Sitting of 5 March 1940

Preamble
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

GOVERNMENTS OF INDIA AND BURMA ACTS, 1935.
The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD (Major Sir JAMES EDMONDSON) reported His Majesty's Answer to the Addresses, as followeth:
I have received your addresses praying that the Government of India (Orissa and Sind Governors' Allowances and Privileges) Order, 1940, the Government of India(Adaptation of Indian Laws (Amendment) Order, 1940,he Government of India (High Court Judges) Amendment) Order 1940, the Government of India (Federal Court) (Amendment)Order, 1940, the Government of India(Distribution of Revenues) Amendment) Order, 1940, the Government of Burma (India-Burma Financial Settlement) Order, 1940, and the Government of Burma (Shan States Federal Fund)Order, 1940, be made in the form of the respective drafts laid before Parliament.
I will comply with your request.

ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.
  SCOTLAND.

    EDUCATION (STATISTICS).
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many children in Scotland are receiving education on the same basis as prior to the outbreak of war; how many are receiving some modified form of education; how many of school age are not receiving education at all; and what steps are being taken to ensure that all children of school age shall receive full and normal education?
    The Secretary of State for Scotland (Mr. Colville): In the sending and
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    neutral areas under the Government evacuation scheme 104,000 children are receiving full-time education, 234,900 a modified form, and 75,700 are not attending school. This last figure is being steadily reduced. In the remaining areas, out of 2,960 schools all but 109 are working full-time. In all these 109 schools a half-time system at least is in operation. As regards the last part of the Question, constant attention is being given to making provision for children who are not presently attending school, and in a circular issued on 6th February, a copy of which I am sending to the hon. Member, I have made suggestions to this end to the education authorities concerned.
    Mr. Gallacher: Could not the Minister bring forward special measures so as to get the schools which are operating on half time to operate on full time? In Fife the schools are closed in the forenoon; is it not possible to get these schools operating on full time?
    Mr. Colville:I am anxious to get them operating on full time wherever it is possible; I know the difficulty in certain areas. With co-operation from the authorities, it may be possible.
    Mr. Thorne: When does the Minister intend to have compulsory education in Scotland as in England?
    Mr. Colville: We have it already.
    Mr. Kirkwood: What does the Secretary of State propose to do with regard to schools which have been taken over by the Army—
    Mr. J. J. Davidson: Or the A.R.P.
    Mr. Kirkwood:—and are still occupied by them?
    Mr. Colville: I am now in consultation with the authorities concerned about the release of several of these schools, and I am obtaining the release of those which can possibly be given up.
    Mr. Stephen: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some infant schools in Scotland have been taken over, and will he make a special effort in those cases to get them returned?
    Mr. Colville: I know of those cases, and I am looking into them.

    HOUSING, GLASGOW.
    Mr. Stephenasked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many housing schemes are being proceeded with in the city of Glasgow, the names of such schemes, and the number of houses to be provided this year and in subsequent years?
    Mr. Colville: All housing schemes in the city of Glasgow which had been started at the outbreak of war are being proceeded with, and 691 houses have been completed in the first six months of the war. In present circumstances, however, progress depends largely on the availability of material, and it is difficult to estimate the rate of output in the immediate future. I am in close touch with the corporation with a view to securing the completion of the largest number of houses as rapidly as practicable. There are 19 schemes comprising 2,780 houses at various stages of construction. I am circulating the names of the schemes in the Official Report.
    Following are the names of the schemes:

    Balornock and Robroyston.

    Barrowfield.

    Berryknowes.

    Boydstone Road.

    Craigpark Drive.

    Deanston Drive.

    Florida Drive.

    Great Western Road.

    Harriet Street.

    Holmfauldhead Drive.

    Househillwood.

    Huntershill.

    Lincoln Avenue.

    Maukinfauld Road.

    Mill Road.

    North Keppoch.

    Pollock.

    Shawholm Street.

    Wyndford.

    Mr. Davidson: In view of the shortage of material, is any of the timber which is necessary for these schemes available from Scottish sources, or will it be available in the near future from Scottish sources?
    Mr. Colville: I am anxious to make it available from these sources wherever possible. As the hon. Gentleman knows, imported timber has been used up to now. There are technical difficulties, but I am trying to surmount them.
    Mr. Davidson: May I take it that this question is being kept in mind?
    Mr. Colville: Yes, Sir, that is so.
    Mr. Stephenasked the Secretary of State for Scotland what steps are being taken to carry on and complete the Barrowfield housing scheme in the Camlachie parliamentary division of Glasgow, in view of the housing conditions in this part of Glasgow?
    Mr. Colville: I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to his Question on this subject yesterday.
    Mr. Stephen: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the great hardship which people in this part of Glasgow are suffering, and will he press on with this scheme, in view of the fact that so many houses were to have been finished last year and were not?
    Mr. Colville: Yes, Sir. Of course, this is one of a number of schemes. I am aware that the circumstances, as the hon. Gentleman says, are very pressing, and I will do what I can in the matter.

  COAL INDUSTRY.

    DOMESTIC SUPPLIES.
    Mr. Denvilleasked the Secretary for Mines how many coal dealers in Newcastle-on-Tyne ran short of coal during the recent hard weather?
    The Secretary for Mines (Mr. Geoffrey Lloyd): Most dealers were affected to some degree by the interruption of supplies caused by the weather, and some of the smaller retailers may have run temporarily out of stock, but I understand that there was no general shortage of coal in the district.
    Mr. Denville: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that we have in the centre of Newcastle two coal mines which are not working, and will he in future send a little coal to us when we run short up there?
    Mr. Leslie Boyceasked the Secretary for Mines whether, in order to minimise the chances of a coal shortage next winter, he will consider the advisability of encouraging those householders, firms and institutions which have storage facilities, to lay down a stock, within prescribed limits, during the summer months,

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    and thus lessen the demand for supplies and transport during the next peak-load period?
    Mr. Lloyd: Yes, Sir. This is the policy which will certainly be pursued as soon as circumstances permit.
    Mr. Shinwell: Why was that policy not persisted in when the hon. Gentleman was advised to follow it some months ago?
    Mr. Lloyd: The circumstances of the time were wholly different.
    Mr. Liddall: Will the encouragement take the form of lower prices?

    COUNTY OF FIFE (STATISTICS).
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Secretary for Mines whether he will state the number of pits working, the number of men employed in and about the pits, and the output of coal in the county of Fife on the last convenient date and the corresponding figures for a comparable date in 1939?
    Mr. Lloyd: It is not in the public interest to publish this information.

    "MODERN FUELS,"SEAHAM.
    Mr. Shinwellasked the Secretary for Mines whether it is proposed to make use of the plant at Seaham formerly owned by "Modern Fuels,'' which is capable of producing oil and other by-products?
    Mr. Lloyd: A Receiver has recently been appointed to safeguard the interests of the Treasury in this plant, and the question of what use can be made of it is at present under active consideration.
    Mr. Shinwell: Does the hon. Gentleman not realise that this plant employs 1,500 men and that it can produce a very large quantity of oil and other residuals? Is it not desirable to come to an early decision as to whether the Government are to produce oil from coal?
    Mr. Lloyd: I think the hon. Member is aware that this plant has had a chequered history, that it has not been in repair, and that a good deal of money is required to put it into operation. Everything possible will be done.
    Mr. Shinwell: But how long will it take? Can the hon. Gentleman make up his mind?
    Mr. Stephen: Can the hon. Gentleman give us an assurance that it will be done before the war ends?

    SAFETY IN MINES.
    Mr. David Adamsasked the Secretary for Mines (1) how many safety officers at collieries have been transferred to other work as a result of war-time conditions; and whether he will take steps to see that the number of these officers is increased rather than decreased during the war;
    (2) how he accounts for the fact that, as reported in his Annual Report, 1938, there has been little fresh progress in the organisation of safety committees and the appointment of safety officers at collieries during the year; and whether, in view of the undoubted benefits obtained through these committees and officers, and the disappointments resulting from a failure to develop these methods of promoting safety, he will take immediate steps in the matter?
    Mr. Lloyd: I have no information as to the transfer of safety officers to other duties. I am in agreement with the hon. Member as to the benefits likely to accrue from the appointment of these officers, the organisation of safety committees and other forms of safety activity at collieries. Some progress is being made, but I should be glad to see this form of safety work more widely adopted. At the same time, I accept the view expressed by the Royal Commission on Safety in Coal Mines that safety committees and safety officers are most likely to function successfully and achieve useful results if their appointment rests upon a voluntary basis.
    Mr. Adams: Arising out of the answer, which is to a certain extent unsatisfactory, inasmuch as the hon. Gentleman appears to be washing his hands of the appointment of these officers and committees, will he personally take an interest in this matter, which has much to do with the high rate of mortality in our Northern coalfields?
    Mr. Lloyd: Yes, Sir. I am very much interested in this question, and I have instructed the officers of the Department to do everything they can to encourage the formation of these committees.
    Mr. George Griffiths: Does not the hon. Gentleman think that a lot of education

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    in these committees will be wasted if these young people are working overtime day after day every week? For instance, I know of a young lad who did a double shift one day, and the company asked him to go back again—
    Mr. Lloyd: That is on a different question.
    Mr. Adamsasked the Secretary for Mines how many collieries in the country as a whole, and in county Durham, respectively, have special schemes, in addition to safety classes, for giving boys surface employment and training in haulage operations and in the use of safety appliances before they go to work underground; and whether, in view of a possible increase in pit accidents when pits begin to work at full war-time pressure, he will take active steps to increase the number of these safety training schemes?
    Mr. Lloyd: The arrangements to train boys for work underground vary a great deal and no statistical analysis is available. The importance of effective training has been repeatedly stressed and I feel sure that the influence of my Department and the important recommendations of the Royal Commission will continue to be a stimulus to further improvements so far as present circumstances permit.
    Mr. Adams: In view of the great importance of this question from the point of view of the preservation of health and welfare and training, does the hon. Gentleman not consider it very desirable to have some statistical figures in this matter, and will he give further consideration to it?
    Mr. Lloyd: I will look into it and see what figures can be collected.

    IDLE MINES, DURHAM COUNTY.
    Mr. W. Joseph Stewartasked the Secretary for Mines whether any arrangements have yet been made with a view to the opening of mines now standing idle in the county of Durham, and to making them ready for the production of coal?
    Mr. Lloyd: The question of increasing the production of coal, including the possible re-opening of closed pits, is constantly under review, but the first step is to secure that the mines now in production shall be assured of outlets for their full productive capacity.
    Mr. Stewart: Is it the intention of the hon. Gentleman's Department to open those collieries in the immediate future, or is it proposed to wait until the war is over before they are dealt with?
    Mr. Lloyd: It is important to bear in mind also the question of securing the full-time working of the pits.
    Mr. Stewart: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there are over 14,000,000 tons of coal lying waterlogged in Durham and that no effort is being made by his Department to get it?
    Mr. Lawson: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the scheme for de-watering the coal in South-West Durham was practically settled, but the Special Areas Commissioner would not grant the amount of their share of the money necessary completely to pump out this area? A vast amount of coal will be wasted and men will be unemployed in an area in which men should be employed.
    Mr. Lloyd: I am looking into this question, with a view to action being taken when the coal is being worked at the Durham pits. The hon. Member will agree that the question is not so urgent at present, when short time is being worked.
    Mr. Lawson: The hon. Gentleman will be aware that this question has been urgent for some time.

    SUPPLIES (SERVICE UNITS, TYNESIDE).
    Miss Wilkinsonasked the Secretary for Mines why the balloon barrage and other units on Tyneside are receiving their coal supplies from Birmingham?
    Mr. Lloyd: I can find no evidence that coal for these units is drawn from other than local sources.
    Miss Wilkinson: Is the hon. Member aware that responsible constituents of mine have given me information to the contrary—that these units are receiving their supplies from Birmingham?
    Mr. Lloyd: I have made inquiries of the divisional officer, and also I have asked the Air Ministry to make inquiries of their balloon barrage units. That is all I have been able to do; but if the hon. Lady will give me further particulars, I will look into them.

    PETROL RATION (SOLDIERS ON LEAVE).
    Mr. Hannahasked the Secretary for Mines whether he will consider so modifying the necessary formalities that soldiers on leave will be able promptly to get the petrol rations to which they are entitled, instead of having to fill in forms and wait in queues?
    Mr. Lloyd: An applicant for the special allowance to Service personnel on leave from overseas has to produce only the registration book of his car or motor cycle and his leave warrant, and no forms have to be filled up. I am informed that there has been no such pressure at recruiting centres, where these allowances are issued, as would have involved any waiting in queues, but if my hon. Friend will furnish me with particulars of any case, I shall be glad to make further inquiries.
    Mr. Hannah: Is it not a fact that some soldiers have got their rations after they have returned to France?
    Mr. Lloyd: If my hon. Friend will give me particulars, I will look into them with a view to putting a stop to that undesirable state of affairs. These arrangements, however, were made in consultation with the Service Departments; and recruiting centres were considered to be the most convenient stations.
    Major Sir William Colfox: Will the hon. Gentleman make it clear that it is not necessary for the car for which a ration is asked to be the soldier's personal property, and that it is quite possible to get a ration for the soldier's wife's car while the soldier is on leave?
    Mr. Lloyd: That is a matter which I am investigating at present, in consultation with the Service Departments.

    BURMA OIL COMPANY (SUPPLIES FOR CHINA).
    Mr. De la Bèreasked the Secretary for Mines whether, in connection with the supply of oil by the Burma Oil Company, he can state what supplies of oil, after meeting priorities required by Burma and India, are available for shipment to the Chinese theatre of war; and whether the additional supplies that are being purchased from American sources are beneficial, or otherwise, to our foreign exchange position of dollars and sterling?
    Mr. Lloyd: I am informed that no oil products have been sold by the Burma Oil Company to China, and that no such sales are at present contemplated. The Burma Oil Company has, however, on behalf of other oil companies (not producers of oil in Burma or India) made available certain supplies for China, on the understanding that equivalent supplies are simultaneously repaid at a port in Burma or India. No question has, therefore, arisen of supplying China at the expense of Burma or India, and the effect on exchange is exactly the same as if the imported supplies were sent direct to China.

    NEWFOUNDLAND (RECRUITING).
    Sir Annesley Somervilleasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs what arrangements are being made in Newfoundland for the recruitment of men for the Army?
    The Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (Mr. Eden): As the result of an exchange of views with His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, the Government of Newfoundland has recently called for volunteers for upwards of 1,300 men for service with the Royal Artillery. These recruits will receive their training in the United Kingdom, and will be posted to the same unit or units as far as possible. I am glad to be able to inform the House that a report has been received from the Government of Newfoundland that this call for recruits has met with a most enthusiastic response.
    Mr. Gallacher: Before bringing these recruits out of Newfoundland, has the Minister any intention of restoring democracy in Newfoundland?
    Mr. Eden: I am glad to be able to say that the economic condition of Newfoundland is steadily improving; and we shall do all we can to foster that improvement.

  TRADE AND COMMERCE.

    INSURANCE BUSINESS (NEUTRAL COUNTRIES).
    Sir Reginald Blairasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will suggest to the Export Council that they should now take the initiative, in collaboration with the British insurance companies, to stimulate the extension of

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    British insurance business as an invisible export to those neutral countries which have in the past given business to German insurance concerns, and by that means avoid hurried efforts to capture this business at the last moment on the termination of hostilities?
    The President of the Board of Trade (Sir Andrew Duncan): I understand that the British insurance interests already have under consideration the question of stimulating British insurance business abroad as an invisible export, and, in that connection, the suggestion made by my hon. Friend will be borne in mind.
    Mr. Davidson: Is it not a complete departure in policy to suggest that this board should take the initiative?

    ITALIAN VEGETABLES.
    Mrs. Tateasked the President of the Board of Trade the quantity of Italian vegetables the import of which has been agreed upon by His Majesty's Government; and whether, in practice, these vegetables are paid for through the Anglo-Italian Clearing by exports of coal?
    Sir A. Duncan: No agreement has been entered into for the importation of Italian vegetables. The second part of the Question does not, therefore, arise.
    Mrs. Tate: Can I have the right hon. Gentleman's assurance that no such agreement will be entered into?
    Mr. Shinwell: Why should we refuse to accept Italian exports, whatever form they take, as long as we have an opportunity of providing them with coal, instead of allowing them to purchase German coal?
    Mrs. Tate: In view of pressure that is being brought upon private individuals and market gardeners to increase their production of vegetables, is it not imperative that the country should know what supplies are to be imported and what supplies are to be grown at home?
    Sir A. Duncan: That is a different question from the one on the Paper, to which I have given an answer.

    WAR RISKS (COMMODITIES) INSURANCE.
    Sir Frank Sandersonasked the President of the Board of Trade the balance standing to the credit of the
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    insurance fund; and whether he will agree to suspend for a limited period the collection of premiums for the compulsory insurance of stocks against war risks, in view of the cash resources of many industries being seriously depleted by taxation and other demands?
    Sir A. Duncan:The balance to the credit of the War Risks (Commodities) Insurance Fund on 4th March, 1940, was £18,620,014. The Board of Trade have made an Order maintaining the premium for the period from 3rd March to 2nd June, 1940, at the rate of 5s. per cent. per month, the rate to which it was reduced for the period which has just passed. In view of the increased risk of serious air raids during the period on which we are now entering, I do not consider that any further reduction would be advisable at present; but I can assure the hon. Member that the matter will be considered afresh in the light of the experience gained in the next two or three months.
    Sir F. Sanderson: Does not my right hon. Friend consider that the total premiums which have accrued will be sufficient to meet present requirements; and will he not consider altering the period of collection, and providing that no fresh premiums shall be demanded until 1st September?
    Sir A. Duncan: The balance in hand and the risk which is likely are both questions which must, of course, be taken into account, as well as the incidence on industry. All those questions will be kept under review?
    Mr. Mander: Have any claims been made yet?
    Sir A. Duncan: No substantial claims have been paid yet.

    BRAZIL (BRITISH PURCHASES).
    Mr. Liddallasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will notify the Brazilian Government that when annual figures disclose that Brazil has bought less of the United Kingdom than the United Kingdom has bought of Brazil, the difference will in future be paid only by Britain with Brazilian Government defaulted bonds, issued in London, valued at the net price received by Brazil from British investors, or, alternatively, that the Brazilian Government should arrange

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    to take forthwith more United Kingdom manufactured exports to balance the annual account?
    Sir A. Duncan: As regards the first part of the Question, I have nothing to add to the reply given by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to a similar Question on 20th February. As regards the second part, there are considerable invisible items in the balance of payments between Brazil and this country; but my hon. Friend may rest assured that this matter will be closely watched.

    CANDLES (PRICE).
    Mr. Lawsonasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that certain miners in the County of Durham have to use candles for their work; that the cost of these has risen between 1st August and 12th February from 4d. to 1s. 6d. per lb.; and what steps he proposes to deal with this abnormal rise in the cost of a commodity, the burden of which falls upon the miners?
    Sir A. Duncan: If the hon. Member will be good enough to let me have particulars of the cases he has in mind, I will ask the local price regulation committee to examine and report upon them forthwith, in order that I may be in a position to decide whether the Prices of Goods Act should be applied to candles.
    Mr. Lawson: I thank the right hon. Gentleman, and I propose to send him particulars of prices that are paid.

    OVERSEAS MARKETS.
    Mr. Liddallasked the President of the Board of Trade whether the chairman of the Export Council or of the Economic Council will proceed abroad to study in the overseas markets the steps required, and in what countries and with whom, to extend export business, so that British industrialists, when they visit overseas markets, may be guided as to how to organise and extend export trade?
    Sir A. Duncan: No, Sir. We already have our commercial representatives in all the important overseas markets in the person of trade commissioners within the Empire, and commercial, diplomatic and consular officers in foreign countries. It is their duty to report on ways and means of stimulating United Kingdom exports, and their advice and local knowledge are
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    available to any British industrialist or trader travelling abroad.
    Mr. Liddall: Does not the Minister think it extremely important that the chairman of this Export Council should himself be au fait with the matter?
    Mr. Levy: Is full use being made of this Council, and is it keeping in touch with the right hon. Gentleman, besides answering queries that industrialists make?
    Sir A. Duncan: Certainly, full reports are being made.
    Mr. Mander: Have any arrangements been made for the transfer of the necessary currency from overseas to this country, with a view to extending the export trade?

    EXPORT COUNCIL (WHITE PAPER).
    Mr. Shinwell (by Private Notice)asked the President of the Board of Trade when the White Paper relating to the plans of the Export Council will be available to Members?
    Sir A. Duncan: The White Paper will be available in the Vote Office at about six o'clock this evening.

  MERCANTILE MARINE.

    WIRELESS OPERATORS.
    Mr. Lipsonasked the Minister of Shipping whether he is aware that shipping companies claim that they are unable to fulfil the regulation that ships should carry two wireless operators because the men are not available; and what steps he is taking to overcome the shortage of qualified wireless operators?
    The Minister of Shipping (Sir John Gilmour): In some cases it has been reported that it has not been possible to obtain an additional wireless operator, but the situation is rapidly improving. All former sea-going wireless operators have been invited to take up employment again in the merchant navy; and the time taken to train wireless operators has been reduced by the introduction of more intensive courses of training. These measures have contributed largely to the much improved position.
    Mr. Lipson: Does that mean that the position is now that there is no excuse for a British ship sailing without two wireless operators?
    Sir J. Gilmour: I do not think that I could go quite as far as that, but the situation, as I see it, has improved, and between the 6th November last and the 16th February, 518 ships have had a second wireless operator.

    SAFETY MEASURES.
    Miss Rathboneasked the Minister of Shipping whether instructions have been issued to mercantile marine employers concerning the proportion of rafts to the number of crew which they are required to supply for each vessel; and whether it will be made compulsory for boats, rafts and lifebelts or waistcoats to be fitted with sea-proof electric torches?
    Sir J. Gilmour: My intention is that the supply of rafts shall be sufficient to accommodate all on board. Boats are already required to carry lights, and this requirement will be extended to rafts for the dual purpose of enabling them to be found by rescuing craft and to be identified by men in the water.
    Miss Rathbone: Will these lights be supplied to individual men, so that a man struggling in the water will be able to show a light?
    Sir J. Gilmour: That is an aspect which is being considered at the present time. There is some doubt as to whether it would be wise, because a man might be left to go to the light of another man instead of to the raft, and it might lead to the loss rather than to the saving of life.
    Mr. Thorne: Will the Minister be good enough to inquire into the suitability of what is known as the Collins lifesaving jacket, which I have mentioned many times in this House?
    Sir J. Gilmour:Yes, Sir.

