Sitting of 13 May 1940

HIS MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT

  WAR CABINET
  Prime Minister and Minister of Defence—Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill, C.H., M.P.
  Lord President of the Council—Rt. Hon. Neville Chamberlain, M.P.
  Lord Privy Seal—Rt. Hon. C. R. Attlee, M.P.
  Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—Rt. Hon. Viscount Halifax, K.G., G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E., T.D.
  Minister without Portfolio—Rt. Hon. Arthur Greenwood, M.P.
  11th May, 1940.
  The House—summoned by Mr. Speaker in pursuance of the Resolution of 30 th November—met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. Speaker in the Chair.

NEW MEMBER SWORN.
Sir John Francis Ashley Erskine, G.C.I.E., commonly called Lord Erskine, for the Borough of Brighton.
ORAL ANSWER TO QUESTION.

  ENEMY PARACHUTE TROOPS.
  Mr. Henderson Stewart(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for War whether, in order to meet the imminent danger of enemy parachute landings in this country and avoid displacing regular troops, he will consider the immediate formation of a voluntary corps composed of older, responsible men to be armed with rifles and Bren guns and trained for instant action in their own localities, in case of raids?
  The Secretary of State for War (Mr. Eden): This matter has been receiving urgent attention in the light of recent events, and I hope to make an announcement on the subject at a very early date.
  Mr. Stewart: Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that the public demand for the step suggested is both widespread and insistent, and that a large number of older men not now engaged in national service are eager to offer themselves for this work?
  Mr. Eden: I think that that question is answered by what I have said already.
  Sir Percy Harris: Will the right hon. Gentleman, in considering this matter, look into a precedent of the last war, when a voluntary force was organised something on these lines?
  Mr. Eden: I am aware of the precedent.
  Brigadier-General Sir Henry Croft: Is my right hon. Friend aware that, throughout the country, in the quieter areas, are large numbers of firemen who are ex-service men and who will be very willing—from what I have understood in the last four or five days—that various sections of them should be armed and organised for this purpose?
  Commander Sir Archibald Southby: Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that, in the British Legion throughout the country, is the nucleus of this force, already organised?
  Hon. Members: No.
  Mr. Thorne: Let us arm everybody. Let us all have arms?
  Mr. Stephen: Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that his supporters in this House do not seem to think that he has the capacity for the job?

HIS MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT.
2.54 p.m.
The Prime Minister (Mr. Churchill): I beg to move,
"That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
On Friday evening last I received His Majesty's Commission to form a new Administration. It was the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition. I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Opposition Liberals, the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other positions, key positions, were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-morrow. The appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that, when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the administration will be complete in all respects.
I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet to-day. Mr. Speaker agreed, and took the necessary steps, in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings to-day, the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until Tuesday, 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Motion which stands in my name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government.
To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in
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itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon. Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length to-day. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make allowance, all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this Government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat."
We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
3.1 p.m.
Mr. Lees-Smith: I have been asked by my colleagues on this occasion to follow the Prime Minister because it is fitting that there should be a response to the striking, stirring and noble words which he has addressed to the nation. I have also been asked to do so in order to say immediately that, of course, we support this Motion. May I say as a result of one observation which the Prime Minister made, that we give our most sin-

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cere good wishes to the new Ministers in a task and a burden which are as heavy as have ever been imposed upon any group of statesmen in the course of our history.
I think I should state to the House in a few words why we have adopted the policy, the change of policy, that has been shown in the last few days. On Tuesday of last week we initiated a Debate for the purpose of expressing the opinion that the more vigorous conduct of the war required a reconstruction of the Government. Last Wednesday morning, after the first day's Debate, we decided, as a result of the nature of that Debate, that on that night we would test the view of the House as to whether they agreed with our opinion. As a result of that Debate the reconstruction of the Government was begun, and when we were asked whether we would accept our responsibility in taking a share in that reconstruction we decided that it is not by shirking responsibility that we shall defeat Hitler.
Perhaps I may say to the House that the Labour Party has rather an elaborate constitution, and it has been laid down that matters such as these shall be decided by a Party conference consisting of hundreds of delegates elected from all over the country. As I heard the Lord Privy Seal tell that conference this morning, the Executive of the Labour Party felt that this was no time for dithering; they therefore took the responsibility of making the decision and decided to ask for the ratification of the Conference when it met. By good fortune the Conference met this morning at Bournemouth, and when I left the Lord Privy Seal was addressing it. Perhaps the House might be interested to know that the decision of the National Executive has been ratified at Bournemouth by a majority of 2,400,000 to 170,000, the minority being smaller than that at any by-election which has been fought since the beginning of the war. If I may say so, I have a little more time than the Prime Minister, and so I have been able to put some reflections together. That appears to me to be a supreme example of national unity.
I am reminded of a conversation which I had five years ago with a representative from Germany. When Hitler first came into power he sent to this country two or three of his friends who were very closely
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in touch with him to have a talk with British politicians. I had an interview with one of them, and I remember that in this conversation he said to me, "If there is a war with Germany what attitude will Labour adopt?" I said to him, "You will find that there will be more complete unity than in any war in which this country has ever engaged, and Labour will support the nation 100 per cent." I remember that when I said that to him he threw up his hands and said: "Don't you see that that unity which you have already secured in this country is that which the Fuhrer is imposing on us in Germany?"
That is what is meant by the war for liberty. We have had unity by discussion, persuasion, good will and good sense, instead of unity by the concentration camp, the rubber truncheon and the executioner's block. The Prime Minister uttered a profound statement when he suggested that if Hitler wins this war he will impose that type of unity upon us by methods more dreadful than he employs in Poland, Czecho-Slovakia and in Germany itself. As I believe the Lord President of the Council suggested in his broadcast, if Hitler imagined for a moment that the Debate and the Division last week showed any signs of lack of unity, let him contemplate what has happened in the last few days. I cannot imagine that at any period of our lives any of us has ever experienced or passed through days more dramatic than those since the House adjourned. In that time the tremendous moment of the war has come. The first death struggle has begun. While this has been going on we have established a new War Cabinet, and, as the Prime Minister said, with new Defence Ministers all at their posts, between Wednesday and Saturday night, within three days. I do not believe that there is any other form of government which could have carried through so great a change so smoothly and in so short a space of time. It convinces me that our form of Parliamentary government is the most civilised in peace and is the most formidable weapon of control in war.
There is one other reflection which I would like to make. For many years I have been compelled to read Herr Hitler deriding and despising our Parliamentary government as decadent. Now

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we can give him the reply. The Nazi system has been in existence for about seven years, and when, like our Parliamentary system, it has weathered the storms for about 700 years, we can begin to argue which, when the great test comes, will have the bigger staying power.
3.11 p.m.
Sir Percy Harris: I rise, on behalf of my hon. Friends, to express our confidence in and to give our support to, the new Government. The Prime Minister has two qualities which are essential to win the war:vigour and imagination. The Government and the nation are going to prove to the world that a democracy can, more effectively than its enemies, wage a totalitarian war. We are convinced that a free Parliament, instead of being a source of weakness, is a source of strength, and provides that safety valve for the free expression of opinion which enables the Government more effectively to carry out its great duties. The Nazis will learn that it is dangerous to drive criticism underground. The presence of our Leader in the Government gives the Liberal party in the House, and in the county, a special confidence in it.
We cannot fight a war on ordinary party lines, but the House of Commons has still great duties to perform. It has still to ventilate grievances arising out of the war, and, where necessary, to provide constructive criticism. Last week we had effective proof of the power of the House of Commons, and the future will prove that it can use that power with discretion and wisdom. The former Prime Minister, now the Lord President of the Council, set a splendid example, in the best Parliamentary traditions, by regular attendance and by periodic statements on the progress of the war. The new Prime Minister is essentially a House of Commons man, and I hope he will maintain that tradition, even though it means a heavy burden and great responsibility. National unity—and, I take it, the new Government is a symbol of national unity—will not only encourage our own people and the Dominions beyond the seas, but will be a stimulus to our Allies in their gallant effort to preserve their liberties. Norway, Holland, Belgium, and Poland are laid waste by the invaders. Our people are ready to endure any sacrifice in order to
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destroy this danger to civilisation and to secure the ultimate victory of a righteous cause.
3.15 p.m.
Mr. Spens: As one who voted in favour of the late Prime Minister on Wednesday last and one who since the outbreak of the war has resolutely supported the late Government in its efforts, I want to be one of the first to welcome the new Government. The line I have taken since the outbreak of the war has been this: I believe it is absolutely essential for the Executive in power, of whatever complexion it be, if the war is to be won, to have the maximum support of the people of this country. I believe that what happened last Wednesday night merely brought to a conclusion an episode which some of us had foreseen from the very beginning of the war. Where you have big parties, with great strength in the country, opposing the Executive in the conduct of a war, it is impossible for the Executive to get from the country the full war effort which is necessary if the war is to be won. I do not complain of that; it is one of the things we are fighting for, that everyone should be able to express his own opinion. Opinions have been very freely expressed during the last six or seven months in this country, and, not once or twice, but on many occasions, the Executive has been very seriously embarrassed by the expression of opinion in this country on the conduct of the war. That phase in the conduct of the war has come to an end, and I thank Heaven that it has.
I am absolutely certain that if this war is to be won, we must have a coalition of all the main bodies of pro-war opinion in this country. Without it, we shall never get the full effort from the people of this country. Under this new Government, that is what we who are determined that this war shall be won expect from all who are supporters of the new Government. Of course, following the splendid example which our leader, the Lord President of the Council, set us and everyone in the country in his broadcast, I assure my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister and all his colleagues that, whatever we on the back benches on this side of the House can do, by supporting them, to help in winning the war, we intend to do. Blood or tears or toil or labour, we shall give most gladly. I have the

