend, who has, I believe, rendered a good service in bringing this matter to the attention of the House. The domestic concerns of Northern Ireland are of course the province of the Northern Ireland Government, but it is no derogation of their status or authority for this matter to be raised here, first because Imperial defence throughout the whole of the United Kingdom is a matter for the Imperial Government, and.

603
secondly, because all industry throughout the United Kingdom is at present very largely controlled by the Imperial Government. Since our war effort is totalitarian and the distribution of industries in Northern Ireland and elsewhere is so closely affected by the decision of His Majesty's Government, I trust that the noble Lord, whom we welcome in his present position, will be able to make a reassuring statement on the matters to which my noble friend has drawn attention.
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, I should like formally to associate myself with what the noble Viscount, Lord Samuel, has said and to join him in welcoming the noble Lord opposite.
THE JOINT PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY OF THE MINISTRY OF SUPPLY (LORD PORTAL): My Lords, in answer to my noble friend opposite, I would like to take the part of his Motion which I consider is the most important—namely, to urge His Majesty's Government to take immediate steps to alleviate the position of unemployment by the establishment of factories. The Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Supply in another place—as perhaps your Lordships realise there are two Parliamentary Secretaries of the Ministry of Supply—held a conference on August 29 with a deputation of officials from the Northern Ireland Government who stressed the points raised by the noble Lord opposite in his speech. His Majesty's Government are anxious to make the maximum possible use of the man-power and resources of Northern Ireland. The whole question has been under review, and, in addition to the appointment to Northern Ireland of a representative of Gun and Carriage Production, senior members of other Production Departments of the Ministry of Supply have been despatched to Northern Ireland to discuss on the spot the possibility of increased orders being placed there.
I am glad to say that these visits are already showing definite results. I am sure the noble Lord would agree with me that the best method for taking immediate steps to alleviate unemployment is to place large orders with those firms who are able to take them. The noble Lord
604
will realise that in questions of unemployment, if you want to solve them quickly, the matter of importance for the time being is to give out fresh orders rather than to build new factories which takes a long time. The noble Lord will also realise that if one wanted to help his country to reduce unemployment one is able to get that done much more quickly on the lines I have indicated than by proceeding along the line of starting right away on a long-term policy. Representatives of the Clothing and Textile Departments of the Ministry of Supply who have just returned from Northern Ireland have succeeded in reaching agreement on a scheme for making up soldier's clothing and equipment which should provide employment immediately for approximately 8,000 workers. This about doubles the work placed with the textile industry in Northern Ireland for Army supplies, and should result in a substantial easing of the unemployment problem. Moreover, by these measures continuous employment is being provided involving none of the difficulties which arise from the transference of labour.
A point which I hope your Lordships will observe is that this is a first result of these representatives going over to Ireland. The three main engineering firms in Northern Ireland are already heavily loaded with orders and two smaller firms have been given orders. With regard to those sections of the textile industry more directly affected by the supply of flax, very little relief can be hoped for in the spinning section until the supplies of flax are increased. The linen industry in Northern Ireland has acquired world-wide fame in our export markets, and it is essential that the supplies of flax should be increased, as by doing so we are helping to maintain a most important and basic industry in Northern Ireland. I am sure noble Lords will realise what the flax industry and the linen industry mean to Northern Ireland. As noble Lords probably know, the employment ratio in those sections of the textile industry which use flax is a high one. That is a point which I would like your Lordships to bear in mind when discussing this question because you will realise that it is better if you can to get people to work in the trade to which they are accustomed. It is better to get coal miners back into the mines than into any other occupation.