  ECONOMIC WARFARE.

    RUMANIAN OIL.
    Mr. Manderasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether he received information in January or February about the impending deal securing for Germany control over the Rumanian oil company Petrolul Romanesc; and whether he took
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    any steps to prevent the deal while it was still possible to do so?
    The Minister of Economic Warfare (Mr. Cross): At the end of January, His Majesty's Government received a report that German agents were attempting to secure control over this Rumanian company. I understand, however, that arrangements have been made by which the company remains under Rumanian control.
    Mr. Mander: Is the Minister entirely satisfied that the Germans have not succeeded in obtaining control of this important petrol corporation?
    Mr. Cross: I do not think this is at all an important petrol corporation, but I am entirely satisfied that it is not under German control.

    BULGARIAN TOBACCO.
    Mr. Manderasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether he is aware that as a result of the Government's recent refusal to buy Bulgarian tobacco, the Bulgarian Government decided to increase considerably the volume of trade between Bulgaria and the Soviet Union; and whether, in view of the far-reaching political implications of that decision, he will, in future, reconsider his attitude towards the purchase of Bulgarian tobacco?
    Mr. Cross: I do not accept the implication in the first part of the Question. As regards the second part, I am unable to undertake any commitment.
    Mr. Mander: Is it not the case that the Government have been unwilling to purchase Bulgarian tobacco and that Bulgaria has to some extent been thrown into the arms of Russia?
    Mr. Cross: I have already said that I do not accept the implication in the first part of the hon. Member's Question. In view of the fact that the Soviet purchase amounted to only 2,000 tons of tobacco, or 7 per cent. of the normal Bulgarian tobacco crop, I think it is clear that it has not the importance that the hon. Member is attributing to it.

    NEUTRAL FISHING VESSELS.
    Mr. G. Straussasked the Minister of Economic Warfare (1) whether the British-Norwegian contraband agreement permits fish caught by the Norwegian fishing fleet in the North Sea and the Arctic to be delivered to Germany;

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    (2) whether the Government has taken any steps to prevent fish caught by Belgian and Dutch fishing vessels outside their territorial waters from reaching Germany?
    Mr. Cross: I regret that for the reasons explained in my reply to the hon. Member for Romford (Mr. Parker) on 20th February, I am not in a position to reveal the terms of war trade agreements concluded or being negotiated with neutral Powers. The point to which the hon. Member has drawn attention has, of course, been borne in mind during the discussions with the Norwegian, Belgian and Netherlands Governments.
    Mr. Strauss: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether at the present time we permit fish caught by these neutral boats to be delivered to Germany?
    Mr. Cross: I think that, if I were to make known details of that kind, I should be revealing to the Germans the arrangements we have made with neutral countries.
    Mr. Strauss: The right hon. Gèntleman will appreciate that it is important that the House should know what holes there are in the blockade, and what is happening in connection with these matters?

    TRADE AGREEMENTS (RE-EXPORTS TO GERMANY).
    Colonel Baldwin-Webbasked the Minister of Economic Warfare (1) whether he is in a position to assure the House that none of the agreements concluded with neutral Governments authorise the latter to import from overseas for the purpose of re-exporting to Germany;
    (2) whether the recently concluded Anglo-Belgian Trade Agreement authorises Belgium to re-export to Germany to the limit of her pre-war re-exports to that country or to any considerable extent?
    Mr. Cross: I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my answer to the hon. Member for Romford (Mr. Parker) on 20th February, and to the statement which I made on 27th February, to which I have nothing to add.
    Colonel Baldwin-Webb: In view of the unfavourable reply, I beg to give notice that I propose to raise the matter at the first opportunity.

    GERMAN EXPORTS (NEUTRAL COUNTRIES).
    Mr. Parkerasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether he will give information about the value of goods imported from Germany by European neutral countries during the last four months of 1939 and during the last four months of 1938?
    Mr. Cross: The German trade figures have not been published either for 1938 or 1939, while a number of European neutral countries have stopped the publication of their trade statistics since the beginning of the war. In other cases the figures for the period in question in 1939 have not yet appeared. I regret therefore that it is not possible for me to give the information for which the hon. Member asks.

    GERMAN COAL (EXPORT).
    Mr. Shinwellasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether German coal is still being exported from the port of Rotterdam on neutral vessels for foreign ports?
    Mr. Cross: Any German coal which may be exported from Rotterdam for any foreign port is now liable to be placed in Prize.
    Mr. Shinwell: Although it may be liable to be intercepted under the export arrangement is it not the case that a considerable quantity of German coal has been shipped from Rotterdam to neutral ports and when is the hon. Gentleman going to be in a position to stop this leakage?
    Mr. Cross: The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. Any ships as I have already indicated in my answer, which now sail carrying German coal from Rotterdam are detained, and already to-day two vessels have been detained in the Downs.
    Mr. Shinwell: Is not German coal being exported in Italian vessels from Rotterdam to Italy? Is not that so?
    Mr. Cross: That has now ceased.

    UNITED STATES EXPORTS (RUSSIA AND GERMANY).
    Mr. Parkerasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether he will give information about the value of the exports

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    of the United States to Soviet Russia and Germany during the last four months of 1939 and during the last four months of 1938?

    Total value of exports (including re-exports) from the United States of America to Greater Germany and U.S.S.R. (compiled from U.S.A. official trade returns).

    Month.

    To Greater Germany.*

    To U.S.S.R.

    1938.

    1939.

    I938.

    1939.

    Thousand Dollars.

    September

    …

    …

    …

    16,088

    607

    5,595

    1,785

    October

    …

    …

    …

    …

    11,880

    39

    3,043

    8,626

    November

    …

    …

    …

    …

    10,358

    3

    4,071

    7,282

    December

    …

    …

    …

    …

    9,558

    Not available

    7,196

    11,000

    * Including Austria and Czechoslovakia, excepting from 18th or 19th March, 1939, those Czecho-Slovak provinces occupied by Poland and Hungary.

    † Approximate.

    COPPER ORE (RIO TINTO COMPANY).
    Miss Wilkinsonasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether he has any information whether the Rio Tinto Company is at liberty to dispose freely of its copper ore output, or whether it has to sell its output to Spanish buying organisations; and if the latter is the case, whether he has any definite information about the ultimate destination of the copper ore?
    Mr. Cross: I am informed that the Rio Tinto Company is not obliged to sell copper ore to any Spanish buying organisation, and is not in fact doing so. All exports from Spain are subject to export licences being granted by the Spanish Government, and I understand that that Government are at present discouraging the export of copper ore. According to my information no copper ore is being exported from Spain, and the ore produced by the Rio Tinto Company is being used for ordinary industrial purposes in that country.

    CONTRABAND CONTROL (SPAIN AND ITALY).
    Miss Wilkinsonasked the Minister of Economic Warfare whether seaborne trade between Spain and Italy is subject to any contraband control, and, if so, how far the control is effective?
    Mr. Cross: The answer to the first part of the Question is in the affirmative. The waters between Spain and Italy are patrolled by the French Navy which maintains effective control there.
    Mr. Cross: As the answer contains a table of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the answer:

  BRITISH ARMY.

    PREVENTION OF WASTE.
    Mr. Jenningsasked the Secretary of State for War how many complaints he has received from private persons of the wastage of food, petrol or other materials; how many of them have been investigated, and with what results; and what steps he is taking to ensure that no kind of waste is allowed to occur in his Department?
    The Secretary of State for War (Mr. Oliver Stanley): Since 1st January, 13 complaints of waste of food have been received from private persons. Nine have been investigated, and four are still in process of investigation. No evidence of wanton waste has yet come to light. There has been one complaint of waste of petrol which, on investigation, proved to be groundless. I regard any avoidable waste of food, petrol or other materials in the most serious light and I hope to deal fully in my statement on the introduction of Army Estimates with the measures which are being adopted to prevent it.

    LEAVE (EXPEDITIONARY FORCE).
    Mr. T. Williamsasked the Secretary of State for War why leave from the British Expeditionary Force is no longer taken in alphabetical order; and whether he is aware of the grave discontent among the Forces because of alleged discrimination and selection instead of the earlier system?
    Mr. Stanley: I am informed that the order in which men are given ordinary leave from the British Expeditionary Force is determined, not alphabetically, but by drawing names out of a hat. There has not been any change of system.
    Mr. Williams: Are we to understand from the reply of the right hon. Gentleman that there is a new system now of selection as distinct from the previous days?
    Mr. Stanley: I am given to understand that it is done entirely by drawing lots.
    Mr. Robert Gibson: Is any account taken of the length of service of these men?
    Mr. Stanley: Yes, Sir. A unit gets a leave allotment according to the length of service of its men.
    Mr. T. Smith: Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that this is the best method of selecting men, and is he aware that a good many men who have been out since October are complaining of the unfair way in which leave is granted?
    Mr. Stanley: I think that, after the experience of the last war, this method is the best way of doing it. Whatever method is adopted, there always will be complaints.
    Mr. Thorne: Is it possible for one man to obtain two leaves?
    Mr. Stanley indicated dissent.

    ACCIDENTS.
    Mr. Thorneasked the Secretary of State for War whether he can give any information in connection with the death of William Black Ritchie, a gunner in an anti-aircraft battery; and was there an inquest about the matter?
    Mr. Stanley: Gunner Ritchie died from injuries received in an accidental blow on the head from the draw bar of a gun. In the course of drill on 22nd February, the draw bar of the gun was found to be jammed, and, on being released, it escaped the grasp of three men who were holding it and struck Gunner Ritchie on the head. He was taken to hospital and died on the morning of 23rd February. An inquest was held at Carlisle on 24th February.
    Mr. Thorneasked the Secretary of State for War whether he can give any
    194
    information in connection with the death of a soldier at Warley Barracks, Brentwood, named Private Robert Mills; and what was the cause of his death?
    Mr. Stanley: Private Mills died on 7th February last as the result of taking hold of a door knob which had been connected to an electric plug by another soldier as a practical joke. The verdict at the inquest was "Accidental death.''

    FOOTBALL MATCHES (BRITISH AND FRENCH ARMIES).
    Mr. Ellis Smithasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will invite the French army association football team to visit Britain in order that a series of games can be played with representative teams in several parts of the country during the months of April and May; and what other arrangements does he intend to make in order that the interest shown in France can be reciprocated here?
    Mr. Stanley: It has been the practice for many years for the British, French and Belgian Armies to play association football matches annually, alternately in London, Paris and Brussels. This tournament is suspended for the duration of the war. The match recently played in Paris between the French and British Armies was specially arranged in response to an invitation from the French authorities. Owing to the lateness of the season and possible military exigencies, the French military authorities do not desire the arrangement of an immediate return match, but it is hoped that the French Army will be able to play a return game next season in London if circumstances permit.
    Mr. Logan: Have any arrangements been made for an international match to take place in Berlin?
    Mr. Thorne: Can the right hon. Gentleman arrange for a football match between the two Cabinets?

    OFFICERS (TRAVELLING IN TRAMCARS).
    Mr. Woodburnasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will remove the prohibition upon officers travelling in public tramcars in Scottish towns, which compels them to use taximeter-cabs; and make clear that there is no more danger in officers coming into contact with the

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    ranks in public vehicles than there is in the new freedom extended to all ranks in the use of public houses and hotels?
    Mr. Stanley: I am informed that no order prohibiting officers from travelling in public tramcars has been issued by any unit in the Scottish Command.
    Mr. Woodburn: Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries in Glasgow, where men promoted from the ranks and who have no independent means of their own are not allowed to travel in a tramcar from the barracks and are required to take a taxicab?
    Mr. Stanley: I have just said that no such orders have been made. If the hon. Member has any information to the contrary, perhaps he will let me have it.

    PROHIBITED AREA (SCOTLAND).
    Mr. Woodburnasked the Secretary of State for War whether, in his designation of a part of Scotland as a prohibited area, he has considered the repercussions of this decision on the Scottish tourist industry; and whether he will make such modifications as may be necessary to allow the fullest use of Scotland as a holiday centre for legitimate holiday makers consistent with safety?
    Mr. Stanley: The answer to the first part of the Question is in the affirmative. There is no reason why the new Order should discourage visits to the Highlands and Islands, either for holiday or for business purposes, by persons with satisfactory credentials. As already intimated in the Press, arrangements have been made by which such persons can obtain permits to visit the protected area; and offices to which application for such permits can be made have been established in Edinburgh, Glasgow and London. These arrangements will be kept under careful review, with the object of ensuring that the public are not subjected to any greater inconvenience than defence considerations require.
    Mr. Woodburn: Has the right hon. Gentleman made inquiry, in view of this regulation, whether it is safe to allow a friend of Hitler, Miss Unity Mitford, to take up her residence on one of these islands?

    RECORDS (OFFICERS' SALARIES).
    Mr. Jacksonasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that officers employed as assistant officers in charge of records are paid on an average £330 per annum without allowances, while officers employed in the Royal Army Pay Corps, carrying out similar duties are in receipt of £540 per annum plus allowances; and what steps does he propose to take to alter this anomaly?
    Mr. Stanley: The assistant officers in charge of records are employed under special conditions laid down for retired officers and the salary of £330 per annum is payable in addition to any retired pay. The officers of the Royal Army Pay Corps referred to in the Question are serving officers. These two sets of officers are not carrying out similar duties and the conditions of their service are quite different. The officers of the Royal Army Pay Corps are subject to all the liabilities of serving Army officers, including the liability for duty at any station at home or abroad, whilst there tired officers employed as assistant officers in charge of records are liable for service only at the offices at which they are engaged. As regards the rate quoted in the latter part of the Question, the reference is presumably to the initial rate for a married paymaster, which is about £540 inclusive of allowances.

    PUNISHMENT (EXPEDITIONARY FORCE).
    Mr. T. Williamsasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the discontent among members of the British Expeditionary Force because of the multiplicity of minor offences for which punishment can and is being inflicted; that large numbers of young men with insufficient training are suffering punishments and indignities in consequence; and will he call for a special report from the commander-in-chief and thereby allay the anxiety of the troops and their relations?
    Mr. Stanley: The answer to the first two parts of the Question is in the negative, and, in the absence of any particulars, I do not think it would be appropriate to ask for a special report.
    Mr. Williams: Is the right hon Gentleman aware that there is great discontent among these young men, who are anxious to do their duty faithfully and well, and

    197
    who, because of lack of training, have been guilty of minor indiscretions for which they have been punished, and which they would not have committed if they had known the rules and regulations?
    Mr. Stanley: That is exactly the question the hon. Member has put on the Order Paper, which I have already answered in the negative.

    WOMEN'S AUXILIARY TERRITORIAL SERVICE.
    Mrs. Adamsonasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will give an assurance that no member of the Women's Auxiliary Territorial Service shall be sent for service overseas under the age of 20 years?
    Mr. Stanley: The minimum age for overseas service for the Auxiliary Territorial Service is 21.
    Sir W. Colfox: May I ask whether that age limit applies to male members of this Army?
    Mr. Stanley: This is the Women's Auxiliary Territorial Service, in which there are no male members.

    CAMPS, SCOTLAND.
    Mr. Sloanasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the conditions prevailing in certain military camps in Scotland, the names of which have been given to him; that the sleeping accommodation is of the most primitive condition, and that serious complaints are being made against both the quantity and quality of food; and will he inquire into the complaints with a view to remedying them?
    Mr. Stanley: I called for a report regarding the camps referred to, and am informed that the sleeping accommodation and messing conditions are satisfactory, that full rations are being issued and that there is no record of any complaints.
    Mr. Sloan: Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries in the particular district, the name of which I have given him, as to the conditions in the camp?
    Mr. Stanley: The hon. Member gave me the names of the camps and I have made the most careful investigation. I have given him the result of that investigation.
    Mr. Sloan: Has he made inquiry from the officer in charge?
    Mr. Sloanasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that soldiers stationed at certain Scottish camps only receive 12s. per week pay instead of 14s., and soldiers stationed at another Scottish camp only receive 10s. per week; that the soldiers can get no satisfaction or explanation from their superior officers; and will he take steps to have these stoppages returned to the men?
    Mr. Stanley: The balance of pay in these cases, less stoppages for sports and barrack damages amounting to about 5d. a head a month, is credited to the soldiers' accounts, and is available when they go on leave or require it for any particular purpose. I am informed that this has been explained to the men, and instructions have been given that it is to be explained to them again, and a notice is to be posted on the company notice boards making plain the purpose of this scheme and the fact that any soldier who does not wish to join it is entitled to his ordinary pay, less, of course, compulsory stoppages.
    Mr. Sloan: Is there any reason why a soldier, like other classes of workers, cannot receive his pay and then be allowed to make what deductions he wants?
    Mr. Stanley: If the hon. Member will look at my reply, he will see that a notice is to be posted explaining that if a soldier does not wish to join this scheme he is entitled to his ordinary pay less the usual stoppages.
    Mr. Sloan: A particular camp has been mentioned where the men are receiving only 10s. a week. Am I not in order in referring to that?
    Mr. Speaker: The Question has been answered.
    Mr. Sloan:The right hon. Gentleman has said that the amount is about 5d. per week. In one of these camps the men are only receiving 10s. Cannot the right hon. Gentleman give me an answer to the Question?
    Mr. Speaker: The Secretary of State for War has given the answer twice.
    Mr. Sloanasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the

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    conditions prevailing at a military camp in Scotland of which he has been informed that 700 men sleep in a barrack building with cement floors where the beds are laid out four feet apart; that the atmosphere is bad and the rate of sickness high; that only four sinks are provided for 700 men; and that there are neither water-closets nor hot water; and will he institute an immediate inquiry into the conditions prevailing at this camp?
    Mr. Stanley: I have obtained a report to the following effect. This camp has ample floor space and good ventilation. There are no water-closets, but bucket latrines with good accommodation. Hot water is not laid on, but there are facilities for boiling water. Ablution arrangements are adequate, and shower baths are being provided. The cook-house and dining room are satisfactory and all meals are good. The rate of sickness is not above the average.
    Mr. Sloan: Am I to understand that the right hon. Gentleman considers that four sinks are sufficient for the ablutions of 700 men?
    Mr. Stanley: I do not think that is a correct statement. I have made inquiries the result of which I have stated.
    Mr. Sloan: I have a letter in my pocket from the men.
    Mr. Garro Jones: May I ask whether, in order to prove the truth or otherwise of many of these complaints, the right hon. Gentleman will appoint a Committee of the House of Commons to go into the matter?
    Mr. Leonard: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the case of camps on the outskirts of Glasgow they have not had their blankets washed for over four months?
    Mr. Stanley: I think the hon. Member should give me some notice before he makes a statement of that kind. In regard to the Question of the hon. Member for North Aberdeen (Mr. Garro Jones), I do not think that method of inquiry is the correct one. I am responsible for these matters, and I am only too glad to take up questions which are raised by hon. Members. There will be an oppor-
    200
    tunity on the Estimates for any hon. Member to raise any point he has in mind.
    Mr. Sloan: Am I to understand that the Minister considers that this building, which has a cement floor—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!''] There are 700 people there—
    Mr. Speaker: The hon. Member must not address arguments to the House at Question Time.
    Mr. Sloan: This is not an argument. There are 700 people there—
    Mr. Speaker: Order!
    Mr. Sloan: In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I intend to raise this matter on the Adjournment.

    VOLUNTARY ENLISTMENT (AGE RECORDS).
    Mr. Boyceasked the Secretary of State for War whether, in respect of former officers and other ranks who wish to rejoin the Army and who, in their youth, overstated their ages in order to facilitate voluntary enlistment, the official records may be amended to show their correct ages on production of their birth certificates?
    Mr. Stanley: The rule that, with certain specified exceptions, the age declared on first attestation of a voluntarily enlisted man is taken as his official age throughout his Army service was adopted as the only practicable course to follow, and any departure from it would give rise to many difficulties.
    Mr. Boyce: Is not the Minister aware that there is a number of very distinguished and gallant soldiers who want to rejoin the Army now but are handicapped because formerly they overstated their age in order to be able to enlist voluntarily at a time when the country needed their services? Could not something be done about this matter?

    RAILWAY STATIONS (CANTEENS).
    Mr. Boyceasked the Secretary of State for War what provision is made at main line railway stations in London and the chief provincial centres for canteen services for the use of home, Dominion, and Colonial service men who may be passing through them; and whether such services are capable of rapid expansion in case of need?
    Mr. Stanley: Various voluntary organisations whose work in this respect is co-ordinated by the Council of Voluntary War Work on which they are represented, are operating 40 canteens at railway stations in London and the provinces, and 26 more will be opened shortly. I am informed that these canteens are, in most cases, capable of fairly rapid expansion. There is also a considerable number of other canteens run by private enterprise at railway stations throughout the country.
    Mr. Gallacher: Will the Minister see that these troops get better tea at the stations than is served in the ordinary station bars?

    MAINTENANCE ORDERS.
    Mr. Ammonasked the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the case of the wife of Private 6745681, East Lancashire Regiment, who was granted a judicial separation order, with maintenance of 22s. a week, which sum has been reduced by the War Office to 10s. 6d. per week on the grounds that the separation allowance is to be divided with another woman for the maintenance of a child of which he is the father, thus depriving the legal wife and her two children of the means of livelihood; and whether he will say by what authority the War Office sets aside the judgments of the civil courts?
    Mr. Stanley: There is, of course, no question of the War Office setting aside the judgments of the civil courts, but, under the provisions of Section 145 (2) of the Army Act, the amount of a compulsory stoppage from the soldier's pay to meet a court order for maintenance has to be fixed by the Army Council or an officer deputed by them, and must not exceed, in the case of a private soldier, three-quarters of his pay. The amount so stopped may, as I have explained in answer to previous Questions on this subject, be supplemented by a grant given by the Ministry of Pensions on the recommendation of the War Service Grants Advisory Committee.
    In this particular case, the soldier was originally placed under compulsory stoppages of pay at the rate of 21s. a week, that is three-quarters of his pay. A claim then arose for a dependant's allowance for a woman with whom the soldier had been living and whom he
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    had been supporting in civil life. For this purpose, the soldier was required to make an allotment of 2s. a day from his pay, and the compulsory stoppage under the court order was reduced from 29th January to 10s. 6d. a week, leaving the soldier with a minimum amount of 6d. a day prescribed in the Pay Warrant. A grant of11s. 6d. a week, bringing the total sum paid to the wife up to the amount of the court order, is being made by the Ministry of Pensions from 29th January. I may add that I have had the whole procedure for dealing with these difficult cases under review and that I hope to announce certain changes at an early date.