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greatest pleasure on this occasion in supporting the Motion before the House, the object of which is to defeat the enemy, whom we are all determined to defeat.
3.19 p.m.
Mr. Maxton: I rise to oppose the Motion, because it conflicts with every political belief that I have ever held, and because it conflicts with the principles upon which I was elected to this House of Commons. I do not approve of the reconstructed Government. I view with great regret the fact that right hon. and hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway have agreed to cross the Floor of the House and to become part of His Majesty's Government. Their spokesman from the Front Bench paid tribute to Parliament as a great institution, and said that reconstruction of this sort, in face of the circumstances, could not have occurred in any other country. We know that it has been common form in France during all the time that there have been parliaments there. France has a great belief that by changing a few men round about, something new and strange may happen. I have never believed that the strength of the House of Commons lay in the fact that there was one body of men with certain principles upon which they were united on one side, opposed by another body with a different set of principles on the other, and that the clash of these two principles in debate and discussion—[Interruption.]. I would like to go back over it and show how the position in which we are to-day is due entirely to the fact that this mistake was made in the last war policy. The years from 1918 to 1939, when war broke out again, the wasted years, were, in my view largely due to the fact that the then existent parties coalesced and merged their principles, and then, at the conclusion of hostilities, there were left all sorts of individual rancours sapping all party principles, and there was no Government in this country that could face the creation of a new Europe that should have been created after the heavy cost that was paid for victory on the last occasion.
I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman upon having achieved the highest political governmental position in this country. His personality no one can deny, his courage no one can deny, and—I am getting more and more fatalist—it
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was written in the book of fate, say, perhaps on the battlefield of Blenheim or some place, that he would one day be Prime Minister of this country, and perhaps it will be a comfort that he has got it now. But frankly, I cannot see the wonderful motive power that has been produced by the transference of the relative positions of the two right hon. Gentle men opposite. It is the most amazing thing to me. I watched the fights of last week in this House from some consider able distance. I was 400 miles away. I do not think it was a pretty spectacle. I do not think that what has happened since makes it any prettier. It is very easy for the right hon. Gentleman above the Gangway to say that last week was fine and that this week was fine, and to white wash the whole business. Last week was not fine. I was taking part in a by-election in the West of Scotland facing audiences of all different kinds and complexions, and the one thing that struck me last Tuesday and Wednesday was the calm, serious, sober way in which the electorate listened even to points of view that were obnoxious to the majority. They were calm and serious because—
Earl Winterton:Wait until the bombs fall and then they will take a very different attitude.
Mr. Maxton: I am quite satisfied that my fellow citizens in the West of Scotland will not get the wind up either. We were calm and serious while the right hon. Gentleman was making hysterical speeches on the Floor of the House of Commons. It does not require any great courage to attack the late Prime Minister. He was in an awkward spot and the jackals gathered around. It was their night to howl, and they howled, and now we have a new Government—a Government of all the talents—[An Hon. Member: "And you are howling"] I put it to the House whether my utterances here can be described as howling. [An Hon. Member: "We might say 'whining'."] No, I do not think even that is a decent description. My hon. and right hon. Friends above the Gangway are a little bit nervy to-day. The excitement started over the fact that the Norwegian business had not been such a success as was expected. The Government came under serious criticism. [Hon. Members: "No."] I understood so. But, I can still read. I heard that the Navy

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came under serious criticism. [Hon. Members: "No."] I heard it from behind me. And so we make the First Lord of the Admiralty into the Prime Minister, and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hillsborough (Mr. Alexander) First Lord of the Admiralty, so that in future there shall be no dubiety about the pugnacious, belligerent nature of the First Lord.
I cannot see what has happened to justify any change of attitude on my part. We are in this position to-day because of 22 years of wasted opportunity, 22 years of time, when this country was practically, for 20 years out of those 22, under the control of Governments not essentially differing in position or personnel from this one, and now you say this is going to create an entirely new orientation. The only difference is that the Prime Minister cuts out of his speech any reference to the possibilities of peace short of wholesale slaughter. I and my hon. Friends believe that the overwhelming mass of the people of this world, Germany included, are against the slaughter method of life, and I believe that that great force, mainly a working-class force, throughout the world—
Mr. Logan:Surely you do not see that in Germany?
Mr. Maxton: I can see people in Germany to-day, people that were my comrades and the comrades of hon. and right hon. Members above the Gangway, and I do not believe that they have deserted their principles.
Miss Wilkinson:They have gone to the concentration camps.
Mr. Maxton: The function of a political working-class movement is to mobilise that anti-war opinion throughout the world and make it effective in the affairs of humanity. [Interruption.] I could make, if I were sitting there, all these cheap, irrelevant interruptions as well as anybody else, and I regret to say that I have frequently done it, but the fact remains that shouting about Hitler will not kill a single German, nor will it save a single Britisher. I admit to-day all the difficulties that face the people who hold anti-war beliefs; I admit all the difficulties that face those people who hold democratic beliefs, and the difficulties that face the efforts of the people who believe that the world must be reconstructed on a
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different social basis, but I stand by those principles of freedom and social equality. Principles are not any better for being thrown overboard, and although I admit all the difficulties, can we not have freedom without the young men of Europe being slaughtered—
Viscountess Astor: How?
Mr. Maxton: I say to the Noble Lady that now you have got us to this particular point I cannot show you how, but I can tell you what the principles are and tell you that just as the right hon. Gentleman got his chance last week so the chance of those who stand by these principles now will also come and that something better will come out of this slaughter and general folly.
3.32 p.m.
Mr. Lloyd George: Perhaps I may be permitted, as the senior Member of this House, to say a few words in support of this Motion. May I, as one of the oldest friends of the Prime Minister in this House—I think on the whole that we have the longest friendship in politics in spite of a great many differences of opinion—congratulate him personally upon his succession to the Premiership. But that is a small matter. I congratulate the country upon his elevation to the Premiership at this very, very critical and terrible moment. If I may venture to say so, I think the Sovereign exercised a wise choice. We know the right hon. Gentleman's glittering intellectual gifts, his dauntless courage, his profound study of war, and his experience in its operation and direction—perhaps the reverse. He is think it is fortunate that he should have been put in a position of supreme authority. I do not know that it is altogether a matter of personal congratulation—perhaps the reverse. He is exercising his supreme responsibility at a graver moment and in times of greater jeopardy than have ever confronted a British Minister for all time. We all, from the bottom of our hearts, wish him well. The friends of freedom and of human right throughout the world will wish him God speed; their hopes are centred in him now because it will depend upon him more than on any of his associates. I am not criticising now, because the man who has got the supreme direction is the man upon whom most of the responsi-