605
We have specially in mind that the employment ratio in the flax industry is a high one and we have arranged to double the acreage under flax next year. I hope that we shall be able further to increase the acreage in other years. I am not really a farmer, nor am I really an industrialist—I am probably a cross between the two—but I have tried, with the aid of my officials, to get a figure relating the increased acreage under flax to increased employment. I think the figure of extra acreage should give an increase in employment of about 12,000 or 13,000 people. The question of growing flax in Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom should be seriously considered as part of our post-war policy. As regards weaving, arrangements have already been made for 6,000 looms to be changed over to the weaving of cotton. One would have liked to have gone into the question of munitions and shipbuilding in greater detail, but the noble Lord will understand that it is difficult to do this in open discussion. I shall be only too pleased to give the noble Lord further information if he will come and see me. In conclusion, I would like to say that His Majesty's Government have this question of unemployment in Northern Ireland very much before them, as they realise the unswerving and unstinted support they are giving in their war effort.
LORD DAVIES: My Lords, before I ask leave to withdraw my Motion, may I thank my noble friend opposite for his reply, and perhaps I may be allowed to congratulate him on the first speech he has delivered to us since he was appointed to his present important position in the Ministry of Supply. I must confess, however, that I am not entirely satisfied with all that he has said. I am sure we are all glad to know there is to be a considerable increase in orders given in Northern Ireland, but the noble Lord did not answer the question as to what extent it might be possible to adapt existing factories so that they should be able to turn out munitions and other supplies which are needed especially by the fighting services. Another point I would like to make is that the erection of factories would de-
606
crease unemployment to some extent, even though it might be some time before the factories came into production. The fact that this part of the country apparently does not suffer from air raids to the same extent as other parts would suggest that it is a place where some of our war industries could be expanded. A further point I would like to put to my noble friend is that we ought to know why conscription is not being applied to Northern Ireland in the same way as to other parts of the country. Of course, I cannot expect him to answer that question, but I should be grateful if he would bring the point to the attention of his colleagues in the hope that they may be willing to reconsider the decision which I think was taken some time ago on this matter.
LORD PORTAL: My Lords, I think that perhaps I did not make it plain to my noble friend, when I was speaking about factories, that the whole question has been under review since a deputation came over from Northern Ireland at the end of August. Certain members of the Production Department who have been over to Northern Ireland are now coming back to report. The extra orders to which I referred were given the day before yesterday, and I am very thankful that they were given before I had to reply to my noble friend.
LORD DAVIES: My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his reply and I beg leave to withdraw my Motion.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.
HORSHAM GAS ORDER, 1940.
SITTINGBOURNE DISTRICT GAS
ORDER, 1940.
Report from the Special Orders Committee, That no Petitions have been presented praying to be heard against the Special Orders, and that there is nothing in these Orders to which they think it necessary to call the attention of the House: Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.
House adjourned.

NATIONAL EXPENDITURE
Message from the Commons for leave for the Lord Reith to attend to be examined as a witness before the Sub-Committee on Supply Services of the Select Committee appointed by that House on National Expenditure. Leave given for his Lordship to attend if he think fit; and a Message ordered to be sent to the Commons to acquaint them therewith.

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA (ADAPTA- TION OF ACTS OF PARLIAMENT) (AMENDMENT) (No. 2) ORDER, 1940.
Report from the India and Burma Orders Committee, That they have examined the Draft Order as required by the Standing Orders of the House; that in their opinion the Order raises important questions of policy and principle; that the Order is founded on precedent; that in the opinion of the Committee the Order can be passed by the House without special attention, and that no further inquiry is necessary before the House proceeds to a decision on the Resolution to approve the said Order:
Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

SUNDAY ENTERTAINMENTS ACT, 1932.
Orders made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, extending Section I of the Act to the—

County Borough of Northampton;

City of Lincoln;

City of Sheffield;

Urban District of Beaconsfield;

Urban District of Hornsea;

Urban District of Paignton;

Urban District of Rayleigh (Ward of Rayleigh);

Rural District of Eton (Parish of Gerrard's Cross);

Rural District of Welwyn:

Laid before the House (pursuant to Act) for affirmative Resolution and ordered to lie on the Table.