    OFFICER CADET TRAINING UNITS.
    Mr. T. Williamsasked the Secretary of State for War why men of approved and excellent officer type still remain in the ranks of Territorial Army regiments in which they enlisted more than a year since, while their public school contemporaries are being sent to Officer Cadet Training Units straight from civil life?
    Mr. Stanley: There are many more recommended candidates than can be absorbed at once in the officer cadet training units, and it is not practicable to devote all the vacancies to pre-war members of the Regular and Territorial Armies, though, in point of fact, some 65 per cent. of vacancies are so allotted. No men are now sent to officer cadet training units without preliminary training in the ranks in other units.
    Mr. Williams: Is it not annoying to those who volunteered over 12 months ago to be left in the ranks while others who remained in civil life are sent straight to cadet units?
    Mr. Stanley: That is not the case. As I have pointed out, nobody goes straight into a cadet training unit. They must all have preliminary training in the ranks. It is in recognition of the position of the pre-war soldiers, whether Territorial or Regular, that the majority of places are being reserved for them, but some must be reserved for the people who are joining the ranks now.
    Brigadier-General Sir Henry Croft: May I ask whether the considerations mentioned in the Question in fact no longer

    203
    obtain, and that henceforth qualities of leadership displayed in the ranks will be the sole factor determining commissions?
    Sir Irving Albery: Is my right hon. Friend aware that in units of the Territorial Force there are to-day University graduates who are kept in the ranks and penalised solely because they joined up at an earlier date before the younger men joined?
    Mr. Stanley: It is unfair to say that they are penalised. Nor am I prepared to assume that because a man is a University graduate he is automatically more suitable to be an officer. Every effort is made to give everybody in the ranks who displays qualities likely to make a good officer a chance of going to the cadet training unit.
    Mr. T. Williams: Is not this a poor testimonial to the Territorials?
    Sir I. Albery: As it is impossible to deal with this matter by Question and Answer, I beg to give notice that I intend to raise it on the Adjournment at the earliest possible moment.

    AGRICULTURE.
    Mr. De la Bèreasked the Prime Minister whether he will find time for the Motion standing in the name of the hon. Member for Evesham relating to agriculture?
    [That this House welcomes the authoritative statement this month by the Prime Minister regarding the way out of the dilemma with which agriculture is faced, notes the suggested solution to increase home production of food, together with the necessary feeding-stuffs for livestock, urges on the Government the necessity of making adequate provision and equitable distribution of feeding-stuffs for the period March to September, 1940, during which the crops from the 2,000,000 extra acres are not available; indicates to the Government that unless more practical and realistic measures are taken immediately to tackle the feeding-stuff problem the livestock population of the country will be materially reduced, is of opinion that the fundamental cause of the present position is attributable to the milling combines, and calls on the Government to have an immediate inquiry made into their methods and
    204
    practices, both prior to, and since, the outbreak of war.]
    The Prime Minister (Mr. Chamberlain): I fear that I can hold out no hope of specialfacilities being given for the discussion of the Motion standing in the name of my hon. Friend.
    Mr. De la Bère: Has not the Prime Minister quite recently told chairmen of the war county agricultural committees what the Government require of them, and is he aware that there is no concrete and crystallised scheme to enable farmers to carry out what the Government require of them, and will he be good enough to have an inquiry made into whether or not the milling combines were the root cause of the feeding-stuffs muddle?
    The Prime Minister: The hon. Member's Question has no relation to the merits of the Motion and is merely whether I can find time for it. I have replied that I cannot.
    Mr. A. Jenkins: May I ask the Prime Minister whether he informed agriculturists that industrialists were making huge profits and whether he guaranteed them the same?
    The Prime Minister: No, Sir.

    EXCHANGE REGULATIONS.
    Mr. Loftusasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the employment of the proceeds of British exports is subject to no control, and that the absence of such control enables ex-porters, if they so desire, to leave abroad the proceeds of exports; and whether he intends to take any steps to stop this loophole in exchange regulations and ensure that all British exports provide currency to pay for imports?
    The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir John Simon): A British exporter who acquires holdings in one of the specified currencies is bound, under the regulations, to offer such currency for sale to the Treasury forthwith, unless he has previously received permission to retain it. The specified currencies are:

    American and Canadian dollars.

    French, Belgian and Swiss francs.

    Norwegian and Swedish crowns.

    Argentine pesos.

    Amsterdam and Java guilders.

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    I am glad to take this opportunity of reminding exporters of this obligation and to emphasise that failure to comply with it is an offence against the regulations and subjects the offender to the penalties provided for by the regulations.
    Mr. Loftus: Is my hon. Friend aware that in important business and financial circles there is an opinion that there are loopholes, and will he make further inquiries?
    Sir J. Simon: The matter is constantly studied. If there are loopholes in any sense, or if there is some class of case not covered by the regulations, we will endeavour to close them. If anybody has information about a case of evasion of the regulations, I shall be glad to hear of it and will certainly take action.
    Mr. Loftusasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that, under existing arrangements, it is possible for British holders of sterling to sell their sterling in the unofficial markets abroad because in certain circumstances such transactions would only involve transfers from one inland account to another; and whether he proposes to take any steps to prevent the possibility of any such occurrences?
    Sir J. Simon: The sale of sterling by a resident in the United Kingdom otherwise than through an authorised dealer is prohibited by the Defence (Finance) Regulations, and any such transaction renders the offender liable to the penalties provided for by them.
    Mr. E. Smithasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has given consideration to the need for introducing a comprehensive system of exchange control, and control of foreign trade and foreign exchange; and is it intended to take any action?
    Sir J. Simon: The system of exchange control embodied in the Defence (Finance) Regulations, the purchase by the Ministries of Supply and Food of essential imports, the licensing of imports and exports, and the control over shipping exercised by the Ministry of Shipping, are administered as a comprehensive and co-ordinated direction of the economic activity of this country. In all these matters, action is being taken continuously as developments in the situation require.

    DOLLAR ASSETS (GREAT BRITAIN).
    Mr. Loftusasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that there is a wide discrepancy between official American pre-war estimates of British dollar assets and the amount of such assets declared since the war; and whether he intends to cause investigations to be made into this discrepancy?
    Sir J. Simon: I do not think that it would be in the public interest to publish the amount of British dollar assets which have been declared. Should instances of evasion on the part of British holders come to light, they will be severely dealt with, but in saying this I must not be taken as in any way confirming the suggestion in the first part of my hon. Friend's Question.

    3 PER CENT. WAR LOAN (ISSUE).
    Lieut.-Commander Tufnellasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can now make any statement as to the approximate date on which he proposes to issue the promised War Loan?
    Sir J. Simon: I would ask my hon. and gallant Friend to await the statement on this subject which I propose, with the permission of the House, to make at the end of Questions to-day.
    Lieut.-Commander Tufnell: Is the Minister aware that there are many people; who, having exhausted what they are allowed to possess under Defence Loan and National Savings Certificates, are anxiously awaiting to invest in something else which will help the Government?
    Sir J. Simon: I hope they will wait until the end of Questions.
    Later—
    Sir J. Simon: I ask leave to make a short statement on the subject of the issue of a War Loan. I think the time is now at hand for the issue of a loan on the market. Our very large national expenditure has so far been financed by the additional taxation imposed in September last, by an appreciable increase in the volume of Treasury Bills and by the ever-mounting proceeds of the very successful Savings Campaign which has been in operation since November last. The Government's appeal for subscriptions to a large loan had necessarily to be delayed until it was felt that the market was ripe

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    for its issue. As I have said, I think that the time for this has now arrived, and I am taking the somewhat unusual course of announcing the terms of the loan in Parliament a week in advance of the opening of the lists in order that investors may have ample time to make any arrangements which may be necessary to enable them to subscribe the fullest possible amounts.
    Our borrowing since the outbreak of war has all been for short periods. The new loan, however, will be for 15 to 19 years. It will carry interest at 3 per cent. and will be issued at par. That rate accords with the Government's avowed policy of borrowing as cheaply as possible and at the same time is a reasonable one from the investor's point of view. The loan will be repayable at par on 15th October, 1959, but the Treasury reserve the right to redeem the loan, in whole or in part, at any time on or after 15th October, 1955, on giving three months' notice. It will therefore be known as the 3 per cent. War Loan, 1955–1959.
    The amount of the issue will be limited to £300,000,000. The amounts which the Government will need to borrow during the next 12 months will, of course, be considerably greater than that figure, but a first issue for a limited amount is convenient to the Treasury from several points of view and I think it will also be in the general interests of the investor. Ten per cent. of all subscriptions will be payable on application and the balance on 15th April, 1940, but prepayment of that balance may be made under discount at the rate of 1 per cent. per annum.
    I propose, subject to certain safeguards, to offer to non-residents who subscribe exemptions from taxation somewhat similar to those attached to some of our loans in the last war. For the Bank of England issue of this loan the minimum subscription will be £100. Issues will also be made under prospectuses to be issued by the Postmaster-General and by the National Debt Commissioners on behalf of the Trustee Savings Banks and in these cases the minimum subscription will be as low as £10, although no application of that sort may exceed £1,000. I hope that as many small investors as possible will take advantage of this opportunity of lending their savings to the State for a longer period than that of National Savings Certificates or of Defence Bonds.
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    Fuller details of the loan will appear in the prospectus which will be published in the Press to-morrow and will also then be available at banks, stock exchanges and post offices. The lists will be opened on Tuesday next, 12th March, and will be closed on the following day. I commend this issue to the earnest attention of every citizen, and to all companies, firms, institutions, societies or other bodies who have resources to invest. It should be, I am sure it is, the determination of all classes and interests in the community to ensure that their power to lend to the nation shall contribute its full part towards our ultimate victory.
    Mr. Pethick-Lawrence: May I take it that, in issuing this long-term 3 per cent. loan, which Members in all parts of the House will hope will be subscribed to by individuals out of their genuine savings, the Chancellor of the Exchequer will not preclude from his mind the issuing of a short-term loan at a lower rate of interest particularly suitable for large financial houses?
    Mr. Graham White: While associating myself with the hope expressed by the Chancellor and by the right hon. Member above the Gangway, and, indeed, expressing my own belief that this loan will be a complete success because it appears as regards terms of maturity to fit well in the existing structure of our present securities, and also because it will afford a very large opportunity for persons to express their will to victory in a practical way, may I ask whether in any future schemes of finance the Chancellor may contemplate for the further financing of the war that it is his present intention and hope that future loans will be issued on such terms as not to be less favourable to the Exchequer than those he has just announced?
    Mr. Leach: Is there anything to prevent would-be lenders on this side entering into collusion with some friends abroad in order to get better terms?
    Mr. Mander: Can the Chancellor give an assurance that any income accruing from these investments will be disregarded for the purposes of the means test?
    Sir J. Simon: I do not think I can deal with the last Question. As regards the Question put to me by the right hon.

    209
    Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Pethick-Lawrence), of course, he realises, and everybody in the House realises, that a very great deal of consideration had to be given before deciding on the time and conditions of a very important issue such as this, and my advisers and I, as I have told the House, came to the conclusion that this was the right time for it. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that it might be accompanied by another loan on different terms, but I should be a little afraid that if one were to attempt to drive, as it were, the two horses side by side, it might always be possible that it might somewhat detract from the appeal of the loan I have announced. I shall, of course, bear in mind what he has said in respect of possible future occasions. The hon. Gentleman the Member for East Birkenhead (Mr. White) also referred to future issues. There certainly will have to be such, but I do not think I should be wise or prudent if I was to make any statement now. As regards the question put to me by the hon. Member for Central Bradford (Mr. Leach), based on my statement about relieving non-residents from tax, I appreciate the point he makes, and we shall take good care to see that it is the genuine non-residents' money which is lent to us on the terms I have suggested. People in this country must pay their taxes.
    Mr. Leach: I said "investors on this side" and that has been taken to mean "on this side of the House." I meant "on this side of the water."
    Sir J. Simon: I perfectly understand. The hon. Gentleman meant "on this side of the Channel."
    Mr. Woodburn: Regarding the suggestion that future loans may come along, may I ask whether the inference that these might be at a higher rate will not injure the success of the present issue? Would it not be wiser to make clear that loans during this war are not to be conducted on the auction-sale principle such as was done in the last war?
    Sir J. Simon: I hope the appeal that this loan will make will stand on its own merits without being made the subject of any such inference. I am sure the hon. Member will see that it would be the height of imprudence for me, without careful consideration, to give pledges for
    210
    years ahead in circumstances that no one at present can foresee.
    Mr. De la Bère: Will Income Tax be deducted at source?
    Sir J. Simon: Perhaps the hon. Member will look at the Prospectus.

    WAR WORK (PAYMENT).
    50. Sir George Mitcheson: asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the financial embarrassment to some firms, contractors to the Government, owing to the dilatoriness of the service and supply departments in making payments for goods that have been delivered; and what steps are being taken to accelerate payments?
    Sir J. Simon: I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury gave to the Member for Yardley (Mr. Salt) on 8th February.

    INDIVIDUAL INCOMES (SAVINGS).
    Mr. Caryasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the increased volume in national income and wages is prompted only because of an increase in the general cost of living and whether he will give an undertaking that no scheme will be introduced which would deprive the individual, after the orthodox claims of direct and indirect taxation have been met, of the full use of earnings?
    Sir J. Simon: The relation between variations in national income and variations in the cost of living is too complex a matter to be dealt with adequately in reply to a Question. As regards the second part of the Question, the Government are confident that their appeal that everyone should save and lend to the State as much as possible of their net income will continue to meet with a response commensurate with our great and unprecedented needs. So long as this is the case, the question of introducing schemes such as those referred to in the second part of the Question is less urgent. But clearly I cannot at this stage give any final undertakings as to how the war will be financed throughout its duration.
    54. Mr. Lyons: asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any decision has yet been reached with regard to a scheme for compulsory national savings?
    Sir J. Simon: I would refer my hon. and learned Friend to the reply which I have just given to my hon. Friend the Member for Eccles (Mr. Cary).
    Mr. Lyons: May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether this scheme, which has been discussed outside the House, will, within a short time, be discussed in this House before a definite decision is come to for or against?
    Sir J. Simon: Perhaps my hon. and learned Friend will be good enough, at his leisure, to look at the answer I have given.
    Mr. Gallacher: Is the Minister aware that what is gained by compulsory savings will be lost by the compulsory means test?

    UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES (TREASURY GRANT).
    Sir Ernest Graham-Littleasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in allocating to individual universities the forthcoming Treasury grants, he will consider the special onerous circumstances of London University which alone of the universities has been compelled to incur large additional expenditure occasioned directly by the evacuation of its students and teachers, and which at the same time receives from the main local authority concerned, the London County Council, a contribution equivalent to a ½d. rate, whereas provincial cities, which include in their area universities, commonly contribute to these the equivalent of a 1d. rate?
    Sir J. Simon: In the allocation of the grant voted annually by Parliament for universities and colleges, the Government are guided by the advice of the University Grants Committee. As stated in the reply which I gave to my hon. Friend on 20th February, the committee have recently carried out, at my request, a survey of university finance. I understand that in the course of this survey the committee received from the Court of London University full information on the matters to which my hon. Friend refers.
    Sir E. Graham-Little: Does my right hon. Friend realise that the composition of this committee makes it improbable that they would be generally familiar with the conditions of modern universities inasmuch as eight of the nine members of that committee are graduates of Oxford or Cambridge?
    Sir J. Simon: I quite understand my hon. Friend's special interest in the great constituency which he represents, but I think the committee to which he refers by no means confines itself to Oxford and Cambridge.

    LATE MR. J. A. PHILLIPS' ESTATE.
    55. Mr. Lathan: asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will state the circumstances in which, according to the Official Receiver's report, the Inland Revenue Department became an unsecured creditor against the estate of the late Jack Abraham Phillips, for the sum of £150,000; whether he will also state the period covered by these arrears of taxes and the nature of the steps taken to obtain payment currently, or within a reasonable limit of time?
    Sir J. Simon: The Inland Revenue authorities inform me that this is a complicated matter, and I am calling for a report.

    MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT (ARMY PAY).
    57. Mr. Jennings: asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether Members of the House of Commons serving with His Majesty's Forces draw their Army pay in addition to their salary as a Member of Parliament?
    The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Captain Crookshank): The payment of the prescribed salary to a Member of Parliament who is mobilised could not be withheld by executive decision. No doubt hon. and gallant Gentlemen who draw Service pay will decide for themselves whether, in their own cases, they wish to continue to draw all or any part of their Parliamentary salaries as well. It has always been and still is open to Members not to draw their full salaries, and in the last war a number of Members who were serving declined to take them.

  CIVIL SERVICE.

    RESERVED OCCUPATIONS.
    Mrs. Tateasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what is the reason for making the Civil Service a reserved occupation at the low age of 25?
    Captain Crookshank: The age of reservation for non-industrial civil servants other than members of minor and manipulative grades, has been fixed at 25 as representing a fair balance between the needs of the armed Forces on the one hand, and of the administration of Government on the other.

    COMMISSIONERS.
    Mr. Maxtonasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what functions are now performed by the office of the Civil Service Commissioners as the examinations for entry into the Civil Service have been suspended?
    Captain Crookshank: As the answer is rather long I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the answer:
    Although the main Open Competitions for entry to the Civil Service have been suspended, the Commissioners have held, and will continue to hold, a number of examinations of various kinds. During the: last six months a large number of assignments have been made from the various Open Competitions held prior to the war, and up to date there has been little reduction in the volume of work connected with the grant of Civil Service certificates to members of the subordinate grades of the service, particularly in the Post Office. In all, some 8,000 nominations have been received since the outbreak of war. Finally, the Commissioners continue to conduct the medical examination of officers who, on retirement from the Civil Service, desire to allocate part of their pension to a wife or other dependant.

    SECURITIES (GOVERNMENT PURCHASE).
    Mr. E. Smithasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he will give a list of the individuals and corporations from whom the securities were purchased as shown in the Statutory Rules and Orders, No. 213, Emergency Powers
    214
    (Defence) Finance, showing also, all changes in ownership since the shares were registered with the Treasury at the commencement of the war?
    Captain Crookshank: No, Sir. I consider that no useful purpose would be served by publishing a list of the kind suggested.
    Mr. Smith: In view of the fact that appeals are being made to the people of this country, are they not entitled to know who owns these shares and what was paid for them?
    Captain Crookshank: I do not understand what is in the hon. Gentleman's mind. What was paid for the shares was, of course, laid down in the order.

    GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS AND SERVICE UNITS (COMMUNICATIONS).
    62. Sir Joseph Leechasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he will, at short intervals, notify all Departments and Service units to be more sparing in the use of the telegraph and the telephone in respect of office or routine communications?
    Captain Crookshank:There are standing instructions to Departments in time of war that the telegraph and telephone services should be used for communications only where it is clear that the postal service would not be speedy enough. I do not think that the re-issue of such instructions at short intervals would produce the best results, but I will keep the matter under review.
    Mr. R. Gibson: Would the right hon. and gallant Gentleman say, with regard to his answer dealing with telephones, whether unlimited use of automatic telephones is not in the public interest at the present time?
    Captain Crookshank:The point is that whether automatic telephones or any other kind are used it is not always necessary to use them for communications when the post is speedy enough.

    QUESTIONS TO MINISTERS.
    Mr. Mander: Mr. Speaker, I wish to raise a point of Order with reference to Question 109—

    215
    "To ask the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will consider the advisability of taking steps to prevent the continued delivery of Swedish iron-ore to Germany."
    About a fortnight ago, I put down this Question to the Prime Minister. A few days later, it was transferred to the Minister of Economic Warfare. Therefore, I put it on the Paper for to-day in order to obtain an answer. Within the last day or so, it has been transferred to the First Lord of the Admiralty. Would you be good enough to indicate whether there is any way of getting Ministers to bring about some co-ordination and to accept such responsibility as will enable hon. Members to put down Questions to the proper Minister?
    Mr. Speaker: I do not think it would be a good thing for Ministers to accept responsibilities which are not theirs. Perhaps the hon. Member will again put the Question on the Paper, and no doubt as a Question to the Admiralty it will be reached in time.
    Mr. Mander: My point is that I want Ministers to make up their minds as to which of three different Departments are responsible for answering my Question. Surely, it ought not to take a fortnight to decide that.
    Mr. Thorne: May I point out, Mr. Speaker, that I put down Question 104—
    "To ask the Minister of Supply if he can give any information in connection with the closing down of the Arsenal on Saturday; and whether it applies to all Departments."
    to the Secretary of State for War and it was relegated to the Minister of Supply? I have no complaints to make about that as long as I get an answer.
    Mr. R. Gibson: I should like to put a point of Order relating to Question 101—
    "To ask the Secretary of State for War whether he has now ascertained what arrears of rent have already accrued in housing schemes municipally-owned at Greenock and elsewhere, owing to the allowances to wives of tenants now serving in the armed Forces not covering rents; and what proposals he has to meet the situation."
    You will observe, from the nature of that Question, Mr. Speaker, that it has previously been before the House. It was formerly addressed to the Secretary of State for Scotland, and the Minister who deputised for the Secretary of State for Scotland made an error in reading a
    216
    letter from the Corporation of Greenock. This Question was put on the Paper in order that that matter might be cleared up. Yesterday, I received an intimation that the Question had been transferred to the Secretary of State for War, and as it comes at the end of the list of Questions to the Secretary of State for War, the result is that no statement has been made to the House. May I have your guidance as to how, when an error has been made by a Minister or a Department in this way it may be cleared up without that Department pushing the Question on to another Department and so eluding a difficulty which is pointedly raised in the Question?
    Mr. Speaker: I am afraid I cannot clear up that matter.
    Mr. Gibson: Further to my point of Order, Mr. Speaker. Is there no means whereby the Department originally concerned may have an opportunity of acknowledging publicly to the Corporation the error that has been made?
    Mr. Speaker: If the Question is put down again, it will be answered by the proper Department.
    Mr. Gibson: Do I understand your Ruling to be that if this Question is put down for next week, it will be answered by the Secretary of State for Scotland?
    Mr. Speaker: That depends entirely upon the Order Paper.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. Attlee: May I ask the Prime Minister to state what business it is proposed to take during the remainder of the week?
The Prime Minister: To-morrow, Wednesday, after the Debate on Palestine, we propose to take the Motion to approve the Czecho-Slovakia (Settlement of Financial Claims) Draft Order, and the Motion to approve the Potato (1939 Crop) (Charges) Order.
On Thursday, after the Air Estimates, we desire to obtain the Committee and remaining stages of the Rating and Valuation Bill, and of the Cotton Industry Bill (Lords), and the Motion to approve the Clearing Office (Turkey) Amendment (No. 2) Order.