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bility depends. May I say that their prayers will be for him and that, in my judgment, the sacrifices of Britain and her Empire will be at his disposal.
3.36 p.m.
Mr. Lambert: May I, as an old colleague of the Prime Minister, congratulate him on his high position, and warmly wish him good fortune in his great enterprise, on the success of which the very existence of Britain as a free country depends. Last week we had, fortunately, a political and not a military crisis, and one feels that the military situation even last week was well in hand. Might I express this view, that the late Prime Minister has shown fine self-sacrificing patriotism and that he will stand forth in this crisis as a great Englishman? There is one point I would like to make. My right hon. Friend, under whom I served, has the advantage of Labour colleagues. I want to ask: Do they come in as free men or are they subject to an outside body? I think it is rather important that we should know. I hope, indeed, that they will exercise their discretion freely without any reference to outside politics. I do not wish to enter into a polemical controversy, although of course, one could do it. I wish to ask about the political balance of the Government founded on the association of the Liberal Nationals. I hoped that my right hon. Friend would have been able to secure the services of some of my colleagues, because I feel certain that a contribution by the Liberal National party would be an advantage to my right hon. Friend in his great enterprise.
3.39 p.m.
Mr. Austin Hopkinson: As one who has served and loved this House for more than 20 years perhaps I might, as an Independent Member, make one or two remarks on this occasion. My point is this: A special responsibility seems to lie at the present time upon those Members of this House who are not attached to any of the political parties. It is quite obvious that it is the view of the House and the country that it is in the national interest that all political parties in the State should range themselves behind the leadership of the present Prime Minister. But this involves a special responsibility on those whose criticisms of the Government cannot possibly be
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of comfort to the enemy—I mean those of us who do not belong to any organised party in this House. Therefore, although there are precious few hon. Members in the House who, like myself, have no party attachments or loyalties, I hope they will endeavour, as far as they can, to exercise that useful power of criticism which is really the main function of the House of Commons. There is undoubtedly great danger in the present circumstances, as there was during the last war, that an effort for national unity may mean the destruction to all intents and purposes of our Parliamentary system. It is to avoid that that I have risen to-day to remind hon. Members, not only independent Members but Members of other parties, that we are taking a very grave, though in my opinion a necessary, risk at the present moment.
May I address one word to the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton)?It seems to me that on this occasion, as on previous occasions in a national crisis, the hon. Member has shown a lack of appreciation of the true spirit of democracy. He knows perfectly well that the present arrangement is equally as repugnant to me as it is to him, but the principle of democracy is this. Having striven, as I have, for years to prevent this thing from happening and as the majority of our colleagues here, and undoubtedly the majority of the people in the country, are of the opinion that it is the wisest and best solution in the face of the national danger, it is for him, as it is for me, as true democrats, to give every assistance in our power, to put our personal predilections and opinions entirely in the background, and see if we can help. I think every Member of this House knows this, that from my boyhood onward everything that I had, my money, my blood and my energy, have been poured out for the sake of England, and I hope that the hon. Member and his friends will, if they cannot take an effective part in the Government of the country, at any rate see if they too cannot make some sort of sacrifice for the country which gave them birth.
3.43 p.m.
Sir Stafford Cripps: I do not desire to make any criticism of the right hon. Gentleman or his Government, favourable or otherwise. The proof

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of the pudding will be in the experience of its eating. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider one point, which I regard as very urgent in view of the situation that is created by the new national Government. The whole of our procedure and practice in the House of Commons is built up on the basis of having an effective, organised Opposition. Indeed, the arrangement of the Time Table is through the usual channels. Supply Days and many other matters are organised in that way. There is a serious danger, if we have a House of Commons with substantially only one party in it, of the House of Commons being no longer interested in Votes and being less interested in the administration of the affairs of the country. I believe myself that our democratic machinery has long required an overhaul. I believe there are many ways in which it could be made more effective and work more smoothly, but there is at the present time a very serious danger of getting a breakdown of the machinery altogether, and I ask the Prime Minister either to consider this matter himself—I do not suppose he has the time—or to set up a small committee of this House to consider what alterations in procedure may be necessary in view of the altered circumstances in which the House now finds itself. [Hon. Members: "No."] Some hon. Members say "No," but the party to which they belong has pledged its support to the Government—I am only saying what their Leader stated at the beginning of the Debate—and I should be extremely surprised to hear from any of them that they have not pledged their support to the Government. I am not complaining of that, but I am asking that the new situation which has arisen should be considered. It will be extremely difficult for the House to perform its day-to-day functions if the Government is the sole party in the House. I ask the House to give that matter its consideration and to see whether some methods can be devised by which we may make our democracy more and not less effective than in the past.
3.46 p.m.
Mr. George Balfour: I want to refer to one portion of the speech made by the right hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith). I ask hon. Members to accept my assurance that
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what I say has nothing of a controversial character about it. I only wish to put on record the remarks of the right hon. Member to the effect that his three right hon. Colleagues had joined the Government before the arrangement was con firmed by the Labour Party Conference; before they were free to accept. In that event I want to put before the House this one simple point, and I am sure I shall have the general agreement of the House. Members of Parliament have always understood that this is the great free Parliament of the people and that we are answerable only and solely to the electors. That is the point which I wish to put on record to-day, and that whenever this House departs from this principle and hon. Members are answerable to another outside body—
Mr. J. J. Davidson: If there is an Electricity Bill before the House.
Mr. Balfour: For my part I am answer able to no one but the electors. If any hon. Member deserts that principle and allows any private interest to intervene, if any hon. Member is answerable to any other outside body in performing his duties in this House, he deserves to be turned out. If there is any departure from this principle the whole structure of our parliamentary system breaks down. I hope in less arduous times that the principle will be re-established in full Session that no Member has a right to be answer able to any outside corporate body. I trust that the time is not far distant when in perfect harmony we may be able to debate that principle.
3.49 p.m.
Mr. Benjamin Smith: I join with other Members of the House in supporting the new Government. The right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister said it would be the determination of the Government to wage war with every means in their power. Whatever form of coalition may be brought about, I take it that no Member's voice will be silenced, where fair criticism is to be levelled against any Minister or even against the Prime Minister himself, and I want to bring before the House and the Government one consideration. The Government, in my opinion, will stand or fall by their power to produce the goods which are necessary for winning the war. In my view the last Government failed to do that. I do not wish to go into

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details, but everybody knows that there is a lamentable shortage of things of which our Armed Forces are much in need. I put it to the Prime Minister and the new Government that their first duty must be to eliminate any and every interest which stands in the way of giving us all the production necessary for the prosecution of the war. It is not unnatural that
"where your treasure is, there will your heart be also,"
and it is not unnatural that people in control of various industries should be looking ahead and keeping in mind the possibilities of peace time. At this moment, however, it is the winning of the war that matters, and any interest which dares to stand in the way of achieving that end should be ruthlessly swept aside. I believe that this new Government will be judged on its capacity to eliminate that type of person from this country. When I was at sea we had an old story of a parson who went to the skipper of a ship which was foundering and asked, "What shall I do to be saved?" The skipper said, "Jump into the long-boat and pull like blazes." It seems to me that we have jumped into the long-boat and, having jumped into the long-boat, I want to see the Government "pull like blazes," for the successful prosecution of the war.
3.52 p.m.
Sir Irving Albery: I, like, I suppose, every other Member of the House, will do everything I can to give support to the new Government to win this war, but there are one or two things which I should like to say to-day because I want to get them off my chest, so that I may be able to start with a clean slate. I believe that a great many Members of the House, and certainlya great number of people in the country, strongly resent the manner in which the Debates were conducted and the Vote taken last week. I think many people realised then and realise now that nothing could be better for this country at the present time than that we should have in office a Government representative of all parties and uniting the nation. There is, however, a suitable time to make changes and there are suitable ways of making changes, and I cannot help feeling the strongest resentment against the action of certain Privy
1516
Councillors and others who follow them, in turning what should have been a Debate on the conduct of affairs in Norway, into a political manoeuvre.
My right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council can rest assured that, when the history of this time comes to be written, he will be given his due, and if the present Prime Minister carries this country forward to victory, as we all hope and pray he will, it will still be largely due to the policy which was followed by my right hon. Friend. I shudder to think of what the position to-day would be if we had at present 100,000or 200,000 of our troops tied up in Norway with a large portion of our merchant fleet required for their supplies, and a large portion of our Navy required to safeguard their communications. I wanted to get that off my chest and, having done so, I dismiss it from my mind, as I am sure others who feel like me will also dismiss those matters from their minds and give their loyal support to the new Government.
The great difference between the Government which has passed and the Government which takes its place was emphasised in the last words of the Prime Minister when he said "My policy is a policy of war." The policy of the Lord President of the Council was a policy of peace and he pursued it. I do not mean by that that he did not do all he could to make war, but we all know that his great ambition was to save this country from war and to maintain peace. Even in the maintenance of peace, although he did it, I am sure without any political objective and without any desire to deceive Hitler, he served his country. We have only to consider what would have been the case if we had been involved in war six or nine months ago, as we might well have been had it not been for my right hon. Friend. The present Prime Minister will find no wiser, no stauncher, no more loyal counsellor than the Lord President of the Council, just as he will find no more loyal supporters than the followers of the Lord President of the Council.
3.56 p.m.
Colonel Gretton: As one who seldom addresses this House, may I venture to remind hon. and right hon. Gentlemen, my colleagues in all parts of the House, that there is before us a Motion

1517
which asks us to express our confidence in the present Government? The enemy is almost battering at our gates. We are facing a severe and dangerous crisis. May I venture then to say in the fewest possible words, that we should best serve the interests of our country, both at home and abroad, by not indulging in a long Debate this afternoon? In whatever part of the House we may sit to-day, we should all be prepared to march forward as a united body and to accord to the Government that confidence for which they ask. If we are to meet the crisis which confronts us to-day, we want unity, cohesion and determination. I, for one, shall unhesitatingly give my vote in favour of confidence in the new Government.
Mr. Tinker rose—
Hon. Members: Divide.
3.58 p.m.
Mr. Tinker: This is a grave moment for all of us. It is easy for certain hon. Members to call out "Divide, "but there are some of us who wish to express our feelings. For those of us who sit on these benches the present position is one of very serious moment. We were sent here to alter the social structure of the country. Hon. Members opposite were sent here to oppose us and to maintain the present social structure. But above that issue, there has arisen a menace which transcends everything else, and the question arises: What are we to do in face of that menace? Are we, at this moment in our history, faced with the gravest peril, to force our individual opinions on the House, or are we to think first of the good of the country and the interests of civilisation? I regard this afternoon as one of the gravest moments of my life. I am asked by this Motion to fall into line with all the parties with whom I have been in opposition. It is a difficult position. I see no other course open to me but to agree with the Motion. There have been two opinions on the war in this House. A very large body of opinion has been in favour of the prosecution of the war. We on these benches have given our support to the Government on that, but there has been a small body of opinion which has been, honestly I believe, against the war. We ought not to use an occasion like this to appear as critics of parties who are now
1518
joining with the Government to bring about a successful prosecution of the war.
If we, the Labour party, honestly believe that the winning of the war is the greatest thing, then in honesty to our convictions we must join with every party to carry it through to victory. That is why this afternoon, in the full knowledge of what it means, I give my full support to the Motion. But I want to urge on all Members of the House that we must not forget the social reforms that will be necessary at the same time as we are carrying on the war, and when we of this party bring forward Measures that mean much to our people, I hope those who have been opposed to us in the past will examine them in that light. If they tell us that there is something that we ought not to press forward at this stage, then, speaking for myself and, I think, many others of our people, we shall readily examine the reasons why they think such things should not be carried now. We have to keep together in this matter. If Hitler succeeds in beating us, then all that we stand for, freedom and the right to live our own lives, will be swept away, and it is because of that and of what would happen in that event that I will give the whole of my support to whatever Government pledges itself to try and beat Germany and what she stands for. Therefore, I support the Motion.
4.3 p.m.
Major Sir Philip Colfox: As one who has been an almost silent back bencher in this House for a good many years, and who voted last Wednesday night in favour of continuing the late Government, I want to say a few words. I do not wish to disguise from anybody my opinion that it would have been very much better, in the interests of the country, if my leader, the late Prime Minister, had remained the Prime Minister of a reconstructed Government, but that has not happened. He decided—and no one can criticise him for the decision—that he had to resign, and a new Government under a new Prime Minister is put forward. Although I, in common with a great many other people, regret that that decision was taken, yet it is absolutely essential that there shall be national unity, and since my leader is supporting and forming part of the new Government, I, personally, shall do all that I can to support the new Government and the Motion which is now before the House.
4.4 p.m.
Mr. S. O. Davies: Everybody appreciates how difficult it is for one to reorientate his mind and assimilate the implications of what has just taken place. Hon. Members on the Government Benches may perhaps appreciate the anxieties that are felt on this side, and our misgivings. We cannot dismiss entirely from our memories how disastrous Coalition Governments have been in the past, and it is absurd that we should be expected to overlook all that they have meant in the days gone by. We ended the last Great War with a Coalition Government in power. I happened then to be very closely associated with the mining industry, and I remember distinctly the catastrophic consequences that were brought to bear on the miners at that time. We on this side have always been conscious of the great gulf that divides us in political, economic and social matters from the other side of the House. It is a gulf that some of us believe will never be bridged until radical changes take place in the social structure of this country. We have contended, and needless to say we shall continue to contend, that hon. Members opposite represent a society that we con-consider to be harsh and cruel, a society that dominates the class which has placed every Member on this side of the House here to represent it and to challenge that form of society. We know its incredible meanness, and we know the appalling dangers and insecurities of the form of society which exists at this moment, while this war is going on, for the poorer classes of this country.
Frankly, I do not envy the step that my right hon. Friends have taken, and I have a strong suspicion that that step will not add to their happiness. We shall await to see whether the injustices of this form of society will continue. No change of personnel will affect them unless a radical change in viewpoint is adopted by the Coalition Government. I shall probably be told that this is only a temporary expedient, determined by the exigencies of the war, but we must question, and we shall continue to question, how our resources in this country, human and material, are to be mobilised with a view to winning the war. We regard with considerable anxiety the fact that if the war is to be continued on the basis of a form of society that is
1520
decrepit, and that is divided from top to bottom, once you step outside this House, with its class domination, with its inhibitions and its contradictions, if these are to be perpetuated during this war, we at any rate must dread the appalling consequences. If this is a war for democracy, it can be waged and won only when democracy is experienced by our own people, for a mere change of personnel will not end the devastating economic crises that we know so much about. It will not in itself end unemployment and insecurity or bring greater comfort to the old age pensioners, those veterans of industry.
I should like to ask whether this change will remove from the Statute Book of this country the Trade Disputes Act. [Hon. Members: "Oh!"] I am entitled to ask that before I support the Motion on the Paper. I want to try and get a line on the implications of the step that has been taken, and so far I have very little guidance as to what we call the home front is concerned. I must repeat, Is it to be understood that that instrument, placed on the Statute Book with the deliberate intention of crippling and destroying the political power of the great trade unions of this country, is to be removed? Is that part of the bargain that has been struck? I am entitled to an answer to that question, if anything like co-operation across the Floor of this House is expected. I am also entitled to ask whether the present contemptible Workmen's Compensation Bill which is before the House is to be withdrawn, or whether it is to be imposed upon the crippled workers of industry, who are represented by most of us on this side? A mere Coalition will not necessarily end the present unconscionable profiteering that is going on in the manufacture of arms, in the food supplies, and in the essentials of the very life of the people of the country. Have the Government started on a reorientation as far as those demands are concerned? Can there in fact be anything approaching co-operation in the political arena while all the present economic and social injustices prevail? My answer to that question is "No."
I shall be told that the only thing that matters is that the war should be won. We are of the opinion that this war will not be won by stultifying and hamstringing opinion in this House of Commons,

1521
and we shall most strenuously fight against any attempt to stifle fair and constructive criticism from these benches. We shall not willingly accept anything approaching voluntary totalitarianism, if that is the price of the Coalition that has been established. I draw some consolation from the fact that the working-class movement of this country has not been built up by a few individuals, however distinguished their service might have been. This movement of ours, which we will protect and fight for with all the strength and the jealous regard of which we are capable, was ushered into being by barbaric and intolerable conditions, and it will remain in being, wars or no wars, until those conditions will have been removed. We have never believed that those conditions can be destroyed by any magic, such as—
Mr. Marcus Samuel: Might I ask the hon. Member whether he read the Question put last Wednesday by the hon. Member for West Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) to the Minister of Information
"whether he will arrange for the fuller world appreciation of the best British characteristics by the dissemination of facts concerning the development of our social services, the progress and benefits of democratic trade unionism, political associations and local government, and the preservation of religious, political and literary freedom, especially in comparison with totalitarian and other States where this does not prevail or has been substantially destroyed?"—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 8th May, 1940; col. 1218, Vol. 360.]
Mr. Davies: I shall express no opinion upon the profound contribution which the hon. Member has just made to the Debate. As I was saying before I
was interrupted, we have never believed that the conditions to which I have referred can be destroyed or removed by any magic, such as by walking 12 feet across the Floor of this House. We shall watch this Government critically and anxiously. Their task presumably is to mobilise the men and resources at our disposal; but will they be able to do it? I am confident that they will not be able to do it unless the dead hand of the past is removed, and until the crippling weight of organised profiteering is lifted and the "patriotism limited"of high finance, of the money changers and gamblers on our stock exchanges is completely eliminated. These are the powers—and we have no illusions about this—which brought Nazism into being and the powers which will bring Nazism into being in this or any other country if their dominion is to last much longer. We on these benches are as prepared to fight Nazism as is any representative in any part of this House, whether that Nazism is partially concealed in this country or blatantly open elsewhere. We shall do so, but not at the price of sacrificing the principles which have ever been dear to us, namely, the interests of our own people who have placed us in this House.
Question put,
"That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
The House divided: Ayes, 381; Noes, o.

Division No. 62.]

AYES.

[4.20 p.m.

Acland, Sir R. T. D.

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Newbury)

Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

Beauchamp, Sir B. C.

Bull, B. B.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Beaumont, H. (Batley)

Burgin, Rt. Hon. E. L.

Adams, D. M. (Poplar, S.)

Beaumont, Hon. R. E. B. (Portsm'h)

Burton, Col. H. W.

Adamson, Jennie L. (Dartford)

Beechman, N. A.

Butcher, H. W.

Albery, Sir Irving

Benn, Rt. Hon. W. W.

Butler, Rt. Hon. R. A.

Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Bennett, Sir E. N.

Caine, G. R. Hall-

Alexander, Brig.-Gen. Sir W.