217
The Report stage of outstanding Civil Supplementary Estimates will be postponed.
Mr. Attlee: May I take it that the remaining stages of the Rating and Valuation Bill and of the Cotton Industry Bill will be taken only if there is time for their discussion at a reasonable hour?
The Prime Minister: Yes, Sir, I hope that it will not be necessary to ask the House to sit late. We certainly have that in mind.
Mr. T. Williams: May I ask whether that observation will also apply if any serious differences should be found to arise in regard to the Potato Order?
The Prime Minister: Perhaps it would be better to see how we get on.

SELECTION (COMMITTEE ON UNOPPOSED BILLS) (PANEL).
Colonel Gretton reported from the Committee of Selection: That they had discharged the following Member from the Panel appointed to serve on the Committee on Unopposed Bills: Mr. Boulton; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Erskine Hill.
Report to lie upon the Table.

MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
That they have agreed to—
Industrial Assurance and Friendly Societies (Emergency Protection from Forfeiture) Bill, with Amendments.

ORDERS OF THE DAY.

  SUPPLY.
  [1ST ALLOTTED DAY.]
  Considered in Committee.
  [Sir DENNIS HERBERT in the Chair.]
  CIVIL ESTIMATES AND ESTIMATES FOR REVENUE DEPARTMENTS, 1940 (VOTE ON ACCOUNT).
  Motion made, and Question proposed:
  "That a sum, not exceeding £181,165,000, be granted to His Majesty, on account, for or towards defraying the charges for the following Civil and Revenue Departments (including Education and Broadcasting, Pensions, Health and Unemployment Insurance, Unemployment Assistance, Roads and other Grants and Exchequer Contributions to Local Revenues) for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1941, namely:

  CIVIL ESTIMATES.

  CLASS IV.

  £

  Board of Education

  18,500,000

  Public Education, Scotland

  3,300,000

  CLASS I.

  House of Lords Offices

  23,000

  House of Commons

  155,000

  Registration of Electors

  60,000

  Treasury and Subordinate Departments

  147,000

  Privy Council Office

  4,500

  Privy Seal Office

  1,850

  Charity Commission

  13,000

  Civil Service Commission

  14,500

  Exchequer and Audit Department

  60,000

  Government Actuary

  11,250

  Government Chemist

  30,000

  Government Hospitality

  7,000

  Import Duties Advisory Committee

  20,000

  The Mint

  10

  National Debt Office

  500

  National Savings Committee

  37,000

  Public Record Office

  13,000

  Public Works Loan Commission

  7,500

  Repayments to the Local Loans Fund

  19,000

  Royal Commissions, etc.

  10,500

  Miscellaneous Expenses

  21,500

  Secret Service

  600,000

  Tithe Redemption Commission

  10

  Scotland:

  Scottish Home Department

  65,000

  CLASS II.

  Foreign Office

  150,000

  Diplomatic and Consular Services

  650,000

  League of Nations

  112,000

  Dominions Office

  I7,500

  Dominion Services

  665,000

  Oversea Settlement

  5,000

  £

  Colonial Office

  71,000

  Colonial and Middle Eastern Services

  2,500,000

  Colonial Development Fund

  200,000

  India and Burma Services

  575,000

  Imperial War Graves Commission

  30,000

  CLASS III.

  Home Office

  290,000

  Broadmoor Criminal Lunatic Asylum

  31,000

  Police, England and Wales

  6,600,000

  Prisons, England and Wales

  650,000

  Approved Schools, etc., England and Wales

  120,000

  Supreme Court of Judicature, etc.

  10

  County Courts

  65,000

  Land Registry

  47,000

  Public Trustee

  10

  Law Charges

  45,000

  Miscellaneous Legal Expenses

  44,000

  Scotland:

  Police

  275,000

  Prisons

  53,000

  Approved Schools, etc.

  23,500

  Scottish Land Court

  3,500

  Law Charges and Courts of Law

  16,000

  Register House, Edinburgh

  5,000

  Ireland:

  Northern Ireland Services

  3,500

  Supreme Court of Judicature, etc., Northern Ireland

  17,600

  Irish Land Purchase Services

  625,300

  CLASS IV.

  British Museum

  75,000

  British Museum (Natural History)

  45,000

  Imperial War Museum

  4,000

  London Museum

  1,400

  National Gallery

  10,000

  National Maritime Museum

  3,500

  National Portrait Gallery

  3,000

  Wallace Collection

  3,600

  Scientific Investigation, etc.

  95,000

  Universities and Colleges, Great Britain

  850,000

  Broadcasting

  1,875,000

  Scotland:

  National Galleries

  4,500

  National Library

  1,400

  CLASS V.

  Ministry of Health

  6,000,000

  Board of Control

  70,000

  Registrar General's Office

  47,000

  National Insurance Audit Department

  56,000

  Friendly Societies Registry

  15,000

  Old Age Pensions

  17,250,000

  Widows', Orphans'and Old Age Contributory Pensions

  6,150,000

  Ministry of Labour and National Service

  10,250,000

  Grants in respect of Employment Schemes

  900,000

  Commissioner for Special Areas (England and Wales)

  10

  Unemployment Assistance Board

  10,000,000

  £

  Special Areas Fund

  700,000

  Financial Assistance in Special and other Areas

  270,000

  Scotland:

  Department of Health

  1,500,000

  Board of Control

  6,000

  Registrar General's Office

  6,750

  Commissioner for Special Areas

  10

  CLASS VI.

  Board of Trade

  148,000

  Mercantile Marine Services

  140,000

  Department of Overseas Trade

  141,000

  Export Credits

  250,000

  Mines Department of the Board of Trade

  80,000

  Office of the Commissioners of Crown Lands

  12,000

  Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries

  1,600,000

  Milk (England and Wales)

  825,000

  Land Fertility Improvement

  600,000

  Surveys of Great Britain

  145,000

  Forestry Commission

  150,000

  Ministry of Transport

  200,000

  Roads, etc.

  5,500,000

  Development Fund

  165,000

  Development Grants

  170,950

  Department of Scientific and Industrial Research

  250,000

  State Management Districts

  10

  Clearing Offices

  10

  Scotland:

  Department of Agriculture

  145,000

  Milk

  130,000

  Fisheries

  16,000

  Herring Industry

  1,800

  CLASS VII.

  Art and Science Buildings, Great Britain

  88,000

  Houses of Parliament Buildings

  42,000

  Labour and Health Buildings, Great Britain

  180,000

  Miscellaneous Legal Buildings, Great Britain

  48,000

  Osborne

  7,000

  Office of Works and Public Buildings

  100,000

  Public Buildings, Great Britain

  830,000

  Public Buildings, Overseas

  58,000

  Royal Palaces

  45,000

  Revenue Buildings

  540,000

  Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens

  73,000

  Rates on Government Property

  1,700,000

  Stationery and Printing

  1,200,000

  Peterhead Harbour

  6,000

  Works and Buildings in Ireland

  20,000

  CLASS VIII.

  Merchant Seamen's War Pensions

  80,000

  Ministry of Pensions

  14,500,000

  Royal Irish Constabulary Pensions, etc.

  500,000

  Superannuation and Retired Allowances

  1,000,000

  CLASS IX.

  Exchequer Contributions to Local Revenues, England and Wales

  18,000,000

  Exchequer Contributions to Local Revenues, Scotland

  2,325,000

  UNCLASSIFIED SERVICES.

  £

  Ministry of Supply

  10

  Reserve of Plant and Building Materials

  10

  Total for Civil Estimates

  £145,215,000

  REVENUE DEPARTMENTS

  Customs and Excise

  2,150,000

  Inland Revenue

  2,800,000

  Post Office

  31,000,000

  Total for Revenue Departments

  £35,950,000

  Total for Civil Estimates and Estimates for Revenue Departments

  £181,165,000"

  4.4 p.m.
  Mr. Lees-Smith: I beg to move, "That Item Class IV, Vote 1 (Board of Education), be reduced by £100."
  This Vote includes the entire expenditure of the Board of Education, so that our Debate this afternoon can range over any problem connected with the Board in England and Wales for which the Parliamentary Secretary is responsible. Since the last Debate the chief development in education has, of course, been the decision of the Government to re-establish the compulsory system throughout the country. I may say that we anticipated and, indeed, welcomed that decision as a very sensible adjustment to the conditions under which the war is being fought. The original decision was taken when it was anticipated that there would be a great mass attack on London. That has not taken place. We now have to contemplate the possibility that such an attack may not take place for some time—that it may take place only as an act of desperation towards the end of the war—and that the war may settle down into a kind of siege of Germany, in which the victor will be the side which can endure longest the strain of living under war conditions. That, I think, is the possibility which is envisaged.
  In the last Debate which we had on education I said that we should prepare for that condition of things, and that we should return to what I then described as a system of maximum normality, even at the cost of a certain degree of risk. I welcome this decision of the Government, because that is the principle upon which they are now acting. I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to give the

  243
  Committee the time-table which he expects will determine the bringing into being of this policy. It is not yet quite clear. I have gathered from the hon. Gentleman's Answers to Questions that he anticipates that compulsory education generally, for children between 11 and 14, can be established about the beginning of next term and that the compulsory system for children in junior schools could be established rather towards the end of next term. But the hon. Gentleman has not yet made any statement to indicate when the children under five, in nursery classes or in nursery schools, can be brought into the general scheme and it is important that we should know. We ought to have an estimate of the time in which the hon. Gentleman considers the normal system, in its entirety, will be in force throughout the country.
  A number of my hon. Friends who are engaged in the day-to-day administration of education have particular administrative points to raise and questions to ask, and I propose to leave those matters to them. But before passing from the immediate problem of the evacuation areas, I would make one suggestion. The division between evacuation areas, neutral areas and reception areas looks very neat in a scheme. But I think it was made before the war, and I am not sure that this division quite fits in with or is relevant to existing conditions. The scheme of evacuation, I gather, is not to be brought into operation seriously until raiding either begins or is anticipated and the intention is that it should then be very drastic. I suggest that, in making these preparations, preliminary consideration should be given to the possibility that some of the areas which will be in the greatest danger may not be among those which happened to be put into the schedule of vulnerable areas before the war broke out.
  In the last education Debate and also in another earlier Debate it was made clear that a large number of hon. Members were anxious about the condition of boys and girls between 14 and 18 in the circumstances of the black-out. This has given considerable interest to the new scheme of the National Youth Committee. I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary this afternoon will give us a fairly full statement of the work of that Committee
  244
  under its new guise. He will remember that we on this side criticised the National Fitness Council during the Second Reading Debate on the Measure which set it up, because we held that this work ought to be based on the local authorities. That original mistake has now been corrected and I do not propose to go back on the arguments which were used and the points that were made in regard to it. Nevertheless there are some dangers still inherent in the National Youth Committee to which I would call the attention of the Parliamentary Secretary. I see in a recent circular that the committee is to consist of 24 members. As a matter of fact, of those only nine will represent local authorities and the remaining 15 will represent voluntary organisations, religious denominations, philanthropic bodies, and so on. I respect the work which the voluntary organisations have done, but I would call attention to the fact that they have confined their attention to physical recreation as distinct from physical education. They have confined their attention mainly to establishing playing-fields, tennis courts, football grounds, swimming baths, and so forth.
  All these are very important and valuable, but I am coming to the belief that in this sphere of developing the physique of youth, serious attention to physical education is just as important as the much more expensive schemes of physical recreation. I remember an address by Lord Dawson by which I was greatly impressed, in which he pointed out that when watching hikers, footballers, tennis-players and others 18 or 20 years ago he, with his medical eye, came to the conclusion that at least half of them were suffering from physical defects of structure such as contracted chests, stooping shoulders or bad breathing apparatus, which they did not notice in the surge and strength of youth, but for which he, as a medical man, knew they would pay a great price when they reached middle age, unless those defects were put right in time. This is just as important work for the National Youth Committee as the provision of swimming baths. I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to consider whether part of the work of the Committee should not be to establish what I would call civic health and recreation centres, where young people could have structural defects put right without any personal expenditure. I do not see why

  245
  the system of medical inspection should come to an end at 14. It is after that age that defects reveal themselves during adolescence and the period of rapid growth.
  Sir Ernest Graham-Little (University of London): The right hon. Gentleman may be interested to know that experiments on those lives are being made in the University College Hospital.
  Mr. Lees-Smith: I am glad to hear that, and I am suggesting that experiments of that kind should be considered and taken in hand by the National Youth Committee. I make this suggestion because the National Youth Committee, in the absence of any such suggestion, is likely to be influenced greatly by those who have not concentrated attention upon that method of encouraging the better physique of our youth. Those who are interested in boys and girls of that age have made suggestions that before the end of the war, at any rate after the war, we should revive the Fisher Act and provide compulsory part-time education to those over 16 of about eight hours a day in the employers' time. I should be glad to see that Act revived, because it is better to have up to 18 even part-time education than no education at all. I am apprehensive because there have been lately and, indeed, there were when I was at the Board, frequent discussions whether the Fisher Act might not be revived as an alternative to raising the school age. We have been given very solemn assurances by the Parliamentary Secretary and the President of the Board that the Act of 1936 would be brought into operation as soon as the war was at at end, and it was only because of those assurances that the suspension of the Act did not meet with the most prolonged resistance from Members on this side.
  I should like the Parliamentary Secretary to repeat those assurances to-day, because the Fisher Act is bound to be to some extent limited in its operations, not only because the time for each child is limited, but because I have always understood that it could not work except in areas with a fairly concentrated population. The Act cannot be carried out unless the area is sufficiently crowded to enable a school and teachers to be maintained and to be at work the whole day with groups of students who come for only one or two hours a day. I come
  246
  back to our main belief that the best place for a boy or girl of 15 or 16 is not in a factory but at a good school, and anything which postponed that would meet with the strongest resistance from this side of the Committee.
  There is a new topic which we have now to begin discussing about which I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to make a statement. That is the question of education in the Forces. In the last war a system of Army education was established—I do not think it was widespread in the Air Force or Navy—which brought under its influence, to a greater or less extent, over 3,000,000 men. As a result of that system, the Army Education Corps came into existence and became an integral part of the Army, and, indeed, of the machinery for promoting men from private to corporal up to sergeant—major. At the beginning of this war the Army Education Corps was disbanded and most of its members were put on to ciphering and duties of that kind, and no provision for the education of the Army was left. I am glad to understand that the system is now to be revived. I gather that the Board of Education are to play a central part in it, and I hope they will play the controlling part. That is why I am asking for a statement.
  I understand that the system of Army education which is being discussed is that in each area of the country the university of the area is to take the leading part and that, in conjunction with bodies like the Workers' Educational Association and the Young Men's Christian Association, they will arrange lectures and courses for the troops. I have not learned how the idea is to be applied to France. I would like to make two comments and suggestions on this scheme while it is in its early stages. I hope that we shall not be discouraged if the scheme does not get a great response from the Army in its early stages. I think the Army is bored, but, on the whole, at this stage men are unsettled and are not in a frame of mind to undertake the fairly concentrated effort which educational work requires. This kind of work flourishes best in an atmosphere of peace or of the prospect of peace in the immediate future. At present the future is too indefinite for that atmosphere to be very obvious to the men in the Army. In the last war

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  the experiment was not started until 1918, and when I say that 3,000,000 men came under its influence I think that, as a matter of fact, the majority were not influenced until after the Armistice.
  The plan, with the universities behind it, of organised lectures and courses will, I believe, in course of time, be greatly welcomed; but in addition to the lectures and courses, I think we shall get higher results by simpler methods and by allowing soldiers to have some quiet room where they will be away from the incessant clatter of the camp and from the wireless which never ceases in the institutes and, in my experience, never ceases in the officers' mess. I would particularly allow them the opportunity of taking lessons and courses in simple subjects by correspondence, so that they can work in their own time off duty. In one or two units where I have made inquiries experiments have already been made in a simple and informal manner, and it is found that the subjects which the soldiers mostly prefer at present are French, German, shorthand and typewriting. These do not need a very elaborate organisation, and I suggest that a simple scheme which a man can take up in his own time, especially if it can get the encouragement of any officer in the unit whose taste happens to lie in that direction, would be appreciated.
  I want to raise one more subject which I predict Parliament will discuss with a good deal of feeling for a considerable time to come. It is a subject which is now looming in front of us and will have to be taken up. I refer to the position of what are known as the public schools, by which I mean schools like Rugby, Charterhouse, and Uppingham. It is clear that they cannot continue on their present basis. They have reached the greatest crisis in their history, and that crisis will be evident probably, I think, during the war, but certainly after the war. I do not think that those who have followed this subject will contradict me when I say that a system of schools in which a parent has to spend about £250 a year for one child is a system which after the war will find itself faced with the difficulty that not more than one-tenth of the present boys and girls in those schools will be able to go back. That is to say, the system is so extravagant that these schools are faced with
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  the prospect—and they know it—that 90 per cent. of them will close down after the war if they are dependent upon the fees of the same classes of the community who occupy their places now.
  The suggestion has already been canvassed—there was, for instance, the article by Sir Cyril Norwood in the "Spectator" to which the Parliamentary Secretary called my attention—that these schools should be given grants on the same basis as ordinary grant-aided secondary schools. This question will begin a new series of discussions in the House. Let us now realise what is being opened up. Any foreign observer coming to this country is always surprised at the fact that we have two entirely separate systems of education, two separate systems of schools; and throughout their school life those who go to one set of schools have not, I suppose, one day's real contact with those who go to the other set of schools. The result, of course, is seen everywhere, and produces the most profound consequences throughout the whole of our national life. Those who are brought up differently think differently. It is the case that we are two nations, who live in fair amity with each other because we are, on the whole, a tolerant and good-natured race; but we do not really understand each other's lives or enter into them. I am making a very moderate statement of the situation, the facts of which I do not think anybody will contradict.
  The question is now being asked whether we are to be asked to pay taxes, to which all of us will have to contribute, in order to perpetuate what is undoubtedly the greatest class distinction left in our social life, because there is no such serious class distinction as there is in education. In that case one or two propositions will have to be laid down. Certainly, there can be no public aid without public control and without public entry. These schools will have to accept, as do the secondary schools, a large proportion of children from elementary schools, a proportion which will have to increase stage by stage until it reaches a very substantial number in a comparatively limited period of time. The parallel between these schools and the grant-aided secondary schools and the grammar schools where the dayboys come from the neighbourhood is not true at all. They present a far more difficult problem.

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  The great difficulty of these schools is that they are so surprisingly expensive, that in spite of foundations left in the past they require £250 a year to educate one child. That is, of course, extravagant to a monstrous degree. Why are they extravagant? They are extravagant because they are exceptional to the whole of our education system in that they are boarding schools. That, again, is a most peculiar feature of the British education system. A large section of our community, the most comfortably-off section, take it as an assumption, take it as beyond denial, that the most natural system of educating their children is to send them away from home for nine months out of every year. I do not accept that assumption, and I do not think the country will be willing to accept it if they are to pay large sums of money to keep that particular idea alive. I think it is an unnatural system. To me the natural system seems to be one in which home influence will play a large part in the life of the children and not simply be confined to the period of the holidays.
  After all, what is the life of a boarding school—I am talking of Rugby, Marlborough, and schools like those? It is a crowd life. Boys work in crowds, sleep in crowds, play in crowds, stand round the field and shout in crowds. This kind of crowd life, combined with home life, appears to me to be far more natural and healthy than crowd life unadulterated. I think that is unnatural. I do not think it is best calculated to produce family affection, because the affection of children for their parents arises out of little acts of helpfulness, like helping with the homework and taking an interest in what is happening in school.
  Mr. Ede: If the parents do the homework right.
  Mr. Lees-Smith: I do not think we shall get family affection by a system which divorces parents from children for nine months out of every year. Therefore, I find it difficult to know exactly where schools of this type will fit in. I should say myself that boarding schools are suited to delicate children, to children whose home surroundings are unsatisfactory. Like these new camp schools which are being established, they will be very useful for children from town areas to go to as a kind of holiday centre for part of the time. In that way they
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  might be used, and at the moment that is their most obvious use, but it must not be taken for granted that all of them can be put to use in that way or that it would be worth while for the State to expend this enormous sum of money to keep them alive for any other purpose than that.
  I think the subject will have to be discussed and that it will rouse a good deal of feeling. The other day the Parliamentary Secretary made a speech in which he made some observations that were not very different in spirit from those which I have made, and I noticed that he was immediately pounced upon by the "Times'' and heavily reproved for introducing class warfare in the midst of the present armed conflict. When we touch a man's public school it often raises in his breast feelings akin in intensity to those roused by religion. So long as public schools can stand on their own feet so long will they be unassailable, but if they propose to put themselves on the taxes they must be prepared to meet the claim that they should revert to their original purpose of being schools of the people, for which most of their foundation initially provided.
  4.40 p.m.
  The Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education (Mr. Kenneth Lindsay):This is the fourth year in which I have had to try to give the Committee some sort of review of the progress of education during the year. I propose to adopt a different method to-day, because the state of education is extremely difficult to describe in any departmental way, and after I have answered some of the questions which my right hon. Friend has put to me I propose to discuss the effects of the war and evacuation on our system of education in this country. The first point that my right hon. Friend raised concerned the general question of a timetable for compulsory education. The policy was laid down quite clearly by my Noble Friend in another place a few weeks ago: we aim at full-time education. Since then we have been speeding-up the administrative machinery throughout the country. I should like to quote a sentence which came into my hands a few hours ago from the Regional Commissioner in London:
  "There need be no limitation on the number of children sent to any school provided there is sufficient protection of the standard