Bernays, R. H.

Campbell, Sir E. T.

Allen, Col. J. Sandeman (B'knhead)

Bird, Sir R. B.

Carver, Major W. H.

Amery, Rt. Hon. L. C. M. S.

Blair, Sir R.

Cary, R. A.

Ammon, C. G.

Blaker, Sir R.

Cassells, T.

Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

Boles, Lt.-Col. D. C.

Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

Anderson, Rt. Hn. Sir J. (Sc'h Univ's)

Boothby, R. J. G.

Cazalet, Major V. A. (Chippenham)

Apsley, Lord

Bossom, A. C.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. N. (Edgb't'n)

Aske, Sir R. W.

Boulton, W. W.

Channon, H.

Assheton, R.

Bracken, B.

Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

Astor, Major Hon. J. J. (Dover)

Braithwaite, Major A. N. (Buckrose)

Chapman, Sir S. (Edinburgh, S.)

Astor, Viscountess (Plymouth, Sutton)

Brass, Sir W.

Charleton, H. C.

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Broad, F. A.

Chater, D.

Baldwin-Webb, Col. J.

Broadbridge, Sir G. T.

Chorlton, A. E. L.

Balfour, G. (Hampstead)

Brocklebank, Sir Edmund

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Balfour, Capt. H. H. (Isle of Thanet)

Bromfield, W.

Clarke, Colonel R. S. (E. Grinstead)

Barnes, A. J.

Brooke, H. (Lewisham, W.)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Bartlett, C. V. O.

Brown, C. (Mansfield)

Cobb, Captain E. C. (Preston)

Baxter, A. Beverley

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Cocks, F. S.

Colfox, Major Sir W. P.

Harbord, Sir A.

Milner, Major J.

Collindridge, F.

Harland, H. P.

Mitchell, Col. H. (Brentf'd & Chisw'k)

Colman, N. C. D.

Harris, Sir P. A.

Mitcheson, Sir G. G.

Colville, Rt. Hon. John

Haslam, Henry (Horncastle)

Molson, A. H. E.

Cooper, Rt. Hn. T. M. (E'nburgh, W.)

Hayday, A.

Moore, Lieut.-Col. Sir T. C. R.

Courtauld, Major J. S.

Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

Moore-Brabazon, Lt.-Col. J. T. C.

Cranborne, Viscount

Henderson, J. J. Craik (Leeds, N.E.)

Moreing, A. C.

Craven-Ellis, W.

Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

Morgan, J. (York, W.R., Doncaster)

Critchley, A.

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Morris, J. P. (Salford, N.)

Croft, Brig.-Gen. Sir H. Page

Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan-

Morris-Jones, Sir Henry

Crooke, Sir J. Smedley

Hepworth, J.

Morrison, G. A. (Scottish Univ's.)

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

Herbert, A. P. (Oxford U.)

Morrison, Rt. Hon. H. (Hackney, S.)

Cross, R. H.

Hicks, E. G.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Crowder, J. F. E.

Higgs, W. F.

Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester)

Cruddas, Col. B.

Hoare, Rt. Hon. Sir S.

Mort, D. L.

Culverwell, C. T.

Holdsworth, H.

Muff, G.

Daggar, G.

Holmes, J. S.

Munro, P.

Davidson, Viscountess

Horabin, T. L.

Nall, Sir J.

Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

Hore-Belisha, Rt. Hon. L.

Nathan, Colonel H. L.

Davies, Clement (Montgomery)

Horsbrugh, Florence

Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

Davies, Major Sir G. F. (Yeovil)

Howitt, Dr. A. B.

Nield, B. E.

Davison, Sir W. H.

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

De Chair, S. S.

Hudson, Rt. Hon. R. S. (Southport)

Orr-Ewing, I. L.

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Hulbert, Squadron-Leader N. J.

Paling, W.

Dobbie, W.

Hume, Sir G. H.

Palmer, G. E. H.

Dodd, J. S.

Hunter, T.

Parker, J.

Doland, G. F.

Hurd, Sir P. A.

Pearson, A.

Donner, P. W.

Jagger, J.

Peat, C. U.

Dorman-Smith, Col. Rt. Hon. Sir R. H.

Jarvis, Sir J. J.

Perkins, W. R. D.

Douglas, F. C. R.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

Drewe, C.

Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

Joel, D. J. B.

Plugge, Capt. L. F.

Duggan, H. J.

John, W.

Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

Duncan, Rt. Hon. Sir A. R.

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (S'k N'w'gt'n)

Power, Sir J. C.

Duncan, J. A. L. (Kensington, N.)

Jones, L. (Swansea W.)

Pownall, Lt.-Col. Sir Assheton

Dunglass, Lord

Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A.

Price, M. P.

Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

Kerr, Lt.-Col. Charles (Montrose)

Profumo, J. D.

Eckerslay, P. T.

Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

Pym, L. R.

Ede, J. C.

Kerr, Sir J. Graham (Scottish Univ.)

Quibell, D. J. K.

Edmondson, Major Sir J.

Kimball, L.

Ramsbotham, Rt. Hon. H.

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

Kirby, B. V.

Rankin, Sir R.

Elliston, Capt. G. S.

Knox, Major-General Sir A. W. F.

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Lamb, Sir J. Q.

Rathbone, J. R. (Bodmin)

Entwistle, Sir C. F.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G.

Rawson, Sir Cooper

Erskine, Lord

Law, R. K. (Hull, S.W.)

Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

Erskine-Hill, A. G.

Lawson, J. J.

Reed, Sir H. S. (Aylesbury)

Etherton, Ralph

Leach, W.

Reid, J. S. C. (Hillhead)

Evans, D. O. (Cardigan)

Lees-Jones, J.

Reid, W. Allan (Derby)

Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

Leighton, Major B. E. P.

Richards, R. (Wrexham)

Findlay, Sir E.

Lennox-Boyd, A. T. L.

Riley, B.

Fleming, E. L.

Leonard, W.

Roberts, W. (Cumberland, N.)

Foot, D. M.

Leslie, J. R.

Robertson, D.

Fox, Sir G. W. G.

Levy, T.

Robinson, J. R. (Blackpool)

Frankel, D.

Lewis, O.

Ropner, Colonel L.

Fraser, Captain Sir Ian

Liddall, W. S.

Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Lindsay, K. M.

Royds, Admiral Sir P. M. R.

Fyfe, D. P. M.

Little, Sir E. Graham-

Ruggles-Brise, Colonel Sir E. A.

Gardner, B. W.

Llewellin, Colonel J. J.

Russell, Sir Alexander

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd (Carn'v'n)

Lloyd, G. W. (Ladywood)

Salmon, Sir I.

George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke)

Loftus, P. C.

Salt, E. W.

George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesey)

Logan, D. G.

Salter, Sir J. Arthur (Oxford U.)

Gibbins, J.

Lucas, Major Sir J. M.

Samuel, M. R. A.

Gibson, Sir C. G. (Pudsey and Otley)

Lyons, A. M.

Sanderson, Sir F. B.

Gibson, R. (Greenock)

Mabane, W. (Huddersfield)

Schuster, Sir G. E.

Glyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

Seely, Sir H. M.

Goldie, N. B.

McCallum, Major D.

Selley, H. R.

Gower, Sir R. V.

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. M. (Ross)

Shakespeare, G. H.

Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

Macdonald, Capt. P. (Isle of Wight)

Shaw, Captain W. T. (Forfar)

Grant-Ferris, Flight-Lieutenant R.

McEwen, Capt. J. H. F.

Shepperson, Sir E. W.

Grenfell, D. R.

McKie, J. H.

Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

Gretton, Col. Rt. Hon. J.

Macmillan, H. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Silkin, L.

Gridley, Sir A. B.

MacMillan, M. (Western Isles)

Simmonds, O. E.

Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

Magnay, T.

Smith, Ben (Rotherhithe)

Grigg, Sir E. W. M.

Mainwaring, W. H.

Smith, Bracewell (Dulwich)

Grimston, R. V.

Maitland, Sir Adam

Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees-(K'ly)

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Makins, Brigadier-General Sir Ernest

Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

Groves, T. E.

Mander, G. le M.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Guest, Lieut.-Colonel H. (Drake)

Manningham-Buller, Sir M.

Smithers, Sir W.

Gunston, Capt. Sir D. W.

Marsden, Captain A.

Snadden, W. McN.

Hacking, Rt. Hon. Sir D. H.

Martin, J. H.

Somervell, Rt. Hon. Sir Donald

Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

Mason, Lt.-Col. Hon. G. K. M.

Somerville, Sir A. A. (Windsor)

Hambro, A. V.

Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

Southby, Commander Sir A. R. J.

Hammersley, S. S.

Medlicott, Captain F.

Spens, W. P.

Hannah, I. C.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P. (Tamworth)

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Oliver (W'm'l'd)

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

1524

1525

Storey, S.