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  required for schools in an evacuable area either in being or under construction."
  Again:
  "No schools need be kept closed merely on account of the supposed vulnerability of their position, but schools within a quarter of a mile of the docks or river side below London Bridge should be provided with protection."
  This is a very great advance on three months ago, when we discussed this matter in November. As far as I can get accurate figures, in the evacuation areas about one quarter of the children are receiving full-time education, about one quarter are on part-time education; another quarter are under home service schemes, and the remainder are still without schools. I cannot give a date on which full-time education will be resumed throughout the whole country. I should like to mention that Smethwick was the first evacuation area to get back to full time education. London has this week got compulsory education restored for all those who are over 11, and from the beginning of April they will have compulsory education for all over eight years.
  Taking it broadly, I should say that half the children of the country are to-day in reception areas, something over a quarter are in evacuation areas, and something rather less than a quarter in the neutral areas. I will take the point, which I think is a good one, which my right hon. Friend raised and consult the President of the Board and my right hon. Friend the Minister of Home Security about the advisability of revising the areas. Routine medical inspection is being resumed. We have sent out circulars to the local education authorities urging them to make good the arrears in that respect.
  I want to pay a tribute to the teachers. I wonder how many realise that during the winter—when I personally was very comfortable in hospital—these teachers have been going from door to door, half an hour there, and half an hour next door, teaching in kitchens and in front rooms, taking little knots of children in groups all over the country. It gave them a closer acquaintance with the parents than they have ever had before, and it has undoubtedly meant greater individual education, because of the small classes; but at best it is a makeshift. I should also like to thank—I do not think they have been thanked yet—the voluntary
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  workers in London and elsewhere who have run schools on their own, particularly for infants and juniors.
  The second point which my right hon. Friend raised concerned the question of raising the school-leaving age. The Act of 1936 has been postponed, and there is no going back on the principle of raising the leaving age.
  I thought to-day that instead of trying to examine various branches of education in a rather dull way, I would examine the whole scheme of education in the light of the war and evacuation. It is my view that one of the reasons why hon. Members very often are more interested in far distant countries than in the problem of education in this country is because of the dullness of the word, particularly when it comes to adult education, which is particularly interesting, but which is almost knocked out by the very phrase. It is the same with evacuation. The senior Burgess for Oxford University (Mr. A. Herbert) has suggested the word "dispersal" or "scattering." Kent have called them "dumplings.'' But whatever the word, it is a discouraging and vacant word. By some people evacuation was considered as an invasion, by some an irritation, by some a precaution, by some a failure, by some a success and by some a tragedy, but a tragedy with humorous moments, as, for instance, when the girl at Grasmere inquired after the grave of Mr. Woolworth! There is also the case of the boy in Kent who thought that birds hopped by electricity. This may seem strange to us sitting in this House, but there is no teacher or inspector who cannot reel off story after story of this kind, and this helps to explain the curious division which exists here between town and country.
  Many hon. Members opposite and outside the House have referred to inefficiency. It is very easy to talk, but we have lived through six months of an overhanging threat which has so far failed to materialise, and all I can say is that more and more I hope that in the future the Board and local education authorities will take more responsibility for children wherever they are, because children are their business, and they understand it. But leaving on one side this aspect of the situation, the question I want to ask is this: Has it in any way

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  added to our knowledge? Has the dispersal of three-quarters of a million children from town to country taught us anything, and, if so, what? It seems to me that nothing like it has ever happened in the history of this country, or so far as I know in that of any other. I think it has taught us very little that we did not know before, though it has emphasised many recent developments; but It has thrown a beam of light on something that we did not know before, something so significant and vital that it really makes this word "education'' come to life again. That is the hope of a radical change in the physique and outlook of urban children. To this point I will recur later, because it seems to me far and away the most important.
  But there are one or two other considerations, and one of those raised by my right hon. Friend was the question of public schools. If he will read the speech that I made some two or three months ago, he will see that in detail it had very little in common with his own speech except perhaps in very general principles. I have no strong views on boarding schools, and I hope that as long as there is freedom in this country people will be able to choose whether they will send their children to boarding schools or not.
  Mr. Cove: All people?
  Mr. Lindsay: All people. But my right hon. Friend was not making that point. We did not need to scatter and disperse our schools in order to discover that the public schools and the great secondary and grammar schools must draw more closely together. The public schools are unique. They have played a distinguished part in the history of this country. They have been misinterpreted, and some Germans have said they are what the Nazis wanted. But they missed the whole point, because the essence of these schools is their independence. I can give you my view in a few words. I regard these schools as being as much a part of our national inheritance as are the ancient universities. But they have much wider responsibility than they have ever realised. They have a problem, and will have to face it, and as with direct grant schools we shall look on sympathetically; but we have no responsibility for those schools. The point I want to make to-day is that whatever the future, evacuation
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  has brought a greater understanding between the secondary schools, because they have undergone common difficulties and been companions in hardship. Out they went on the outbreak of war, many not knowing where they were to land. Others found their buildings commandeered and were forced to settle in strange places. A great day school from Birmingham, the King Edward VI School, found itself at Repton, and the City of London School found itself on the Wiltshire Downs. Other schools, like Charterhouse and Rossall, offered hospitality to secondary schools and at Winchester a Portsmouth secondary school is being taught science by the Winchester staff, while Eastbourne College has been giving accommodation to the local grammar school. Malvern is housed in the ancestral home of the First Lord. These day-school boys have been rubbing shoulders with boarders, and instead of the walk home and train journey have been settling down and experiencing what the right hon. Gentleman completely misunderstood. It is not true to say that the life of the boarding school is necessarily a crowd life. It is very largely a community life, and there is something very important, I think, to be gained during the period from 14 to 18 by living in some sort of corporate unity; but that point I want to come to when I deal with the National Youth Committee.
  No fewer than 42 schools had to be completely rebilleted. Imagine what that means. A school arrives in a village with no premises and the headmaster must look round. In one case he got hold of an old priory and completely renovated the building. Equipment was brought down on lorries. A hall and a recreation field were added. In three months they had a full time-table and had done repair work and improvements on the estate. It is an experiment in secondary education of great importance. There are other ancient schools, like Manchester Grammar School and that of Leeds, with a long history and a very high standard of scholarship, which since the evacuation have in some places very nearly lost their identity of existence—I am not talking particularly of Manchester in this case—and therefore it is most important that any help we can give them to retain that identity, which is one of the glories of education of this country, is of profound importance.
  Mr. Cove: Is not the identity of the elementary schools important?
  Mr. Lindsay: Just as important. But there is a particular reason in the case of the secondary schools because of the specialist staff.
  Mr. Cove:Corporate life.
  Mr. Lindsay: Corporate life is important, especially between the ages of 14 and 18. The war is having one more effect on secondary schools. Hon. Members will remember that Lord Derby wrote a letter to the "Times" some months ago, and ever since then letters have been appearing. I think the matter was put a little out of focus. There is a very real problem of the boy between 16 and 20 because of certain avenues of employment being closed down and others greatly reduced. Children have had to take jobs in some cases before the school certificate age and so break their school life. I deplore this, and I wish there was a way of stopping it, but economic circumstances press and normal opportunities are not there, you cannot blame children for taking jobs when they can be sure of them. But there is also the problem of the gap between the ages of 16 and 20, the age of calling-up. We discussed this matter on the National Youth Committee and discovered that a great deal was in fact being done to which we intend to give publicity. A number of firms like Dunlops and Thorneycrofts have invented a new type of apprenticeship. The Ministry of Agriculture and the Forestry Commission will, I hope, also offer openings to some of these boys who may prefer an outdoor life. But it is still true that some of the professions, particularly those where a university education is not indispensable, such as architecture, accountancy, and certain others, will not take boys on in quite the same way as they did before the war. Their hardest problem is here. The chief point to my mind—and this is why I came back when the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove) made an objection—the chief point about these schools is that they have some sort of corporate life. They have ample chances for physical education, self-expression and they are, if you like, a little spiritual community.
  Eighty per cent. of the nation's children who go to work about 14 or 15 years of age, however, are denied these
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  advantages. It is for this reason that within a few weeks of the war we started the National Youth Committee. The National Fitness Council was disbanded for, in a word, its weakness was its cumbrous organisation, its failure to utilise going concerns like the local education authorities and the voluntary bodies, and its title. The National Youth Committee are not solely concerned with fitness, and here I want to correct an impression that seemed to be in the mind of my right hon. Friend when he was talking about voluntary bodies. I wish voluntary bodies were concerned with providing recreation fields and swimming baths, but in fact the money for these things has to come from the rates. We are concerned with something wider than fitness, and on 27th November the Board issued a circular entitled "The Service of Youth'' to all counties and county boroughs of this country. I sent a copy to every hon. Member, and I should like to thank them for their encouragement and the work they have done in their own constituencies. Nearly 45,000 copies of this circular have been printed and the Archbishop of Canterbury recently in another place described it as marking the beginning of an epoch.
  Why did we do it? Either this is going to produce results or else we are going to be faced in a few years time with much the same problem as before. Out of 146 authorities, I can say that 111have taken action, and before the end of the month I am confident that the others will follow. This is an enormous encouragement to us at the Board, for it means that in little over three months—and surely with no obligation on the authorities because it is not a duty, but only a power—they have decided to act. The schemes submitted vary in type. We shall have in a few months' time in this country about 200 or 300 youth committees, because quite rightly, the smaller authorities in the country will form their own youth committees. I want to quote statements from authorities, because in my experience we have not had this sort of statement before. This is from a county borough
  "The authority warmly welcome the inauguration of the National Youth Committee and are resolved to support its purpose in every possible way. The authority deem to be long overdue a national effort to unite local education authorities and the public spirited voluntary organisations. They believe that,

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  especially under the precarious world conditions of this age, a country which is careless of the welfare of its young people hazards even its own survival and possibly has no reasonable claim to survival. They see other nations amply recognising this and acting vigorously, though neither their aims nor their methods would be accepted here. This scheme is accordingly presented as the initial expression of the authority's eagerness to co-operate with all interested in this campaign."
  The second is a county authority, and they write as follows:
  "There can be no doubt that this work, especially in time of war, will be of the highest value. Yet, though this movement may be born in war, its future lies in the peace ahead when it will form as vital a part of the systematic scheme of education as school life does to-day."
  It is an advance for authorities to write in those terms. I would not quote these if it was within my experience at the Board to have that kind of letter from an authority, especially on what is rather a new development, and I welcome it. Not only from this but from my observation at meetings that I have addressed up and down the country, I should say there is more interest in this problem than at any period during the last 20 years, and there must be a reason for it. I think the reason is that the country is beginning to accept and to grasp the importance of this period.
  I said we are not only concerned with fitness. It is a time of earning and learning. The great majority miss all the advantages of a secondary school and after a day's work they are not prepared to come and sit down in the school atmosphere, especially in some of the school atmospheres to which they have to come. Therefore, we have to find a new technique, a more informal approach, new types of facilities both for training and for leisure and for new forms of adventurous service; and it is to this problem that the youth committees are now addressing themselves. For instance, there is a new kind of institution called the club institute. The hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) will know what I mean when I mention the junior institutes of London. I understand three more are going to be started. But the club institute in other parts of the country is comparatively new. The Welsh committee which is presided over by the hon. Member for Aberdare (Mr. George Hall) came to London last week and spent an evening going round these institutes. It was news to them that such
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  places existed. Not only is the club institute new, but something else is wanted, someone who is half a teacher and half a leader. It is not very easy to find him. When local education authorities discover such a person, I advise them immediately to second him for this work. In Stoke, where I was last week, they recently took specially for this work two teachers who have this special gift—genius, if you like—for dealing with young people, which is quite different from dealing with a boy on full-time education. A wider use of camps and youth hostels and playing fields are all required, but it is my view, for what it is worth, that we have in the past pitched our appeal too low. We have invited them to come into some building where there is recreation, if you like, and very often nothing much more. After all, the phenomenal success of the Scout movement all over the world was due to the fact that they gave something as well as got something.
  We want to assist every bonâ fide youth organisation, but we do not want to ruin their independence. What is more encouraging to me is to see new enterprises starting every day. This brings me to Cheltenham. I admit that it is only a light against the black-out. They have thrown open the town hall so many evenings a week, and hundreds of these young people come thronging to the place because there is literally nothing for them to do. I have had letters from people, on new housing estates especially, asking, "Do you realise the absence of facilities for young people?" There is nowhere for them to go and in many cases no alternative to drift, and much of the adult unemployment has its origin in drifting between 14 and 18. The South Wales Boys' Club set up a travelling theatre. They made the entire thing themselves, and now they are going through the country giving performances. In Stoke last week I saw unemployed boys—I do not see why anyone under 18 need be unemployed. These lads were creating a new club, plastering, papering and renovating a building in one of the drabest parts of the Black Country. All these are interesting to me, because these young people are not just sitting down and listening to someone talking but are doing something of an enterprising kind with their fellows. I believe that is going to be the secret of any new

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  development between the years of 14 and 18.
  There is one further point I should like to mention; those hostels which were set up by the Y.M.C.A. for unemployed boys from the distressed areas who want to go on to the land. I strongly hope that these hostels will become a permanent bridge for boys of all kinds to find a new chance on the land, not because they are unemployed but because they have chosen this vocation. What in the world has land to do with unemployment? It is the biggest single mistake that has ever been made in settlement here or overseas to connect unemployment with the land. The real thing is that there are scores of boys in the cities who want to go on to the land because they like it and, especially if we can find a better agricultural ladder for them, there is going to be much greater opportunity. There are I suppose 50,000 boys in day continuation schools.
  Mr. R. C. Morrison(North Tottenham): Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied that all the county authorities have understood the instructions contained in the circular issued by the Board? Is he aware that one very large county authority has interpreted them as meaning that the county authority will pay the cost of the centre only in so far as the educational part of the work is concerned? That throws the burden of the recreational part on to voluntary organisations which are quite unable to bear it.
  Mr. Lindsay:I should like to have a word about the particular example that the hon. Member mentioned. I cannot give any exact description, because every authority is dealing with it differently. That is inevitable in this country. In Southampton, Manchester, and Liverpool I can think of four different methods of local education authorities helping voluntary bodies. We have to forego the camps and swimming baths which were to have come with the National Fitness Councils' grants. [Interruption.] I am very glad to hear the opposite story. I could show hon. Members that scores of authorities have already provided considerable sums, which they have never given before, for youth work. There are other ways in which these young people between 14 and 18 wish to express themselves. There are Air Cadets,
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  Army Cadets, Sea Cadets, and it is because there is this infinite variety, because you will never get a regimented movement in this country, that what I am concerned with is to turn this no man's land between 14 and 20 into a more fertile area where there will be vigorous and sensitive citizens in the making. If we get across that conception we can face up to the challenge of this period. I could say more about the work of the youth committees. [Interruption.] My right hon. Friend says, "What about health?'' Lord Dawson is on the Committee, and we are discussing that subject next Wednesday week.
  I should like to say one word about this other work which is not affected by evacuation but is affected by the war—adult education. Democracy has too often meant the triumph of mass thinking, mass behaviour and a rather dull level of mediocrity. Yet the very same cause which has brought this about in my experience has made it possible for those who wish to learn and to think and to listen to do so, and has given them the chance. They are the people who in the long run will save our culture perhaps even more than the universities themselves. I am referring to these classes which you can find up and down the country because, whereas only one man in a thousand ever enters the walls of a university, hundreds of thousands attend groups and classes week after week in the spirit of toleration. In spite of the black-out, in spite of transport difficulties and the German radio and anything else you can mention, during the last six months the number of classes organised almost equals that of last year. I think it is this close contact of the shrewd practical experience of ordinary life with learning of the university which still distinguishes the movement in this country. It is only in these classes now that you can have discussions on philosophy and literature and science outside the walls of the universities themselves.
  I should like to refer to one notable extension. The Pilgrim Trust, in co-operation with the Board, has recently sponsored a pioneer venture in the encouragement of music and the arts. Primarily it is outside the work of the Board, but I think it has started something which may be developed in large

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  and valuable ways. It is trying freely, in a free country, to help people who are finding life difficult to help themselves. Grants have been made to the Rural Music Schools Council and the National Council of Music of which Sir Walford Davies is the inspiration. Concerts have been given in industrial areas, lunch-hour concerts in factories, and exhibitions in the more industrial parts of the North. I have long believed that this extension whatever you like to call it of facilities for popular culture is the legitimate business of a Government and also that it is part of the proper work of a live Ministry of Education. Therefore, I am glad that my Noble Friend, in contact with the Pilgrim Trust, has made it possible to start this scheme.
  Mr. Creech Jones: Before the Minister passes from that point, I would like to know to what extent the Government are financing the extension of the work in regard to the arts and the cultural side?
  Mr. Lindsay:To be precise, to the extent of loaning a secretary to the committee. I did not suggest that we had financed it; if that had been the case, obviously there would be an estimate and we should discuss it. I only say that this opens the way for discussion in a new field. Previously, such work has been concentrated around a class of a given number of pupils.
  Mr. Ede:In view of the loan of this secretary, I would like to know how many people you have got left on the Board—five?
  Mr. Lindsay:I will now pass on to the point raised by my right hon. Friend dealing with the Army. I understand that the Secretary of State for War will next week make a statement on this question, because, after all, it is primarily a question for his Department, although we are profoundly interested. Often these soldiers are situated in lonely places. They are cut off from all books and opportunities for studying anything at all, and the Board has done what it can do to help organise an Advisory Council to help with this main object. Thus not only have we in our technical institutions a number of soldiers being turned out as tradesmen and mechanics of all kinds essential to a modern mechanised force, but as far as we can we have put the
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  whole resources of adult education at the disposal of the fighting Services. The demand appears to be quite considerable and I hope there will be good results. There are a number of smaller points arising out of the war which could be raised, but I think it is too late to mention them now.
  Now for some extremely important medical facts. In regard to some of the main children's diseases—diphtheria, scarlet fever, and infantile paralysis—we have been particularly fortunate because of the immunity during the last three or four months. It is partly due to the splendid autumn, partly to the closure of the schools in the great cities, partly to the doube-shift method, which on educational grounds has been condemned, and chiefly to the greater amount of open-air life. Only a few weeks ago it was discovered in Devonshire and Somerset that the London children have shown a striking immunity to influenza and other epidemics which have stricken the native children. I must leave this puzzle to medical research.
  Mr. Muff: Some children are better fed.
  Mr. Lindsay: That is much too large a generalisation.
  Mr. Muff: No, it is not.
  Mr. Lindsay: As the hon. Gentleman has led me to the question of food, I will say a few words on it. A year and a half ago a committee was set up to deal with the teaching of domestic science in the schools. Owing to the war it had to be postponed making its report, but we are co-operating with the Ministry of Food, and we have left inspectors and domestic science teachers to instruct in the best use of foods. We are trying to continue these activities with the existing rations and the food which is available, and I am glad to say that interest in this subject has been renewed in the schools. The war has almost by accident thrown a new light on the question of the problems of the physical condition of children.
  Now I will return to the subject of the children and the teachers, and on this point I wish to end. We really did not need evacuation to remind us that teachers are like everyone else. Most of them have responded in a wonderful way

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  to unprecedented difficulties. Some perhaps are case-hardened by routine and dependence on regulations and have found themselves out of touch in the new circumstances. It is interesting to note that all the colleges—30 of them had to move their quarters—are now at work. But from what I have heard from hon. Members on both sides about teachers, I think we might confine ourselves more in the future to their recruitment and training. I doubt the wisdom of asking so-called successful children to sign on the dotted line at the tender age of 18. I am not sure that it would not be a good idea for some to go out into the world first and find their vocation. (An Hon. Member: "All classes.") That is another point. I am not sure that we could not do with a three years' course provided that some radical changes are made in the training. I say this as a friend and defender of the teachers; I am only anxious that their colleges should face up to the modern world and bring themselves into line with medical thought, and become nurseries of inspired teachers and not merely an institution for training teachers. We knew before the great dispersal that many children lived in conditions which encouraged lack of cleanliness and bad habits.
  We knew that many people were critical of the overloaded curriculum and that many others criticised the teachers at the training colleges. If I may say so, we also knew that the majority of the people in this country did not go to church, and we have seen many letters on the problem of religion in the schools. We knew that many people resented purely money qualifications being brought into educational questions. We also knew that the vested interests and powerful organisations played too large a part in this business of education. Further, we knew that the Board could do with some reorganisation. I am not at all convinced that the present organisation is the last word or corresponds to realities in the educational system of the country. But what is the good of having a war unless you do discover a few things about yourself?
  Mr. Muff: Do we need a war in order that a man shall do his simple duty?
  Mr. Lindsay: I thought that the hon. Gentleman would be able to look at this
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  problem in the serious light in which I am trying to see it. I am making criticisms of which, as I say, most of us knew before, and I believe that this great jolt which many of us have had—if we have not, let us go on as we were—has served to emphasise these points and I do not think we can refuse to face some of them in the future. I myself would like to see an all-party committee in this House to rouse hon. Members to the importance of this whole problem of the training and education of the 5,000,000 children of this country. I believe that evacuation has taught us one thing that is entirely new, and this brings me to my last point. William Cobbett, the man who witnessed the perishing of the English peasantry and the birth of the industrial revolution, said that with his own eyes and within the compass of 10 years he had seen properties, laws, manners, minds and characters change. To-day, owing to a mere precautionery measure, an accident almost, we have brought about on a small scale a kind of unindustrial revolution. We have discovered that within six months the minds, the manners, the outlook and certainly the physique of the children have changed.
  I cannot produce the complete statistical proof as I should like to do, but we are conducting some careful investigations on these matters. The testimony of inspectors and teachers is unanimous. It would not be possible to give statistical evidence of brighter eyes, better pigmentation and physique, but we all know that regular meals, wholesome food, long hours of quiet sleep, fresh air and contact with the rhythms of nature which a child can only get in the countryside are the reasons which help to explain this fact, which to me is so promising and so hopeful. If merely I said it it would not matter, but, as I say, there is the testimony of every inspector and teacher, and in a recent striking article Lord Horder said:
  "The hygienic value of fresh air, better food and restful sleep to the children will do more to raise the intelligence quotient than months of study in the classrooms of the city."
  Later in the same article he said:
  "The new experiences, new contacts, new opportunities for observation and service that are opened up…do much to break the monotony of their school life, and will inevitably do much to preserve that