Tufnell, Lieut.-Commander R. L.

Williams, C. (Torquay)

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Viant, S. P.

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (N'thw'h)

Wakefield, W. W.

Williams, Sir H. G. (Croydon, S.)

Stuart, Rt. Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Walkden, A. G.

Williams, T. (Don Valley)

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

Wallace, Capt. Rt. Hon. Euan

Windsor, W. (Hull, C.)

Summerskill, Dr. Edith

Ward, Lieut.-Col. Sir A. L. (Hull)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel G.

Sutcliffe, H.

Ward, Irene M. B. (Wallsend)

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Tasker, Sir R. I.

Warrender, Sir V.

Wise, A. R.

Tate, Mavis C.

Waterhouse, Captain C.

Wolmer, Rt. Hon. Viscount

Taylor, Captain C. S.

Webbe, Sir W. Harold

Womersley, Sir W. J.

Taylor, Vice-Adm. E. A. (Padd., S.)

Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. J. C.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Wells, Sir Sydney

Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

Thomas, J. P. L.

Weston, W. G.

Wragg, H.

Thomson, Sir J. D. W.

White, Sir Dymoke (Fareham)

Wright, Wing-Commander J. A. C.

Thorne, W.

Whiteley, Major J. P. (Buckingham)

Young, A. S. L. (Partick)

Thurtle, E.

Whiteley, W. (Blaydon)

Tinker, J. J,

Wickham, Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Tomlinson, G.

Wilkinson, Ellen

Captain Margesson and Sir

Charles Edwards.

NOES.

NIL.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Mr. Maxton and Mr. Stephen.

Question, "That this House do now adjourn until Tuesday, 21st May," put, and agreed to.

Resolved,
"That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
4.32 p.m.
The Prime Minister: I beg to move,
"That this House do now adjourn until Tuesday, 21st May."
It may be for the convenience of the House if I say that the proposed business will be:
Tuesday: Second Reading of the Colonial Development and Welfare Bill, and Committee stage of the necessary Money Resolution
Wednesday: Second Reading of the Treachery Bill.
Thursday: Second Reading of the Limitation of Dividends Bill; Second Reading of the War Risks Insurance Bill, and Committee stage of the necessary Money Resolutions.
During the week, if there is time, we shall take the Motions to approve the Land Drainage Grants and the Land Fertility Scheme (Postponement of Prescribed Dates) Orders.
Sir Richard Acland: Today we have been paying compliments and expressing good wishes, which we all sincerely feel. The Prime Minister will be aware, however, that hon. Members have a number of questions which they will want to ask at some time. They cannot be asked to-day, and they cannot all be asked except in a general discus-
1526
sion. We cannot expect such a discussion next week. Can the right hon. Gentleman give us some indication that, unless something unusual happens, there is likely to be a general discussion in the following week?
The Prime Minister: I am myself most anxious and, indeed, resolved to carry the House of Commons along with the Government at every stage in our fortunes as they unfold. The House of Commons has fought long and resolute wars for freedom in the past, and it is by the strength of the House of Commons that we shall largely be sustained in this conflict. At the present time we are in the preliminaries of a very great battle, and I do not know what the position will be when we meet again. Obviously, if there is any general desire at any time in the near future for a statement on the military situation, if it is felt to be a suitable moment to make such a statement, and if there is a desire to have a debate on general policy, arrangements can be made for it, and I, personally, should be very glad to receive representations if necessary upon that matter.
Mr. Maxton: I would not like the Prime Minister to assume that everybody in the House thinks that a general debate ranging over the whole globe, in which all the amateur strategists tell the heads of Service Departments how they should be doing their jobs, is the most profitable way in which the House of Commons can conduct its business. If I have any influence with the Prime Minister, I hope he will take my advice and proceed with the ordinary routine business of the House of Commons.
The Prime Minister: Certainly, I shall be very much influenced by my hon. Friend's opinion, and I will do my utmost to conciliate him and his party.
Sir I. Albery: Can my right hon. Friend give the House any information about the Government's proposals with reference to the Finance Bill?
The Prime Minister: Not to-day.
Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-four Minutes before Five o'Clock until Tuesday, 21st May.

  SERVING MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
  SERVING MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT.
Preamble
Summoned by the Lord Chancellor in pursuance of the Resolution of December 5 last, the House met at three of the clock. The Right Honourable Sir John Allsebrook Simon, having been appointed LORD CHANCELLOR and being present—Sat Speaker.

THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
3.7 p.m.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (VISCOUNT HALIFAX)THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (VISCOUNT HALIFAX) rose to move to resolve, That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion. The noble Viscount said: My Lords, it falls to me to move the Resolution on the Paper that appears in my name, and perhaps your Lordships will allow me, in doing so, to make a few observations upon the principal events that are no doubt in your Lordships' minds. His Majesty's Government and my right honourable friend the Prime Minister thought—and I have no doubt your Lordships will agree with them—that no time should be lost in making a report to Parliament on these events and, in the new circumstances in which we find ourselves, asking Parliament to extend to His Majesty's Government their support and to give their assent to these events. That is the reason for the summons, at short notice, to Parliament and of the Motion that appears in my name.
The principal political happenings of the last few days will be fresh in your Lordships' memory, and it is scarcely necessary for me to recapitulate them in any detail. After the debates of last week in another place my right honourable friend the late Prime Minister felt that some action was immediately essential to secure the greatest possible measure of national unity and to translate that into political form. Even before the military events of the last few days it was evident that we were approaching one of the great phases of the war, and for that reason my right honourable friend felt that no time was to be lost in taking whatever steps
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were necessary to bring into effect that outward political unity which, in his judgment, and I have no doubt in the judgment of the majority of your Lordships, was so necessary to support and to express what has always been, and is to-day, the single resolve of all our people. My right honourable friend felt, as your Lordships are aware, that owing to the particular circumstances of the moment his contribution to the common object was to place his resignation in His Majesty's hands, at the same time intimating his complete willingness to serve under Mr. Churchill should it please His Majesty to entrust him with the task of forming an Administration on the wider basis that was sought.
I think your Lordships will wish to pay your tribute to the example of disinterested public spirit shown by my right honourable friend, not only—though perhaps most markedly—on this occasion, but shown also throughout the many years of arduous service he has given to the State in the most responsible and difficult office in a most difficult time. I am perhaps in as good a position as any of your Lordships to estimate how great is the debt under which this country lies to him. That has not in all quarters or at all times been recognised, partly because it fell to him to play the leading part in matters necessarily controversial; and partly because those outside could not by the nature of things know either all the facts or the whole mind of my right honourable friend; but I and those who were privileged to work with him have no fear at all of the judgment which history will pass either upon his efforts to preserve peace, or when peace was broken, to prosecute war. It is a great encouragement to know that the great qualities which those who were most close to him have such good reason to remember, his sanity of outlook, his resource, and tenacity of purpose, are yet to be held at the disposal of the nation.
His successor has assumed a burden of which your Lordships will not be slow to recognise the weight. He brings to his task particular gifts which have already earned for him the respect and confidence of his fellow countrymen, and certainly never could the imagination, daring and determination which my right honourable friend commands be of greater value than they are to-day. He has, moreover, a rare capacity to inspire the resolution in

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Parliament and people which will surely be required before we bring this struggle to a successful issue. I have no doubt at all that your Lordships will warmly welcome the success that has attended his efforts to enlist in the common service of our cause the assistance of other Parties.
Changes of Government such as these, which involve the introduction of new elements, require sacrifices which cause inevitable regrets. Of one only should I perhaps be permitted to say one word today, and none will be more keenly felt by your Lordships than that of the noble Earl, Lord Stanhope, who has led this House so successfully for the past two years. During his leadership he has, I think, won the regard of all your Lordships irrespective of Party, and I am sure that I shall be giving expression to universal thought and feeling if I venture to express the gratitude that we all feel to him for the manner in which he has discharged his duties. Whatever views may be held upon the vexed question of Second Chambers and their duties and their hypothetical reform, your Lordships are essentially a practical body, who meet for the dispatch of business with a single regard for the public interest. The vast majority of your Lordships are busy people with wide interests in different parts of the country, and for that reason we are the more grateful to my noble friend who has devoted so much of his own time and energy to the responsibilities of the leadership. Speaking for myself I shall greatly miss his presence as a colleague on this Bench, but I hope that whatever work he may undertake he will still find time to take a prominent part in our discussions.
During the last few days we have watched the sudden development of events in the world which are now in all our thoughts. Once again the attempt is made by Germany to strike down two of her small neighbour nations with complete and cynical disregard of treaties, of assurances and even of the most elementary principles of international order. This crime, following close as it does on the heels of a similar crime only two or three weeks ago against Norway and Denmark, makes plain once more to the whole world what are the forces against which the battle is now joined and what price the world would have to pay for German victory. That such an attack should have
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been launched on the Dutch and Belgian peoples without warning, without pretext of grievance and in defiance of a scrupulously observed neutrality, gives the measure of lawless savagery which it must now be the task of civilised nations to stamp out. The admiration of the British people goes out to Belgium and Holland in the gallant struggle that they have undertaken in defence of the traditional liberty of their peoples, and we ourselves shall draw new strength from their example. The moment the news reached us of the German assault, bringing to us an appeal from the Dutch and Belgian Governments, His Majesty's Government immediately promised their full support, and the action of the Allied Forces was simultaneous.
Your Lordships will no doubt have seen the messages sent by His Majesty the King to the King of the Belgians and the Queen of the Netherlands, and the very moving replies which His Majesty has now received from those two sovereigns, whose courage and resolution have won the admiration of the world. Her Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands expresses her happiness that the peoples, Fleets and Armies of the two countries should be fighting side by side against ruthless aggression, and the King of the Belgians speaks of the valuable proof which he has received of the fidelity of the British people to their pledged word. Both sovereigns express their confidence in the ultimate triumph of the cause of free peoples. Your Lordships will be happy to know that her Royal Highness Princess Juliana of the Netherlands has arrived safely in this country with her two young children, being accompanied by Prince Bernhardt, whose intention it is, I understand, to return to the Netherlands as soon as possible to resume his duties as aide-de-camp to Her Majesty Queen Wilhelmina.
On the Western Front a critical battle is at this moment being fought out. In the Netherlands the Germans are making a most determined attempt to gain control of Fortress Holland by a prodigal use of their air forces and their parachute troops. Every treacherous device contrary to the laws and usages of war has been exploited by them. Their parachutists have landed disguised, not only in uniforms of the Allied Forces, but also as priests and women. They have been supported, as in Norway, by the

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enemy within the gates and fierce fighting is proceeding, particularly in the Rotterdam area. The Belgians are resisting manfully behind their forward defences and heavy fighting is going on northwest of Liége against German forces which had succeeded in penetrating across the Meuse in this area. Every effort is being made to support the Dutch and the Belgians in their struggle by sea, land and air. British and French Forces are already engaged with the enemy and the Allied Air Forces are operating in support of the land battle against the German columns. Many enemy aircraft, as your Lordships will have observed, have been shot down.
In Norway, operations against the enemy in the Narvik area are proceeding and our forces further to the south are in contact with the enemy advancing from Namsos. I have been very glad of the opportunity, which I have lately enjoyed, of having conversations with the Norwegian Foreign Minister, Professor Koht, and the Minister of Defence, Colonel Ljungberg, who have now returned to Norway. I assured them that the fact that this country had to meet a new threat as a result of the German aggression against the Netherlands and Belgium would not, in any way, affect our determination, in co-operation with our Allies, to give all possible assistance to the Norwegian Government and people in Northern Norway. I think it was the day after we adjourned last week that British troops landed in Iceland, where they were well received by the inhabitants, who knew that they were only there to ensure that the people of Iceland should be spared the fate that had overtaken the inhabitants of Denmark and Southern Norway.
My Lords, more than once in these past years we have been reminded that the only alternative to the organisation of an international order, based on respect for treaties and law, was a return to the methods of the jungle. With that we now find ourselves face to face. Some people have been led to doubt whither our civilisation was tending. Certain I think it is that in Nazi Germany the whole emphasis of the developments of the last few years has been to exalt the value of physical and material strength to the exclusion of all other. Science and learning have been harnessed to the pro-
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duction of everything that could serve this doctrine of physical force. Christian virtues and ideals have been derided, suppressed and threatened with extinction, and I think it is this gospel of materialism and the civilisation which must spring from it against which we have to fight. We and our Allies shall doubtless suffer heavy material damage in the struggle, but I think we may feel confident that in doing so we shall save our souls without which a man is not advantaged, even if he gains the whole world. The formation of the new Government, embracing all political Parties in the State, is the immediate answer to these new proofs of the nature of the German menace. I beg to move the Motion which stands in my name.
Moved to resolve, That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion.—(Viscount Halifax.)
3.28 p.m.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, I beg first of all, on behalf of my noble friends, to welcome very sincerely the members of the new Government. I refrain from congratulating them on the vast and immediate responsibilities that they have assumed. I should like, on behalf of my friends, to wish for them health and strength to carry on their work and insight so that that work may be completed with success and with honour. I should like, too, to join in the thanks which the noble Viscount has suggested to those who served under the last Government. Political services are very soon forgotten and it is well that on every occasion possible we should say to those with whom we may have disagreed that we recognise their services, admire their qualities and regret that an adverse fate has overtaken them. I should like to join with the noble Viscount in saying how much my noble friends and myself have appreciated the courtesy and the never-failing consideration of the late Leader of the House. From him we have received all the help that it was in his power to give to us, and we thank him most sincerely for his services.
My noble friends and myself have not yet had an opportunity to confer together on the question of whether we have any longer any status in your Lordships'

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House. We have been a small but I think not unheroic Party, a leader without much of a following; and now both leader and following are disarmed, and our position is quite uncertain. This may indeed be a kind of valedictory address of mine to your Lordships. But I can say that, whatever our future duties may be in your Lordships' House, we shall give to the Government all the support that we can in the prosecution of the common task. If our habit of criticism does not fall from us completely and all at once, I hope that the criticism at least will be directed to strengthen the cause rather than—for the moment—to disrupt the Government.
We have listened with very great attention and approval to what the noble Viscount has said to us. The British nation as one people are to-day sorrowful indeed, but quite resolved to continue the task upon which they have begun. To meet the challenge that has been thrown down, this peaceful nation of ours sinks all internal differences, suspends all controversies and pools all its strength, in an attempt to restore decency and freedom upon the earth. To all of us on this day the call is to courage, to resolve and to endurance. Speaking for my noble friends, I have to say that we do not hate the German people and we do not want to prevent their natural and rightful development; but we will not tolerate their lust for domination, nor will we tolerate the bred-in-the-bone brutality of their present Government. His Majesty's Government are entrusted with the task of mobilising and of using the whole strength of the nation to rescue humanity from a great and immediate peril and to ensure that for all time free men shall be secure in their freedom upon the earth. In support of that ideal, so long as His Majesty's Government pursue it, we shall give all the help that we can.
3.35 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF CREWE: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friends on these Benches I must declare our unreserved assent to the terms of the Resolution which has been moved by the noble Viscount opposite. After the debate of last week here and in another place, it became evident that the representatives of the nation, while recognising that His Majesty's Government were united in purpose, thought that they did not appear to be
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altogether concentrated in effort; and that made it obvious that nothing but a change of Administration would satisfy the national mind. That was brought about with great rapidity, and I desire to echo what fell from the noble Viscount by saying that we appreciate the attitude which the late Prime Minister so promptly took in placing his resignation before His Majesty. It was not altogether an easy or the obvious thing to do; many men might have thought that some days' consideration would be acceptable. The late Prime Minister, however, saw that the moment had arrived for laying down his great office, and he also realised that his successor was the man whom the nation would most willingly see in his place. Perhaps I may be allowed to say a word about the present Prime Minister, because I enjoyed the friendship of his distinguished father, for whom I had a great regard, and I have been able to watch and sometimes to join in the stirring events of his career. We must all feel, I think, that both his political and his special experience fit him in a very remarkable degree for the place which he is now called upon to fill.
As regards the changes which have taken place in your Lordships' House, I join most heartily both with the noble Viscount and with the noble Lord who either leads or possibly does not lead the Opposition in expressing our gratitude to the noble Earl, Lord Stanhope, for the manner in which he led the House. He possessed all the qualities of courtesy and of consideration which are necessary to anyone who fills that position. We have also to note a change in the occupant of the Woolsack. The noble Viscount, Lord Caldecote, as a bird of passage, perched for a very short time on that illustrious seat, but I am glad to think that we shall still in this House have the benefit of his experience and of his knowledge, and, particularly in these difficult times, of his special knowledge of Admiralty affairs. I may perhaps be allowed to say a word of welcome to my right honourable and learned friend who now occupies the Woolsack. We all know that the House will gain vastly by his appearance here, with his great knowledge of affairs and all his experience both in foreign and domestic matters.
The noble Viscount in conclusion touched upon the situation abroad. We must all feel, I am sure, the very com-