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  initiative and zest for life which so many scholars lose."
  The day before yesterday I sat down at lunch with 200 children in a beautiful wooded part of Surrey; it was the first Sunday lunch of a camp school. They were boys from Ilford who had been previously dispersed to Ipswich, or had been under home service training. The camp lies in beautiful wooded country, and after the meal the boys went off in twos or threes and were lost discovering things for themselves. At 10 o'clock that morning they had filled the village church, which was a novel sight for the village. They had been there only six days. They were ordinary elementary school children between the ages of 11 and 14. They had a genius of a headmaster and a young staff. I do not agree with the right hon. Gentleman that that was crowd life. It is what boys of that age most like to do. They like to live in some sort of community; they like to build up their own corporate life and their own self-discipline. I speak with some little experience, and I think that is just as true with one type of boy as with any other. In this school I see hope because whereas at the beginning we regarded evacuation as something which was rather a necessary nuisance, we now find that it has meant an illumination in the lives of thousands of children. I only hope that what started as an accident will be continued as a policy. I do not want to put it too high, nor is it the whole story. But, if we grasp the full implications of this now while the war has shaken our habits, we may find a new hope for education and for agriculture.
  5.29 p.m.
  Sir Percy Harris (Bethnal Green, South-West): We have just listened to a very eloquent speech bubbling over with ideas and enthusiasm, but, if the hon. Gentleman will forgive me for saying so, I am afraid that in his case we must judge him, not by words, but by deeds. Unlike other hon. Members, he, with his Department, is in a position to translate his ideas into practical legislation and actual experiment. He and his Department will be judged, not by the speeches he makes, however entertaining, however eloquent, however full of ideas they may be, but by the work that is done. During the last 15 years I have taken part, almost regularly, in these annual Debates on education. I think we are fortunate that this year we are starting our discussions on
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  education earlier than usual. For years past, education has been an afterthought, one of the last subjects to be discussed; and, in so far as we are giving consideration to the matter earlier in the year, it shows that hon. Members are conscious of its importance.
  I am afraid that I must strike a pessimistic note, quite different from that of the hon. Gentleman. I say that the last six months were a worse period for education than any other in the last 20 years. I do not want to apportion blame; I do not say that it is the Board's fault, or the fault of the local authorities, or of anybody else in the country; but these people cannot completely escape responsibility. They have shown a singular lack of vision, and have failed to recognise the essential problems as they arose. The real criminal is Herr Hitler. We must not mince matters; he has scored a point by putting back education in this country in a way which it will be very difficult to make good. The war has given a worse shock to education than anything else that has happened in the last quarter of a century. You cannot make up a six months' break in the school life of a child. It is the hon. Gentleman's first duty—even before that of bringing forward all these delightful ideas, which we welcome, and most of which we approve—to see that education shall proceed completely, without further delay.
  I quite agree that evacuation has had its compensations, in improvements in health, and in opening up to thousands of town children a new conception of life. A new atmosphere is good for their health and for their minds, and, no doubt, it will do them permanent good. The real tragedy has been the fate of those children who have remained behind and, almost equally, of those who have been brought back. Not only does the break in the school routine cause the child to get out of the habit of learning, but it is very difficult to rebuild again a system of education which has been destroyed, after it has been built up as the result of years of experiment. The health services alone, which have been built up through the work of teachers and medical men over the last 30 years, have had a rude shock. The care of the eyes and of the teeth and, above all, the feeding of the children, have suffered. I do not say that the children will suffer an irreparable blow—
  Sir Francis Fremantle: They have improved enormously in health.
  Sir P. Harris: I am talking about the town children.
  Sir F. Fremantle: The evacuated children have improved.
  Sir P. Harris: I am not talking about the evacuated children. The hon. Gentleman always talks so pontifically, as though he knew everything. One of the worst things that has happened is the closure of the infant schools. The Parliamentary Secretary spoke with great satisfaction because this month, six months after the outbreak of war, we are to provide education for children of over 11. One of the finest things we have done for years has been our work in connection with infant schools. The hon. Gentleman dismissed that almost as a mere incident. In his long speech he hardly referred to it.
  Mr. Lindsay:I tried to state that, with all the will in the world, the London County Council were unable to open schools before April for children between eight and eleven. The hon. Gentleman must not blame the Board of Education for that.
  Sir P. Harris: We are discussing the Education Estimates for the year, and we must discuss all sorts of problems connected with education, even if they are outside the control of his Department. The hon. Gentleman should give some consideration to that matter. Here are small children running about the streets, almost out of control; and in overcrowded districts it is very difficult to attend to their welfare. The work of educating all these young children who have been left behind has been disorganised. The Board will have to be very insistent if they are to succeed in rebuilding all that has been destroyed in connection with infant schools, junior classes and so on. Not before next summer, if then, will all this system be restored.
  It was a great encouragement to me, however, to hear that most of the evening institutes were being reopened. That came to me as a revelation, because my knowledge was that most of them had been closed for the last six months, during which time they had been used as
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  barracks, as A.R.P. centres, and for every kind of purpose other than the great purpose of education. I am all for the spirit of this national youth movement, but the hon. Gentleman said a very significantthing—I hope hon. Members noted it—when he pointed out that one of the real problems was that of buildings. I hope the Board will take a firm line about the buildings. These buildings have been paid for by the local authorities, out of the rates. The hon. Gentleman, as the guardian of education, will need to take a strong line, in order to see that those buildings are restored for their original purpose. All his fine words and his theories about bringing the youth of the country back to physical fitness will be useless if we cannot get back the buildings and get the full co-operation of the local authorities.
  Mr. Lindsay:I would point out that never before have the local authorities played anything like such a part as they are playing at the moment.
  Sir P. Harris: Of course, anyone's common sense will tell him that. But they do not suceed unless you give them facilities. All your committees, grand committees and local committees, will fail unless buildings are available. The Parliamentary Secretary knows that; he admitted it in his statement. As for the raising of the school age, that has gone west. I think the hon. Gentleman hardly referred to it. If he did, it was only in a chance reference. It is postponed until some time, after the war, when we are in a position to put it into operation. I am all for bold schemes for education but, after many years' experience of these discussions, I have become a bit cynical about bold promises and bright ideas. The last 25 years are strewn with the wreckage of them. In the last year of the last war I was in this House, and I remember the Debates on the Fisher Act. My hon. Friend the Member for the English Universities (Mr. E. Harvey) and I took part in those Debates. We were very hopeful. The war had unified the nation, and now we were going to have a great step forward. The Fisher Act, a great Act, was passed through the House; but it was never put into operation. The war was over, and we soon forgot its provisions. Then came the "Geddes Axe," and the little of the

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  Fisher Act that had been put into operation was chopped off. Then we had the Hadow Committee, on the education of the adolescent. That committee's report is difficult to remember, though it came only in 1926. The report was going to be put into operation in three or four years, but we had to wait a long time. After ten years we had the Stanley Act. We have waited four years for that Act to be put into operation, and now it is not to be heard of again until some distant date. So we come to the Spens Report, which has been pigeon-holed. I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary, in his very long speech, remembered even to refer to that.
  While I am all for the bold policy in education, let us have first things first. Let us carry out our essential duty of looking after the great mass of the children, who are crying out for our supervision and for opportunities to make the best use of their youth by some form of education. Of those children who go to school 85 per cent. leave in the normal way, at 14. I think that there are 3,000,000 young people between 14 and 18 and only 850,000 of these receive some form of education. The majority of those that do receive some kind of education after attaining the age of 14 receive only a spare-time education, and most of these stop at 16. As work interferes with their attendance at school, it is well known, the attendance falls off. In these days, when there is such a demand for labour, it will be more and more difficult for children to take the opportunities afforded to them for part-time education. In my view, after a good deal of experience and study of this problem, we shall never make part-time education effective until we establish the 40-hour week, without which it will always be difficult. There will always have to be all kinds of bribes and cajoling to persuade young persons, after a hard day's work in factory, workshop or office, to go to an evening school. I am still unrepentant in my belief in the continuation school. The experiment made by the London County Council, which only lasted a few months, failed because it was merely applied to the County of London. I believe that at the present time there are only 33 of these schools, attended by some 16,000 pupils, although there are some excellent private ones provided by such firms as Cadbury,
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  Lever and so on. There is also the very interesting experiment which is still going on, I understand, at Rugby, but it is a very small contribution to a very big problem.
  Technical education is still spasmodic, except for a few industries, like the printing industry, and it is largely confined to some industrial areas, and is distinguished by its absence in many parts of the country. It is not surprising if, in consequence, the nation is short of technicians. If we should fail in this war, it will largely be due to the shortage of highly skilled key labour that we so badly want. I was at Portsmouth Dockyard only yesterday afternoon, and the one cry was, "We want more skilled labour.'' We have done very little to create skilled labour during the last 20 years, what with unemployment and our failure to push on with technical education. At this particular time above all, when the need is so great, and the chances and opportunities for skilled labour to be absorbed are so numerous, the Board ought to make a very great push in trying to develop our organisation of technical education.
  I could not help thinking when the right hon. Gentleman, speaking on behalf of my hon. Friends above the Gangway, opened the Debate, that somehow or other, so large is the problem, it is something rather trivial to divert the mind of this Committee to the problem of the great public schools. The number of boys who go to public schools is infinitesimal. Is it 20,000? Even if you included all the day public schools, like St. Paul's, Manchester Grammar School, and schools of that character, I should think that 20,000 would be an over-estimate. The right hon. Gentleman was right, however, when he said that the public school is a symbol of a class character, or of the feeling that there is a class character in our education, and that a privileged few have opportunities which are denied to the masses. In a period of serious financial stringency they may be wiped out, but in my view, if they are to justify their survival, if they have an educational value, we should try and preserve them, and if they have not, we should let them fade away. The feeling against them is that they produce a class apart, but I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that they have many good features. There is one thing very much

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  in their favour, and that is that there is a tendency to copy them in the United States of America, and even in Germany. People have been impressed by many features of our public schools. I do not think the fact that these schools provide a different education is necessarily bad. I am all in favour of variety. We do not want a cast-iron system. But if it is a good thing to have that kind of education, let us spread its benefits irrespective of social position or the income of parents. If it is good to have that kind of education, let all children who would benefit by it have the opportunity, if they are suitable.
  I believe that it would be to the advantage of the old public school if it could be dovetailed into the general education system. I believe that we are all more or less agreed upon that, but to make that possible, as I think Dr. Norwood said, you would have to bring them into line with our secondary school system and make the age of entry—this is vital, as I think the hon. Gentleman the (Parliamentary Secretary will agree—11 plus, the age generally at which children enter the secondary school, so that all the young persons can go in under equal age conditions and be brought under the Education Acts. The hon. Gentleman will have to face, if he is to tackle this problem, the problem of the private preparatory schools, which are very intimately related to the public schools. Finally, and most important of all, he would have to revolutionise the cost. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the subject that the present cost is prohibitive to ordinary parents, even when the finances are good. The cost at many of these schools amounts to £250 a year. The hon. Gentleman would have to simplify the clothing, the food and the whole life and atmosphere of these great institutions. Then, I think, it would be possible to preserve what is good in them according to our best traditions.
  This House of Commons is an ancient institution, steeped in the past. There was a time when entry into it was confined to men of wealth and influence, but gradually, by widening the franchise, by reducing expenses, and by the payment of Members we have opened its portals and have made it representative of the whole
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  nation without necessarily interfering with all that is best in it, its traditions and its ancient customs. If we are to save the public schools, it is necessary to reorganise their expenses by some form of financial contribution. That is the way in which you would be able to preserve them. We might in this matter give some consideration to our great French ally. The French are, in the real sense of the word, a democracy. They have always been adherents of conscription for national service. I was always rather against conscription, but whatever one may dislike in it, one has to admit that it is a democratic instrument and a great equaliser. France has applied the same principle to its education system. Merit is the only test applied to a man in the Army, and merit is made the only test for a place in its educational system. That is the principle that the hon. Gentleman ought to apply to this problem.
  The real question of secondary education resolves itself largely down to the simple word "maintenance.'' Children are taken away from school at 14 because the parents cannot do without their earnings. In London, and in many other great towns, that difficulty has been surmounted by means of maintenance scholarships. There is at the present time a great movement in favour of the principle of family allowances which is partly associated with my hon. Friend the Member for the Combined English Universities (Miss Rathbone), and is coming very much to the forefront by the advocacy of Professor Keynes. I am going to put in a plea to the Parliamentary Secretary. If we are to have some form of family allowances, I want to see it associated with our educational system. Nothing will do more to open the portals of all schools of whatever character, technical, central or public schools, than some form of maintenance allowances. If, in the face of financial stringency, we have to make some experiment of that kind, I would say to the Board of Education that they should make a big struggle to utilise it as an instrument to promote the democratisation of education and the spread of its benefits among the whole of the people.
  5.57 p.m.
  Mr. Muff: I listened with great interest to the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary, who reminded me of the negro preacher, who

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  was so immersed in a theological problem that he lost himself and got out of it by saying, "My brethren, I look the difficulty in the face and pass on to the next subject.'' The Parliamentary Secretary, in sweet, dulcet tones, and in almost lyrical language, passed on to every subject to do with education, with the exception of the 5,000,000 children with whom we are concerned, many of whom for the last six months have not been educated largely owing to the hibernation and the lack of foresight of his Department, for which he must take responsibility. The Parliamentary Secretary frankly admitted that he needed a jolt, and that his Department had needed a war in order to get a jolt. I have served upon an education committee for many years, and I remember that in 1914, when the Department needed a jolt, a distinguished scholar, Mr. Fisher, was made President of the Board of Education. He produced a great Bill, and his Department, after the war, went to sleep again and refused to administer that great Measure, because they accepted the advice of the Treasury and one or two other Departments. During the past six months the Department of the hon. Gentleman have taken everything lying down.
  I would have liked to have asked the Parliamentary Secretary the number of boys and girls under the age of 14 who are not receiving any education at all, and also how many of these children would have received education if his Department and he himself and his noble chief had not accepted the dictum of the Ministry of Health, and also, in particular, taken lying down the decision of the Home Secretary and those associated with him with regard to shelters for the children? In my own home town certain schools were available. The Department in its wisdom said it would evacuate these schools to Keighley, which, to my mind, was as dangerous as the town in which I live. No shelters were provided in my home town, and when it came to the provision of money which should have been a national charge the Parliamentary Secretary and his Department again took it lying down and allowed themselves to be dictated to by the Home Office and the Ministry of Health, with the resultant wastage of millions of pounds for salaries of teachers who were doing very little.
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  When we have to face the cost of this war the Parliamentary Secretary, his Noble chief, and his Department will have something to answer for in the neglect of children between the ages of 5 and 14, who need never have been evacuated if his Department had insisted that the cost of the necessary protection should have been borne by the nation. Schools in the constituency that I represent were evacuated to Bridlington, which is no less dangerous than Hull. His Department came to Hull, which had a rate of 23s. in the £ and was faced with peculiar difficulties in the provision of shelters, and we were then fobbed off to the Home Office and the Ministry of Health who acted the parts of the priest and Levite and refused to do anything at all. I do not know where the Department of the Board of Education is to-day, but if it is somewhere in London, there should be written on the portals of the door, in English and not in Latin, "We took it lying down.'' The Association of Education Committees have spent time, labour and money in trying to arouse public opinion, but they have received nothing but sneers from the high intelligentsia in the Ministry of Health and such places.
  I want publicly to draw attention to what has been happening in this land of ours. The hon. Gentleman has provided more propaganda for the enemy at Hamburg and Zeesen than any other Department of the State, and he has that to answer for as well, now that he has received another jolt. I hope the Department will not go to sleep again. The Parliamentary Secretary mentioned the preparation for the training of teachers, and I hope that will be borne in mind. There was one good feature in his speech, and that was his mention of making more use of voluntary organisations. It is one of the great features of our public life in Britain that we have men and women ready to give their time and labour in bolstering up the voluntary institutions and giving a fair chance to our boys and girls, and I hope his Department will see all these things in a practical, and not an academic, light. I am grateful for the opportunity of intervening in this Debate, as one who has served education in the North as best he could, and placing on record my downright condemnation of his Department. I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will not take my speech lying

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  down but will do something and not hibernate until there is another war.
  6.5 p.m.
  Sir Annesley Somerville: The speeches we have listened to so far have reflected the disturbances of our educational system. The fall in the birth rate, evacuation, and heavy taxation have had a considerable effect. We have heard from the Parliamentary Secretary a speech which was constructive and informative and a record of such achievement as is possible in present circumstances. I would say to the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) and the hon. Member who has just spoken that in a good many directions at the present time it is not what we would wish to do but what we are able to do. We are fighting for our lives, and that ought to be taken into account by every responsible speaker. I would like to follow the Parliamentary Secretary into what he called "No Man's Land"—to discuss the problem of providing instruction and employment and amusement for those between the ages of 14 and 20. I was delighted to hear him say that the Ministry of Agriculture is going to take over the scheme of the Y.M.C.A. for settling boys on the land. I completely agree with him when he said it would be quite wrong to connect this scheme, or any other like it, with unemployment. The object of this or any such scheme must be to bring the land and these boys who care for the land together, because it will be good both for them and the country.
  But I want to confine my remarks to the points raised by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith) with regard to the position and treatment of our public schools and their future. The Leader of the Opposition, in his speech on the Address last November, mentioned this subject when he said:
  "The war has wide repercussions. The alteration in the distribution of wealth is affecting very many of our institutions. Let me take two instances. There is what is called the public school. I wonder how long the public school will be able to last under war conditions. How long will people be able to give expensive education to their children? There may have to be a re-casting of our educational system."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 28th November, 1939; col. 22, Vol. 355.]
  All depends on the meaning of the word "re-casting." The right hon. Gentleman
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  the Member for Keighley said we were two nations. We are not; I do not admit that for a moment. I say there are no citizens in this country better calculated to appreciate and be understood by the working man than the products of the public schools. Of which nation is the right hon. Gentleman? I am sorry he is absent; I understand he was a distinguished product of Hailey bury, and if that is so, he can understand the benefits to be received from education at a public school. He made the position more definite in dealing with possible help to the public school system which he says was in trouble. He said, "No public aid without public control and without public entry.'' He evidently looks forward to the time when the State will take over the public schools, dictate how they are to be run, and deprive them of what they prize most—freedom of organisation, curriculum and methods. That is the life and soul of the public school.
  Mr. Tomlinson: May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether his inference is that in our public elementary schools and secondary schools there is some lack of freedom? Is he suggesting that that which is beneficial to the public school is entirely lacking from the elementary and secondary educational system in this country?
  Sir A. Somerville:I think the hon. Member reads more into what I said than I meant. The State elementary and secondary schools have their freedom and methods, and what I plead for is that the public school system which has its own freedom and methods should retain them. I believe in the public school system of this country as a unique, valuable, national asset, and I think it would be the height of folly for the country willfully to throw it away. Another remark made by the right hon. Gentleman was that life in the public school was unadulterated crowd life. Nothing could be more untrue, and I am surprised that he, with experience of a public school, should have made that statement. He claims that the Parliamentary Secretary agreed with him, but the Parliamentary Secretary made the sensible answer that it was not crowd life but community life. It is the corporate life of the boarding school that renders that community life possible, and brings many of the benefits that grow from the public school system.

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  The right hon. Gentleman also said that public schools should revert to their original purpose of providing education for the children of the poor. The old grammar local schools were often founded by benevolent people, not for children of the poor, but for children of their own class. There is an idea that the endowments of Eton are immense and are used to benefit the children of the rich. Nothing could be further from the truth. The endowments are comparatively small. At one time they were very large because Henry VI gave to the college 100 acres of land north and south of Piccadilly, which would be fairly valuable now. But Henry VIII took it away and gave Eton other lands instead and Eton said:
  "Henricus Octavus
  Took away more than he gave us."
  What makes Eton valuable is the staff, the teaching, and the training. It is so in every public school. Who pays for the teaching? The parents. The original endowment pays for the 70 scholars, and the arrangement now is that the original endowment pays for the scholars, but the staff is paid for out of the pockets of the parents. The scholarships at Eton are open to anybody.
  Mr. Cove: Will the hon. Member tell us, if he can, how many working-class children are at Eton?
  Sir A. Somerville:It depends on the possibility of their getting the training and upon the brains of the boys; whether they are mathematical brains, modern language brains, or classical brains. The examination is open to everybody.
  Mr. Cove: The answer is none.
  Mr. Ede: Henry VI founded Eton for the education of 70 poor scholars without fee or reward. The point is, how many boys who start life in an elementary school actually get to Eton to-day?
  Sir A. Somerville:I should say none, but the point is that it is open to them to try, and one of the things we have to do to-day is to consider the possibility of boys from elementary schools going to our public schools. In regard to the financial arrangements, these 70 scholars benefit by the teaching which is provided by the parents who pay fees, and the boys who are not in the college benefit by the build-
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  ings provided, but, of course, the great balance of advantage is on the part of those scholars who are in college. We hear sometimes about the old school tie and a great deal of scorn is poured upon what it represents. I was in a small gathering of public men quite lately and the old school tie was mentioned. One of them with an honourable record of public achievement and public service said that he wanted to keep the old school tie because it represents things which are very valuable to this country. And so it does. If you see a man wearing the old school tie it brings back old memories of school days and adventures. It is the same thing in regard to the regimental tie or, indeed, if you get two men from the same workshop, it at once recalls their old life together.
  But it means a great deal more than that, it means a training which is invaluable to the country. Let me say why. We are asked sometimes what is meant by the public school spirit. I have been asked that question many times in the States. The public school spirit is simply public spirit, and it is not a monopoly of public schools. It is the possession of every right-minded Briton. It is a regard for law and truth, for justice and decency, and consideration for the weak. That is the spirit which is cherished and trained freely by the boys themselves in our great public schools, and it produces in them a sense of responsibility, and a power of leadership which is invaluable. It is a spirit which is trained by the boys themselves in the houses of our public schools where definite duties are given to them. In games it teaches them to keep their heads and tempers. It is a spirit which is trained in the Officers Training Corps, and in this connection I would ask the Secretary of State for War to be very careful that he does not injure the Officers Training Corps, which is most valuable in training men in leadership and responsibility. I saw a stream of fine young men going out from the Officers Training Corps in the last war, and one of them, Julian Grenfell, the captain of my own house, became one of the youngest field officers in the Army. He got the Military Cross and wrote that well-known poem "Into the Battle":
  "And life is colour, and warmth and light,
  And a striving evermore for these,
  And he is dead that will not fight,
  And who dies fighting hath surcease."

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  He had the end he wished for—fighting for his country and freedom. Anyone who knows and has had experience of these things views with regret the possibility of the country losing them. The people who value them most are the people who know them best. The parents, who in very many cases send their sons to the same schools to which they went, give practical proof of the value they attach to them. They pay twice over; they pay their share necessary to maintain the State schools and they also pay the fees of the schools to which they send their sons. Foreigners also show their appreciation of the training which is obtained in our public schools. The stream of visitors which come to our public schools from all over the world is remarkable. They ask, "What is public school spirit, and how do you train in responsibility?"
  Another testimony to the value of our schools is the imitators, the new secondary schools. They have borrowed from the public schools the prefect and house system, and in most cases the most friendly relations exist between the local county school and the public school in the district. I know that is the case in my own constituency. With regard to the prefect system, I had an amusing experience in South Africa. I went into a poor white school at Bloemfontein. The poor white is the lowest type of white man in South Africa. I am glad to say that there are very few Britishers among them; they are nearly all Dutchmen, and they have lost their self-respect. The headmaster, who seemed a sensible and capable man, said to me, "My great difficulty is to teach them some measure of self-respect, and I find it can only be done by adopting your prefect system.'' That is good testimony to the value of that system. He gave me an instance of its value. He said that some kippers were stolen from the dining room some days before and that he told the prefects they must produce the culprits. In two or three hours they were produced. He said, "I asked the prefects how they managed it," and they said, "We paraded the school and smelt their breaths."
  It may be necessary to examine the relation between this system and the State
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  system, but I plead that it should be examined in a spirit of understanding and patience, and that it should be studied with a desire to do what is best for the country. I plead for the preservation of the public school, because I honestly believe and know that that system is a great and valued possession of the country. I would like to have the matter considered in the spirit of the last great Measure of conciliation and agreement, the educational Measure passed by the present Secretary of State for War when he was President of the Board of Education, a Measure which will always stand to his credit and to the credit of all parties in this House. I could wish that there might be a joint education committee of all parties. Education ought not to be a party question. It is a national question, believing the best of one another and hoping that with understanding we can do the best for the nation. It might be well to set up an authoritative body to consider how to connect more closely the State system and the public school system. It might consider a reduction of fees and the provision of substantial State scholarships to enable boys from the elementary schools to pass into the public schools. It might also consider such help as is given by the University Grants Committee, but I would postulate one thing, and that is the preservation of the independence and freedom of our public schools. Freedom is the breath of life in education. Why is it that we pity the Nazi youth? It is because he is not educated, he is indoctrinated, he is fed on lies and denied the truth. We ought to remember that the chief duty of a teacher is to teach the boy how to think, not what to think, to cultivate his critical faculties, to increase his reasoning power, to give him facts, not opinions, so that his judgment may be strengthened to form his own opinions. That is the duty of a teacher. Let me remind the Committee of the verse from the Gospels:
  "The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound thereof, but canst not tell whence it cometh, and whither it goeth, so is everyone that is born of the Spirit."
  Education is born of the Spirit, and we should see to it that it is as free and natural as the winds of heaven.
  6.30 p.m.
  Dr. Haden Guest: I am afraid I cannot follow as much as I should like to do the very interesting speech of the hon. Member for Windsor (Sir A. Somerville) about the advantages of the public school. I am sure that my hon. Friends on this side will agree with me when I say that whatever advantages a public school has—and certainly it has advantages—should be available to and shared by all members of the community, from whatever class they come, who are capable of benefiting from those advantages. Although the hon. Member appeared to be thinking too much about Eton and not enough about certain public schools which at the present time have children who have come from elementary schools as a result of scholarships, yet everyone knows that the public schools have great value, and that value is one which ought to be shared by the nation as a whole.
  I am afraid that I have to express my disappointment with the speech made by the Parliamentary Secretary, because he did not deal with what is, particularly at the present time, the most vital part of education, that is, the nutrition of the school child, which is essential if education is to be carried on. The hon. Gentlemanwill remember that during the week before last I put a Question to him in which I asked how many children were receiving meals, in how many places communal meals had been established, and what was the situation with regard to the distribution of free milk. The hon. Gentleman was not able to give me anything except what I may call approximate information, but we know from a report of the medical officer of the Board of Education that about 10 per cent. of the children of the country are on a standard of nutrition that is below normal. In some areas the proportion is less and in some it is very much higher than 10 per cent., but taking the country as a whole, it is about 10 per cent. The figure in the last report available was 11·3 per cent. I will put the matter to the Parliamentary Secretary in this way. Those children who are not being properly fed at the present time—and there is no reason to suppose that the position has improved—cannot be properly educated. It is nonsensical to talk about physical fitness and to have a physical fitness
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  campaign if there is not the foundation of fitness, which is proper nutrition.
  We are to-day considering—although some of the speeches really made me wonder whether we were—the Report on education for the year which has passed and the Estimates for the coming year. We are making a general survey. Already we have had six months of war, and it is very unlikely that by the end of the period which we are considering we shall be out of the war. Certainly, we shall not be out of the war difficulties. During that period of war difficulties, one of the matters that will require most careful attention is the food supply of the nation as a whole and of the children in particular. I submit to the hon. Gentleman that the most economical, and from the point of view of public health the wisest, course with regard to the children of the nation would be to supply in every school mid-day meals for the children which would secure that in any case the children received adequate food. With the dislocations which there may be in the case of an enemy attack, it is more than likely that there will be very serious differences between the nutrition in one part of the country and in another, and between one social class and another, unless there is a raising of the general level of feeding by the provision of a mid-day meal for all children which will supply the major amounts of food which they require. From the rationing point of view, that would be the most economical way of providing food, and from the point of view of health, it would secure that every child had adequate food which otherwise he or she might not be able to obtain. The same applies to milk. In present conditions, it is not possible to supply the amount of milk which theoretically it is desirable that every child should have every day, that is, about two pints; but it might be possible for every child to have one pint of milk a day. I suggest that it would-be a wise thing if every child were given an opportunity at school of having one pint of milk a day irrespective of the financial position of the parents. I hope there will be no question of imposing a means test in this matter.
  I believe that in education nutrition is the foundation on which we have to build. I was glad to hear the Parliamentary Secretary say that complete medical inspection is to be resumed. I hope this will

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  include also medical treatment of the defects that may be found, and that it will extend to all areas of the country, including the reception areas, where, as far as my own investigations have gone up to the present, I have found the medical inspection and the treatment of the defects in a very unsatisfactory state, owing to the fact that large numbers of the medical and nursing staffs are locked up in the evacuation areas, and not doing any particular work. If the nutrition and physical health of the children are looked after, as certainly they can be looked after—it is within the competence of the Department to see that this is done—there is a foundation for education on which can be built a good and substantial structure. If that is not done, I am afraid that, with all the difficulties that may come upon us during the war, it will be extremely difficult to build any proper structure. All the plans which the Parliamentary Secretary mentioned cannot be carried into effect unless the children are in a condition to receive the education. At the time of the French Revolution there was a saying which applies equally now—"After bread, education." Education cannot be given unless there is proper feeding and proper medical care.
  I urge particularly that greater attention should be paid to the extension and universal application as soon as possible of the principle of communal meals. Unless there is that, in the reception areas and the evacuation areas there are bound to be failures in nutrition. Up to the present time, we have had very great success in the reception areas in improving the health of the children. The conditions have stimulated people into very great helpfulness and they have been working together in an unprecedented way. I am not sure that under the stress of what may come upon us there will always be the same ease in the making of arrangements. Therefore, I urge—because I regard the physical condition of the children as fundamental—that the question of meals, milk, and medical attention, should be given first consideration as being the basis upon which anything else can be built, and without which a satisfactory structure cannot be built.
  6.40 p.m.
  Mr. Pickthorn: I would like to take the Debate back to the first speeches to which we listened
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  this afternoon. There were one or two things said by the Parliamentary Secretary with which I wish particularly to express agreement. To take a minor point first, I agree with my hon. Friend that there is very dubious wisdom in giving people Board of Education grants at the age of 16, or even at the age of 19, on condition that they become teachers, and teachers of a particular kind. It is extremely difficult, I know, to find a way round the defects of that system, but I do not think the Board of Education ought ever to stop in any one year examining the system and asking itself whether something better cannot be done. I have seen a great many human tragedies and a great deal of waste of great powers when boys of 16 years of age, or even 19, thought that was what they wanted to do and then found out later on that there was something else they could have done with much greater happiness to themselves and with greater value to society.
  The other point on which I particularly agree with the Parliamentary Secretary is in what he said about the importance of direct-grant schools at the moment. I shall return later to the general importance of these schools, but I wish now to invite the attention of the Committee to the peculiar difficulties under which those schools are suffering. For the most part, their fees are comparatively high. Let me take particularly the case of the direct-grant school which has been sent away from a danger area to a refuge area. As a rule, its fees are too high for it to hope very much to attract any support in its new area. Take, for instance, Portsmouth Grammar School, a school which has a very glorious tradition, and incidentally, the school where my father got all his education—not very much, because he left before he was 14. It goes to a new area whereit cannot attract very much new support. It gets less support than it did from the old area, because it arrives with probably only two-thirds of its numbers. I believe Portsmouth Grammar School went away with two-thirds, but by the beginning of next term it will have hardly half of its normal numbers. It loses fees to that extent and grant to that extent. In many cases, it can have little or no hope of getting back to its old buildings. In cases like Portsmouth and Southampton, it is obvious that the schools cannot go

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  back during the war to their own buildings. The need for buildings of that sort in those towns must be so immense that one cannot suppose the Admiralty or the War Office, as the case may be, is likely to give up the tenancy of those premises before the war is over. There is that very great difficulty from the financial point of view. There is no doubt that they have more of that kind of difficulty than any other kind of schools.
  Then, there is greater difficulty from the point of view of air-raid precautions. I do not say that I agree with hon. Members opposite who have said to-day, and on earlier occasions, that air-raid precautions for children should be wholly a national charge, but however that may be, this kind of school is very much discriminated against. I do not suppose I have got the technicalities clearly in my head, but as I understand the arrangement, it is something like this. The Board of Education, with great generosity and doing a thing exceptional in its practice, told the direct grants schools that the Board would give them half as much towards air-raid precautions as the local authority might give them; but the snag in that was that the local authority is not bound to give them anything. In some districts the local authority has behaved with generosity, and in some it has not. In Norwich—I feel duty bound to speak of Norwich, because it has a very ancient connection with my college and my college very largely depended for a long time upon the King's School at Norwich—the city has, I believe, refused to help. It has not given a penny, and, therefore, the Board of Education cannot give a penny. Although Norwich School is a very ancient school, and has produced some of the founders of our State and nation, it is a school which has very small endowments. The whole cost of air-raid precautions has fallen upon the school with the only possible result that the fees have had to be put up to a clientele which, in the main, is not a clientele to which that can be a matter of indifference.
  I am not suggesting that the Board of Education has not, under these Votes, provided as much as it can provide for this particular class of school. It is very difficult for any private Member to know about that, but I am willing to believe the Board has done what it could. What I am sure of is that unless somehow or
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  other the Board can do a good deal more than it has done, schools of this kind—at any rate those of them which have had to be moved, like Portsmouth and Southampton, and a good many more—will cease to exist. They will disappear. They cannot fall back, as the normal secondary school can, upon the more or less bottomless purse of the ratepayers, and this particular class of schools will, this autumn, in many cases, simply fade out of existence unless somehow or other the Government provide for them more than it has at present been possible for it to provide. There are various ways by which it might be done, and one suggestion which has been made to keep up the numbers was that it would be better if they were allowed to board their boys in hostels instead of billeting them out. I do not know whether that is a good suggestion or not, but it would mean an extra grant. I do not know whether that is best or the only method by which it could be done, but I am trying to impress, particularly on the Parliamentary Secretary, that somehow or other the decision has to be taken—Is this class of school to be kept alive or not? If so, more help must be provided than has been provided so far.
  The last thing, or the next to the last, in the world I wish to do is to reflect upon the relevance of my eminent predecessors' speeches in this Debate, and the very last to reflect on the conduct of the Debate by the Chair, but I am bound to say that I was not clear always whether the very interesting discussions about whether Eton was a good school or not, and Uppingham and others, came within the terms of this Vote.
  Mr. Ede: They hope to get it on the Vote?
  Mr. Pickthorn: They have not said so, as far as I know. As I say, I cannot see the relevance of most of the discussion which has been introduced and dealt with at some length. However, I think what I am going to say I can make relevant. I suppose there is hardly anyone—and in passing I think the hon. Baronet for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) was a little optimistic about the French system as being one where merit was the only passport to education. I suppose there is hardly anyone who would really wish that in a very short space of time we should get into the position where

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  there was one uniform centralised single system. Very few of us would wish that, although there may be some who might wish that we should get towards it, but even they, I do not think, would wish it to be done by next year, or even by 1950. If that is so, and if the different classes of schools do learn a good deal from each other, which I think is undoubtedly true, then surely the direct-grant schools have a particular claim upon our attention because they are schools which more than any other single variety of the many in this country form a bridge between the different varieties. They partake in some respect of the nature of what are called public schools. They have ancient traditions, some endowments and stand a little aside from the local system. On the other hand, they partake to a considerable extent in the State and municipal system, having the local education authority represented on the governing body, having a local clientele, and so forth. Therefore, I think that these particular schools deserve very special consideration from us at this time and I hope the Board of Education will find ways of making certain that they survive.
  Now that I see the right hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith) in his place I would like to refer to a point which he raised. I am not a passionate admirer of the public school system—perhaps for the same reason as he, because we were at the same school. I do not know that it had any very great fashion value, or was much better than others, but I think a great deal of what he said did it less than justice. It is not a bad school. A good deal of what he said about the division into two nations did not seem to me sometimes to be consistent with other remarks he made. He found himself surprised that he and the Parliamentary Secretary had been giving vent to similar utterances in the country, surprised apparently because one of them had been at one kind of school and the other at the other kind. But who could have guessed beforehand unless it had been said which speaker came from which kind of school? Who could tell in the noble hearted big-brained band of brothers opposite, who could tell which has been at one sort of school and which has been at the other, and which sort of school produces that admirable team spirit, the main characteristic of the party
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  opposite? I was not altogether clear about the consistency of the different parts of the right hon. Gentleman's speech.
  There is one thing to be said about the system, which, indeed, he said, and which I should have expected him to welcome. The most comfortable classes spend £200 or£300 a year to send their boys to boarding schools to be very uncomfortable. It is an odd thing and is a very ancient custom, going well back to the Middle Ages. The explanation given by the foreigners was that the English were extremely fond of their children, and that when they had the little beasts around them every day they lost their temper and found that at the Sunday dinner they could not scoff all the white parts of the chicken for themselves and give the children the parson's nose, but had to waste some of the best bits on the children, and that is why they sent them away. I do not know whether this explanation is true or not, but it is a remarkable thing, and one which is not altogether to be regretted by the party opposite, that the most comfortable classes of this country send children away to exist under discomfort and away from parental support.
  I have an open mind about boarding schools, but I was not altogether impressed by the suggestion that we could economise on these schools. It might be possible to save on clothes, but not much, and hardly anything, I think, on food. A house master I know who is well-to-do, unmarried and not interested in the private profit motive once told me, when I asked what it cost to feed a boy, "You cannot possibly spend more than 10s. 6d. a week. You cannot give them cream with their porridge or vintage claret with their lunch.'' So one cannot cut much from that figure, and I do not think much saving can be done there. The right hon. Gentleman opposite proceeded to say that children must all go to school two years younger. That is not an economy if they are to arrive at 11instead of 13. Indeed, it is far from economy. The only strict relevance I can see of the public schools to this Debate is in connection with the point about the bridge between the different kinds of schools. If they have to be considered, and they have not yet asked to be considered, then, if I may adopt the striking formula of the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West

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  Bethnal Green, the question ought to be asked, "Have they education value?'' or, in other words, in judging a school the main consideration should be, "Is it a good school?" In so far as these schools, or many of them, are of value, some means will have to be found to keep them alive if they are not capable of supporting themselves.
  The main thing I wished to say is that the direct grant schools are an inestimable and irreplaceable feature in our educational arrangements, and that if they drop out it will be an extremely bad thing both for the State schools and for the public schools. I believe they will drop out unless some help can be provided in the next three or four months—more help than yet promised. I beg for some assurance on this point.
  6.51 p.m.
  Mr. Ernest Evans: I have not examined this year's Estimates in any critical spirit, and they have certainly not been examined this afternoon in any critical spirit. I realise that war conditions have created many new difficulties for the Board of Education, and I am not at all surprised that this Debate has ranged on topics which the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthorn) thought somewhat irrelevant to the discussion on the Board of Education Estimates. I should like to get back, however, to something which is very relevant, and that is the Estimates themselves. While I agree that the difficulties confronting the Board have been very great, I believe that the problems which will probably come before them will be even more difficult. The difficulties have not been confined only to the Board of Education. They have also confronted local education authorities and have been very present to the minds of the teachers who have faced new problems and new conditions with great loyalty, courage and determination. I must confess that I am a little alarmed about the number of people who are always talking about the difficulties created by evacuation. The problem which confronts the Board of Education is not confined to that particular issue caused by evacuation. In certain industrial districts people interested in education have been concerned with similar problems arising from evacuation for many years past. The industrial districts
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  of South Wales have had importations from Ireland and England—and people foreign to the native culture and native spirit. I have no doubt there are other districts where similar conditions have arisen. I ask the Parliamentary Secretary not to be carried away by this talk of evacuation, but to bring his mind back to permanent questions which will always affect the Board.
  In this connection I want to utter another word of warning. He must not be too easily carried away by the demands made by other Departments—people who put forward specious claims arising out of the war. There are in many parts of this country to-day schools which need reconditioning and there are many areas where there is a desperate need for new schools. What is the Board going to do about that? These are not problems created by evacuation?
  Mr. Lindsay:Is the hon. Member referring to war-time or pre-war-time buildings?
  Mr. Evans:I am referring to the position at the moment, and I want to know what is going to happen now that the war has started. These facts were in existence before the war started. If you go to the Timber Controller, he will say that he cannot spare timber for new building because it is all wanted for war purposes. The man in charge of bricks will say the same thing. What I want to know is whether the Board is going to be content to take that answer, or whether it is going to exercise pressure on the Departments so as to enable local authorities to make up for deficiencies which admittedly were in existence before the war started. The same consideration applies to the provision of meals, to nursery schools, and to the health of the children. The Parliamentary Secretary referred to what he called, I think, routine medical examinations. I do not want to cast aspersions upon the medical services—they are very good—but I am not sure that war conditions do not call for more than the ordinary routine medical services. I do not attribute the whole or any great part of the epidemics which have come over the country in recent weeks to conditions in the schools, but I am not at all sure that conditions in the schools are not partly responsible for their spread. There is at any rate a very

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  special urgency that school medical services shall be continued up to the hilt of efficiency at the present time.
  I pass to another matter. We have in this country been building up for some time a system of education in which we take great pride. We have both elementary education and secondary education under the auspices of the State, but there are two classes of the community which do not quite come within the scope of State activities. One is the class served by the adult education movement, and I was glad to hear the tribute of the Parliamentary Secretary to the work done in this connection. I find, however, on page 15 of the Estimates, that there is a not inconsiderable reduction in the Estimates for 1940 as compared with 1939 in regard to university tutorial classes, evening institutes and day continuation schools. I should like to have an assurance that there is not to be any continuing decrease in the amount made available by the Exchequer for those services. The hon. Gentleman told the Committee that there had not been any very considerable decrease in the number of adult classes, but I know that there is a great deal of anxiety as to whether there will not be a considerable diminution in the work done by tutorial classes organised by universities and other bodies, and there is a great deal of disappointment in some districts because there has been some curtailment.
  Mr. Lindsay: Not through any lack of funds put at their disposal by the Board of Education.
  Mr. Evans:I did not say it was due to that. I said I hoped there would not be a continuing decrease in the grant made by the Exchequer to assist this form of education. I am uttering a word of warning. The other class of the community to which I refer is the class of young people who have finished their school education after they have left the elementary or secondary school. It is these young people for whom the National Youth Movement is designed, and I know the Parliamentary Secretary has taken great interest in, and devoted great energy to, that movement. I should like to feel a little more satisfied that there was not room for greater effort in this matter. I want to refer particularly to
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  the position of Wales, because although Wales is a country in which this movement could be of great value, the movement is not having the success it ought to have. I would impress on the Parliamentary Secretary that so far as the work of this movement in Wales is concerned he should bear in mind considerations peculiarly applicable to Wales. One consideration, of course, is the language.
  This movement cannot be a success in Wales without recognition of the great part that language takes in the national life. Secondly, the right people must be associated with the movement. There is on the committee a Member of this House—the hon. Member for Aberdare (Mr. George Hall)—and everybody who knows him will be satisfied that the great conscientious energy which he applies to all problems in which he is interested will be applied to this work. But if he were here, I think he would not object to my pointing out that he has been brought up in, and represents, and is most intimately associated with, a very highly industrialised area. If this movement is to be a success in Wales, it is not sufficient to take into account conditions in areas of that kind. Depression in those areas has created conditions in which this movement can be of tremendous service, but I think it is proper to point out that there are also rural areas where this movement can be of very great assistance provided it is conducted in the right way with an understanding of the language, an understanding of the people and an understanding of the conditions which prevail in these sparsely populated areas.
  I believe there is room for improvement in the organisation of this movement and that there should be particular attention to leaders in connection with it. I do not mean leaders with capital "L's" but people with small "l's" who are associated with social and religious work in the country districts. In Wales a great deal of such activity has been conducted through the churches and chapels, and I hope that work will be borne in mind in any future efforts in organising this movement. But let me say that I envisage the work to be done by this movement as not confined to the imparting of knowledge. I look to it for general cultural development and also physical development, and I cannot say that the churches and chapels have been very successful on the side of physical development.