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pletest sympathy with the two countries, Holland and Belgium, with which in different ways and for different historical reasons we are so closely tied by memories and by the essential facts of to-day. We feel confident that both nations will now, as in the past, do justice to their reputation for courage and tenacity. It is impossible, my Lords, not to reach the conclusion—and the sad conclusion—that all the efforts which have been made during the past few years to come to terms with the German people were ineffective and doomed to destruction. It is difficult not to believe that, at any rate since 1934, there was practically no chance whatever of bringing Germany into the orbit lately represented by the aspirations and the ideals of the League of Nations. Perhaps we ought to have seen that the rulers of a country who could behave as they did in the years 1933, 1934 and 1935, could not be rulers with whom it was possible to deal on terms involving an equal appreciation of equity and International Law. We have seen how from stage to stage the demoralisation of Germany has proceeded, and—what is perhaps the most serious consideration of all—that during those years every young German man who has been growing up in school or college has been inoculated with the poison. And therefore, as the noble Lord, Lord Snell, said just now, while we have no animosity against the German people—that in a sense is of course true—we do feel that by some process that virus must be eradicated before the peace of the world can be achieved.
3.45 p.m.
THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: My Lords, perhaps it is natural that one word should be spoken from that section of your Lordships' House which I have the honour to represent. It shall only be one word. The Spiritual Peers in your Lordships' House stand apart perhaps more completely now than at any previous time in history from any political Party. We have no comments to make on the political implications of the changes that have been made, but we recognise—I speak for myself—that the formation of this new united Government coincides with the time when, quite fully plainly, irrevocably, the ultimate issues which many of us have discerned to lie behind this combat of nations are made plain. There was a
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time, when war seemed possible, even when it had first been declared, when there were many who doubted whether the clearly moral issue had been established—many who were so convinced of the utter futility of war that it seemed likely to do more harm to Europe than good to encourage the prosecution of it. There were some who thought that even then it might be possible to negotiate terms of peace with the German Government. All these possibilities are now by this ruthless, fourfold invasion of peaceful nations, cast to the winds.
There can be no sort of doubt that, as the noble Viscount has so clearly said, it has now been made abundantly plain that there is a force at work in Europe, strong, ruthless, determined, with which any principles of the moral ordering of men's affairs can have no possible terms. In these circumstances it must necessarily be a great satisfaction to know that through the re-formation of the Government the unity of the nation will be so far as possible secured. It is not for me to make any comments on these changes. They bring to me many personal regrets but, if I may say so, among these regrets there is one element of satisfaction, that it enables me to welcome my lifelong friend who now adorns the Woolsack in your Lordships' House. If this Government can, as we trust it may, secure the unity of the whole nation at this most critical time, those whom I represent will, I am sure, cordially support the Resolution which the noble Viscount has moved. Will your Lordships forgive me if I add one other word in which I would express what I think lies deeply in the hearts of many of your Lordships, that in view of the quite tremendous responsibilities at this fateful hour in the history of our country and of Europe which have been entrusted to His Majesty's new Government, we pray that they may receive from the Divine Spirit who moves behind all these confused issues in full measure the gift of counsel and of strength.
3.49 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: My Lords, perhaps it would not be out of place for one of your Lordships who is not in any official position in your Lordships' House to add one word. Let me in the first place re-echo all that was said by the noble Marquess just now of the gratitude which we feel to my noble friend Lord Stanhope, who has so

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recently led the House with such skill and such universal favour. We are very grateful to him, as we are to all his colleagues. And may I say also that we are very grateful to the noble Lord who acted as Leader of the Opposition? He seems to feel a little uncomfortable at not knowing whether he is in opposition or not, but may I assure him that as far as the estimation of your Lordships' House is concerned it makes no difference? We have learned to appreciate not only his eloquence but his generosity, and we are quite certain that, in whatever quarter of the House he sits or with whatever official or semi-official dignity he is clothed, he will always be welcomed and listened to with profound respect.
These are dreadful times, my Lords, and I do not think that the depth of the feeling has been brought home to me so much before as by the speech which my noble friend the Foreign Secretary has just delivered. I think perhaps, in all the horrors of the time, it is at any rate some satisfaction to know that the people of this country are appreciating to the full the emergency in which we stand. This is no occasion for boastful speech. There cannot be a doubt that we are up against a very difficult and dangerous position. They are words like those delivered by the Foreign Secretary just now which are most wanted to nerve us for the struggle. I need not say that I am immensely grateful to him and that it is one, perhaps almost the greatest, satisfaction to be drawn from these present changes that at any rate we shall still continue to be guided and encouraged by my noble friend in his great office.
I do not think this is an occasion on which to say many words. Of course I welcome—indeed, everybody welcomes—the formation of an all-Party Government. That was what was evidently quite essential in the situation. But I think a special word of deep gratitude must be paid to my right honourable friend Mr. Churchill for his wonderful power of resource and vigour in being able to form a Government so rapidly and with, as I believe, such success at so critical a moment. I do not suppose it has ever fallen to the lot of a Prime Minister to have to form his Government in such circumstances as the present. Mr. Churchill, of course, has great advantages.
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He has immense experience and most notably in the field of war. I think that in the course of his career he has held almost every office which has to do with the Services. There is no part of the machine of war, and of what is necessary to make successful war, with which he has not made himself familiar; and he combines that great experience with an energy and an enterprise which I am sure will react upon all sections of the people and are the best augury for the conclusion of these dreadful operations. We are very very grateful, of course, to my noble friends the outgoing Ministers for all their work. We are quite sure that their work for the country has not come to an end. We know that we cannot do without their help over and over again in the course of our future history; but for the moment we welcome the all-Party Government and we wish it the best and greatest of success.
3.55 p.m.
VISCOUNT SANKEY: My Lords, before I say a word or two on the Resolution, may I be permitted to welcome the new Ministers and the new Government here this afternoon; particularly, as a lawyer and as an old friend and colleague, the Lord Chancellor to the Woolsack? And let me join in the regrets which all your Lordships must feel that the retiring Ministers will no longer be able to assist us in an official capacity, although doubtless they will continue their help in the same measure and degree that they always have done. It is an honour and a privilege to support this Motion. Let no one be downcast or dismayed. We have a good cause, we have stout hearts and we have loyal leaders. Great Britain has passed through days more dangerous and more difficult than the present ones, but, unshaken and unterrified, she has been the home of justice, the supporter of the weak and a refuge for the oppressed. This war will not last for ever. Doubtless we shall see changes, but one thing will continue. Our fathers, by their courage, by their steadfastness and by their endurance have handed down to us a great empire and a great civilisation. Let us, my Lords, by our courage, our steadfastness and our endurance uphold and maintain it.
3.57 p.m.
EARL STANHOPE: My Lords, perhaps I may be allowed three sentences to

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thank those who have been so much too generous to me in what they have said as regards the services I have rendered to this House. I am well aware of many failings, but I am also aware that anything that has been said as regards the success of my work here is very largely due to the splended assistance that I was given as Leader of the House, and to the unfailing help and kindness I received from all your Lordships and from the officers of this House, and it is to that, far more than to anything that I have done, that praise must be given. Indeed, so generous was the praise that I began to think I was listening to my own obituary notice. But I may say that there is still a great deal of the old Adam left in me—it may be because I am half Irish—and therefore I am not prepared to give a pledge that I shall not perhaps criticise this or any other Government. But I will say this, that once more, as a private member of this House, I shall do my very best, as I have done in the past, to serve the State and to serve your Lordships' House, and if in this crisis I can do anything to help in any way, my services will be at the disposal of the future Leader of this House.
May I say one thing in conclusion as a layman? The most reverend Primate referred to the guidance that we all hope this Government will have from above. We are assembling in the midst of Whitsuntide, a time when those in Christian countries think above all else of guidance from the Holy Spirit. May it be that that comes in full measure on this Government so that we may be guided through all our trials and difficulties and dangers—and they are going to be many in the coming months—and may it be that they will be able to lead us to complete and lasting victory, and that, I hope, at not too distant a date.
On Question, motion agreed to, nemine contradicente.

SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE.
The LORD CHANCELLOR The LORD CHANCELLOR acquainted the House that His Majesty had (by Commission) revoked certain Letters Patent and had appointed the Chairman of Committees for the time being, the Earl of Donoughmore (formerly Chairman of Committees), the Earl of Onslow (now Chairman of Committees), any person who shall have been Chairman of Committees (such person taking precedence by reference to the date of his appointment to that office), the Lord Denman, the Earl of Granard, the Lord Stanmore, the Earl of Clarendon, the Earl of Plymouth, the Viscount Hailsham, the Earl of Lucan, the Viscount Mersey, the Viscount Sankey, the Viscount Maugham, the Viscount Caldecote, the Lord Strabolgi, the Lord Templemore, and the Lord Atkin, Speakers of the House in the absence of the Lord Chancellor.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
4 p.m.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, are His Majesty's Government able to say anything about the future business of the House?
VISCOUNT HALIFAX: My Lords, I do not think I can say anything except that on the Motion for the adjournment I should propose, with your Lordships' permission, to move that the House should adjourn until Tuesday of next week, unless recalled earlier, when it is proposed to take the business that appears on your Lordships' Paper.
House adjourned at one minute past four o'clock.