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  I have in mind cultural training, physical training, and the general helping of young people who enjoy the leisure which is enforced upon them at the present time. Under war conditions the proper utilisation of leisure is even more important than it was before. This movement can do much to help national culture if only it is conducted on proper lines. May I say, in conclusion, that I am very glad that it has been possible to allot a day for discussion of the Education Estimates so early in the Session? We are constantly hearing claims put forward on behalf of different services, and the importance of each one in turn is impressed upon us, but whatever may be the importance of the various fronts in the ghastly struggle in which we are now engaged, I am convinced that the educational front is one which is essential to the winning of the war and will be essential to the winning of the peace.
  7.11 p.m.
  Sir Francis Fremantle: I am stirred to speak from certain points of view which appeal specially to the mind of one who has been an inspector of schools and who is at the present time having some experience of an evacuated school in his own house—a nursery school. Before I do so, however, I would like to make one remark about the form in which the Estimates are presented. I think it would be useful if we had the grants to local education authorities shown in greater detail. For instance, I would like to be able to size up the proportion of the grant which goes to the medical services, but when there is only a statement that grants to local education authorities amount to £36,000,000, and grants to other authorities a certain sum, it is not possible to deduce the proportion which goes to medical services.
  There is a great deal of leeway to be made up with regard to the practical application of the services. They have been put to the test by the crisis of the last six months. We have had some children evacuated from the large towns to the country districts, where we have had the opportunity of comparing them with the children who ordinarily live in the countryside and we have had a certain number of children remaining behind in the large towns. That has given the opportunity for a test of how the system works. We have found the system in the countryside heavily pressed and we have
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  found a good deal wanting, in one way or another, in the condition of some of the children who came to the country from the towns. I do not want to emphasise that aspect too strongly, because one knows that the children came to the country after a holiday period during which they had not received medical attention. It was obvious that they required a good deal more attention than they had received.
  On the other hand, the services in the countryside are being over-pressed and vary in efficiency. Great heights of self-sacrifice and service are reached in many cases but there are considerable defects in others. That kind of thing is inevitable owing to the pressure we have gone through, but I hope these services will be better another time. The medical services are going on the whole time and we must always keep in mind our ideas of what they should be. We started the medical service in 1908 and it was a question then simply of a rapid survey and a recording of results. It was foreseen by those who passed the small Sub-section in the House of Lords which introduced the whole system, that it would lead to the necessity of treatment of school children, and from that to advances on other lines to a much larger and more comprehensive scheme. That result was coming but it has been delayed a good deal by the war. I hope it will not be delayed in the long run.
  With regard to the children who are left in the towns I will make only one passing reference and a point that requires to be made. The hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris), with whom I have been associated on the London County Council for so long and whose experience and enthusiasm I respect very much, was talking about the absence of education for the town child more or less for six months as if it were a tragedy, as if it meant a bit cut out of the child's life for ever. We can remember from our own school days cases of boys who had illnesses which took them away from education for six months or a year; or of one or another being absent deliberately owing to eccentric or original-minded parents taking them away from school so that they could have six months' or a year's travel and have experience in other directions; or of cases of boys also who broke away from education on purpose in order to sail round the world before the

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  mast. They then went back to school and it was extraordinary how they picked up and what value they gained from that little gap in the official routine of education. I do not believe that six months out of education is necessarily a permanent loss.
  Mr. Messer: Does not the hon. Gentleman realise that the six months may make all the difference in the age at which children can take the entrance examination for the secondary schools?
  Sir F. Fremantle:That is a point as regards the machinery and routine of education by which, unfortunately, in this country education has to be bound up with examinations as a condition of entrance to a profession, trade or calling. The system becomes a mere commercial obstacle which you have to surmount. In such a system, six months' loss is a real one, but I am speaking of the theoretical and real education of the individual. I admit that where children have to go through the obstacle race of examinations it is a great loss. I speak with great feeling, for I have been through more examinations than anyone in this House. That was because it was essential for my career, as I foresaw it, to go through those examinations. I have a great contempt, as a result, for examinations as a means of meeting the real needs of education. The best thing is to go up and get ploughed and the next time you take care to get through. You learn the little tricks that beat the examiners, and once you get through, you forget the whole thing. That is not education at all. I speak as an old pupil of my hon. Friend the Member for Windsor (Sir A. Somerville),for whom I have a great respect as my old schoolmaster and as a Member of this House. I speak also as a governor of a smaller school at Aldenham, of which my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthorn) is one of the most distinguished lights. It is one of the minor schools which is doing a great work for the sons of parents of smaller incomes. I believe that the great lessons we have learned come from Germany. The greatest I have had since I have been in this House came from the school at Salem in Germany, which is now at Gordonstown in Scotland. The system of
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  that school gives a great deal more freedom and responsibility to the boys.
  We want to pay attention to the practical side of education, and it is germane to that side, looking into the future, to see to what extent we are getting the best of the public school system for the ordinary child who goes to the elementary school. We have the ladder, the means of progress from the elementary to the secondary school, and from the secondary school, if possible, to the university. It is in the secondary school stage, I believe, where we can learn a great deal from the public school system. We certainly cannot do it by including the public schools, as they are at present, in the secondary school system. What we can do is to get into each system certain lessons that are to be derived from the other. As my hon. Friend the Member for Windsor pointed out, the great lesson to be learned from the big public schools is the responsibility and leadership which are possible in a residential school and which are hardly possible or, at any rate, not possible to the same extent, in the day school. The boys are living together in a community life out of school hours, through the evening, through the night and through their meals, and it is that which gives them the opportunity to live their own community life by themselves, to find their own level, and among themselves to pick their own leaders and make their own organisation.
  The more that is done the better it is for the boys, and the more official and stereotyped the system the worse it is. So many schools get a rather stereotyped education which cramps the minds of both teachers and boys. We want to get out of that. It was one of the great benefits of the school where I was, at Eton, that it gave such tremendous opportunities for the lazy boy to be lazy, the good boy to be good, and the keen boy to be keen, and largely to follow his own interests, even if they were not according to the regular curriculum. That is the kind of thing we want to get for the ordinary ex-elementary school child, and we want to see whether it is possible to work it into the hateful commercial scheme of examinations, diplomas, and so on. I am afraid it will be a long time before these higher ideals and objects of education can become practicable. The necessity of

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  having a system by which pupils can be separated and classified in accordance with their future work, is, I feel, bound to be the main object which people will have in education for a long time to come. From this Committee we want to help on those tendencies of which we see the possibilities and which were alluded to in the speech of my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary.
  I want to refer to the nursery school, of which one has had experience in the evacuation scheme and also to the effect of evacuation on the children whom one sees in the countryside. There is no question that there has been a perfectly remarkable improvement in the health of the children generally. That does not appear only in the small sections that one sees intimately. Wherever it is possible to get a general impression, one finds that there has been a great improvement. It is only what is to be expected. Instead of living in the close atmosphere of the towns, where the air is vitiated by fog and smoke and where the children have indirect light across the narrow streets, they go to the countryside and live in the clear air and, especially after the lovely weather last autumn, it is only natural that they should get colour in their cheeks which at once gives the impression of health. They have, too, much better food—more in quantity, and better in quality—and naturally they put on a certain amount of flesh. They get extra exercise, too, and so show signs of growth. If I were speaking purely from the point of view of nutrition, as did my hon. Friend the Member for North Islington (Dr. Guest), I should say that, almost certainly, there has been a tremendous improvement.
  We have to consider how far it will be possible in future for the elementary school child to have these advantages. They could not be billeted as they are now. That would not be the solution. There would have to be a great extension of school buildings in the form of camps and so on, and probably more permanent buildings. It would mean separation from parents. Would the parents stand it? Is it right that children should be separated from their parents? Is it natural? That is a problem which for a good many of us who have had the ordinary endowed public school education, has been settled long ago. I believe that, on the whole, it is an advantage. If I may make a personal refer-
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  ence, my own father, who was a very liberal-minded clergyman, thought the best education was that of the elementary schools, but he sent all his six sons to Eton one after the other. There may however be a good deal of feeling about family life and about children being kept close to the parents in the family circle. It may be felt that going to school only during school hours is the right thing. In actual practice other ideas came in, and though, I imagine, my father was a very honest person, I have never heard the reason for what he did. I believe it is to the advantage of children, to a certain extent, to be away from their parents, and not least nowadays, when we have cramped houses and slums and people live under difficult conditions. Out of the present conditions I think there will develop holiday camps or holiday schools such as have been started already. The system will be enlarged, and by degrees we shall work towards the idea of the children spending some period of their lives in schools where they will be in the country and living under such conditions that they will be able to a large extent to form their character. That will strengthen the powers of leadership which we want them to have to fit them for leadership in the great spheres of public life.
  One of the great lessons we have learned from these times is the appalling difficulties which surround the question of religious instruction. I cannot deal with that problem at length, but where there is so much public controversy with regard to religious instruction, I think it would be better if people were to recognise that the religion of the Gospels should be taught and not the religion of the Epistles and the dogmas of the Churches. Then, I believe, we could get unity and a more general adherence to the gospel of the Master whom we all serve and look to as the ideal. It is unfortunately the case that developments of doctrine and history still cling to religion and are taught when they are quite unnecessary and that makes religious education a difficult problem. We want to get back to a simple unity in religious education, which is a most essential part of all education and has been so lamentably missing in the past.
  7.33 p.m.
  Mr. Messer: I have been very much interested in this

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  Debate, particularly in what the Parliamentary Secretary had to say. I could not quite agree with the description of his speech applied to it by the hon. Member for Windsor (Sir A. Somerville). I could not read into it that record of achievement. I do, however, realise that it was a masterly speech from the point of view of making the most of the case, and to that extent I think the Parliamentary Secretary is to be congratulated. So far from finding hope in that speech, I felt called upon to review it in my own mind for the purpose of finding a description for it, and the description that I would give would be, "an airy, nebulous, abstract, pious aspiration." There appeared to be nothing concrete in it, nothing of which one could get hold. Even his examination of the position did not seem to be a true reflex of it.
  Take the question of evacuation. I was bold enough to suggest to the Minister of Health in a Supplementary Question a few weeks ago that I considered evacuation was approaching a scandal, and he was foolish enough to lose his temper. I have not since heard anything which is calculated to change my view. Evacuation was badly conceived. It has been a paper scheme, disregarding the fact that we were not dealing with paper figures but human beings. The first to be evacuated were the children. The plan was to give the evacuation authorities the responsibility of getting rid of the children, and they did that very efficiently. On the days when evacuation took place I travelled round to schools and railway stations and I was struck by the efficiency of the proceedings. I received first-hand reports from the reception areas, and there is not the slightest doubt that the children were received very efficiently. But the evacuation areas seemed to regard their responsibility as that of getting rid of the children, and the reception areas depended on the billeting officers to find somewhere for them to go, without regard to the fitness of the billets. The Press has been full of reports which have gone to show that little regard was paid to the type of homes suitable to different children.
  Just before coming to the House this afternoon I was at a committee where one of the visitors employed by a large public authority reported upon the children who
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  had been evacuated, and there are two cases that I can quote to prove the point which I am attempting to make, One concerned a girl, Barbara B, and the other a boy, John H, two difficult children. Almost every parent will understand that there are certain ages at which all children are difficult. John played truant from school and was difficult to manage. The girl was mischievous. The report stated that they were billeted on an aged couple. Can we say that we hope for success, if we do not adapt the child to the billet, even if we agree with the billeting system? Many cases could be quoted where there does not appear to be sufficient oversight of the evacuated children. I have no desire to create any anxiety in the minds of parents which would induce them to withdraw their children from the evacuation areas. It is a duty to encourage the children to remain away from London, and to do that, we have to make the lives of those children not merely bearable but as happy as possible in the circumstances. Recently there was a case where two children were billeted on a family which already had three children, and all five slept in the same bed, and the woman was out at work all day. We cannot hope for success along those lines.
  It is because of conditions like that that education is suffering. All the children are not elementary school children. I have in mind a well-known, well-conducted secondary school for girls in North London. They were evacuated to Cambridgeshire. Now, only 40 of those girls are remaining, with a staff of 10 teachers. The school meets in a little village hall in which the forms all receive instruction at the same time. Will any teacher agree that we can have efficient secondary education in such circumstances? There is in that county another secondary school which shares a local high school for girls. Many of the girls are approaching the matriculation stage, but obviously they are not able to get such education as they would have been receiving in normal circumstances, and it is doubtful whether any of them will achieve anything like the success they would otherwise have had.
  It will be said, "But we are at war, and because we are at war we must be prepared to have such difficulties." When the Government launched the re-armament programme they knew there was the

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  possibility of war, and they ought to have prepared, not merely for war but for the continued education of the children. They should have prepared for evacuation. My own view is that the Government failed to recognise that there were people much experienced in the handling of problems such as this, who could have advised them what to do. If that advice had been sought, I feel certain that what the Government now propose to do in some measure would have been done before, and that instead of children being billeted out in reception areas, big country houses would have been taken for them. It will be said there are not enough empty country houses which could have been turned into boarding schools. Well, that would not worry me very much. If the Government can take the men to fight they can take the mansions and turn them into schools.
  An important aspect of the matter is that the children evacuated to country villages receive part-time instruction, not full time, and in the out-of-school hours are free from any control. In my view that is rather a serious thing. It would be very much better if the Government had decided to set up school camps and hostels and provided a staff which could have controlled the children in out-of-school hours, thus ensuring some measure of supervision; for although I am not going to say a word against the character of the men who are in our Army, Navy or Air Force, I am compelled to say that I look with disquiet on what I have seen of secondary school girls, doffing their gym slips and wearing their ordinary clothing, walking arm-in-arm with members of the Air Force, Army and Navy. I am not going to suggest that there is anything more in it than a natural desire for companionship, but it would not happen in an ordinary boarding school of the type of which hon. Members opposite have spoken so eloquently this afternoon.
  Because of these things I cannot agree to what has been said in praise of the Parliamentary Secretary's speech. If evacuation is to be a success then it has to be a success from more than one standpoint. The first criterion must be the education of the children. We ought to see that those children who have qualified for places in the secondary schools do not lose the benefits which they have a right
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  to expect. I will give an illustration of a child who has sent her report to me. In the arrangement of the lessons this girl gets more French than she does of other subjects and another section of her form gets more mathematics than French. That is due to the fact that they have to mix with the existing local school. If it be contended that the present measures are adequate, that would mean there was more space than was required before. The girls' high school which I have in mind is sharing a building with the Middlesex County secondary school, and it is clear that you cannot have two schools in a building which previously held one school and have the adequate accommodation and opportunity for lessons. They do not get the number of hours that they were accustomed to get in the normal working day, and I think the responsibility is on the Government to provide the necessary accommodation.
  The Government will say "Yes, but the local authority which is responsible for the evacuation, must accept a certain amount of responsibility in that respect also." But what can be done? I repeat that the difficulty with accommodation is that you cannot build, even if you were disposed to do so, outside your county or county borough. You cannot build because you cannot get the materials. But the Government could exert compulsory powers for the relinquishing of existing buildings to be used as scholastic establishments. That is all I wish to say on evacuation, but I hope I have said enough to interest the Government in that aspect of the problem. We do not want evacuation to be a failure; we want it to be a success. But it will only be a success when parents who are interested in the education of their children see that their children get education, when those who are interested in their children's welfare see that their children have control out of school hours; and when parents interested in the future of their children, realise that there is less danger in the children being away than in their being at home. The parent has to judge whether the child is safer at home, with the danger of potential air raids, than he would be when away from home. It is because of that you get the withdrawal which is making the evacuation scheme a failure. My view is that to call it a failure is not to overstate the case.

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  Another aspect is that everybody regards the secondary school period as most important. The boy or girl is on the threshold, one might say, of a career, and during that period of education they will develop any natural aptitude they possess, and see what they are fitted for. But no less important is the other end of the scale, and that is the nursery school. I feel very much depressed when I realise the inroad that is being made in this country on that work which I have always believed to be one of the finest works that is being done. It has already been stated this afternoon that education does not consist merely of pumping knowledge into the heads of people. In my view many people have knowledge who are very far from being educated. Education is surely the exercising of the mind and its development so as to make the best use of the powers possessed by a person. That is a rough and ready way of explaining that it is a training of the mind to fit the individual for a fuller life.
  One may ask: But what education does a child get at a nursery school? Anybody who has taken any interest in nursery schools will be struck by the value of the conflict which takes place in the mind of the child there. A child of two years in the nursery school may not be acquiring knowledge, but it is forming habits. Those habits conflict with the habits of the home from which it comes and as the child grows, so one can see the steady rising of the strength of character in that child by the habits that are formed, until at last when it starts that education which consists in the imparting and retention of knowledge and the use of the mind and judgment, the child has a background and some measure of self-discipline. Self-discipline is the only discipline worth while. The child may not emerge into a brainy man or woman with a giant intellect but the worship of the giant intellect is a mistake; because while there are some with giant intellects sitting in their studies and using that intellect to ennoble and raise the human race, there are others with giant intellects sitting in their laboratories and trying to find the most devilish means of destroying the human race. It is not intellect but something more that is wanted if humanity is to be saved. From the nursery schools come the training of character and the formation of
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  habits which together with the instruction received, may give us a generation which will know better than to bring us to the verge of disaster such as we are facing at the present time.
  Then there is the question of secondary education. I wonder sometimes whether we are not prone to regard secondary education as merely a means of giving a boy or girl an opportunity of getting advantage in the commercial world. If this is so, it is a mistake. It may do that, but if that is the object of secondary education then we are missing its true value. Every one knows that the world is full of square pegs in round holes. Why do so many theories fail when there is an attempt to put them into practice? The theory is that a square piece of wood of a given size will go into a square hole of a given size, but it does not follow. The carpenter will tell you that the piece of wood must be straight and that you have to take other factors into consideration. Technical education is of value because it enables those undergoing it to find whether they are fitted for this, that or the other technical job. It gives them an opportunity to find their aptitude, to find just what qualities they have that will fit them for that type of work. Lastly, our education will fail, no matter what our ideals may be, unless we realise that at bottom the whole of humanity is equal. By that I do not mean that we all think alike or are all possessed of the same qualities. Thank God we do not all look alike. It is because of our differences that we are of value to each other, but whatever inequalities nature may have placed between us, there is no justification for the inequality of opportunity; and unless our educational system has as its object the provision of equality of opportunity for all boys and girls it will fail.
  7.55 p.m.
  Sir Ernest Graham-Little(University of London): I hope to make my remarks short, though I have a good deal to say. I would like in the first instance to answer a few of the remarks made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith). We generally cross swords in educational debates, and I am very much surprised that he has not trotted out his favourite bogy of London matriculation. As regards the Army classes. I am sure the Committee will be

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  glad to know that the War Office and the Canadian Expeditionary Force approached London University for facilities for study, and a scheme has been carried out by what is known as the Advisory Service of the London University. That is a very important and promising venture now in operation. As regards the point that has been raised about there being two populations in this country because of the public schools and the secondary schools, I think he said they never mix; but he has only to look at Table 46 in the last report of the Board of Education and he will see that the mixture is very perfect indeed; at all universities, not even excepting the most ancient ones, the mixture is exceedingly effective, and, if he will look up the tables he will see how wrong he is.
  In the White Paper I notice one rather puzzling increase, very exceptional certainly, in the expenditure on elementary schools. It is the grant to the local authorities, and I would rise to ask whether any part of that rather large sum is in respect of building. I make that remark because less than a year ago I came into contact with a certain incident in a provincial town in which a proposition to build a new school was discussed in a very closely contested debate at the county council. The decision to make the new school was finally obtained by a very small majority of the council, although it was very clearly shown by the opposition to that expenditure that there were something like 500 or 600 places vacant in the existing system of schools, and that the re-arrangement of those places might quite well have met the new necessity. But it was obvious that the majority of something like one or two was because the expenditure of that sum in the county would benefit unemployment, and it was carried on that principle alone. That, I contend, is a misuse of educational funds and I hope that this particular item does not include similar incidents.
  Perhaps it may not be inopportune to have something like a general discussion on principles of education, and if hon. Members will recall the character of the education Debate of 1937, and reflect that we may not have another for another two years, it is surely not improper to consider what are the ideals of education and what progress we are making towards
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  achieving them. In the report of 1938 the progress of secondary school pupils to the universities is set out, and I am most distressed to find that the figure has dropped to 5·2. It was 7 and a fraction two or three years ago. I hope that is a development which is regretted by the Committee generally. I have here a very important, I think somewhat epoch-making, paper on "The social distribution of university education,'' written by a past President of the Royal Statistical Society and published a few months ago. It is the first effort that I know of to put a statistical complexion upon this subject. The paper deals with a large variety of that kind of question. The first thing that comes in evidence is that the class of people who go to the universities are largely what the writer describes as the professional classes, and those who heard the Parliamentary Secretary's very admirable speech in the Debate two years ago will remember that he said that in this country persons went to the universities for vocational purposes; he specified doctors, clergymen, teachers, and when an interruption added civil servants, he accepted that correction. He regarded the position as being normal and right, that university education should be a vocational education, but I am glad to say that that view is in direct conflict with other quite important educational authorities. A statement was made on the subject in the last quinquennial report of the University Grants Committee. It is so pertinent that I think I might be excused for reading it.
  "It would be a great mistake if the university authorities or the students themselves were to be preoccupied solely with the professional prospects of after life. The objective of the best training for a vocation in life is not easily reconciled with the objective of the best training for life itself, and universities in the course of their history have always been faced with that dilemma. At the present time a special responsibility rests on the British universities in regard to training for life. Certainly it is no part of the duty of a university to inculcate any particular philosophy of life, but it is its duty to assist its students to formulate their own philosophies of life so that they may not go out into the world maimed and useless. Are the advantages of university education to be thought of mainly in terms of the well-being of the black-coated professions? Ought not a university education to bring its own reward of an enlarged and more balanced mind even in occupations which because they are manual have in modern times, and, perhaps, altogether erroneously, come to be less esteemed?"

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  That is a much finer ideal of university education than the common and, I fear, the very largely accepted one that the office of a university is restricted to training for the professions. Surely it is that enlightened type of education which was in the mind of the Foreign Secretary in his admirable speech a few days ago when he drew a very striking contrast between the education of Germans and the education of Englishmen, and pointed out that "the German was deliberately deprived of the elements of true judgment."
  My own life has been very largely passed in university education, and the greater and the most personal part of my own work in that respect has been in part-time education, and it is, I fear, quite impossible to envisage, especially in the circumstances of to-day, any great enlargement of the field of whole-time university education. I fear that that has broken down to a very large extent. I deplore it, but I believe that conclusion is inevitable. I attach the greatest importance to the prosecution of what I may call part-time education of a higher status by every possible means in our power. I was very glad that the Parliamentary Secretary paid a very proper and handsome tribute to that kind of education. It is, unfortunately, that kind of education which has suffered so grievously in the black-out. The L.C.C. evening classes and the extension classes in my university have been stopped, and all that effort has largely come to be wrecked by the circumstances of the black-out—one of the most mischievous results of that unfortunate necessity. But it is not blacked out for ever, and I hope it will be pursued with the utmost possible keenness and with the proper expenditure of Exchequer money. It cannot be done without that.
  The paper that I have referred to deals very largely with that particular question, from a statistical point of view, which is the métier of the distinguished writer of that paper. He points out how very important that part-time work really is. He does not think an increase of whole-time university work can be contemplated because of present conditions; and he goes on to give what I think is a very philosophical statement of the case:
  "The governing consideration is that the increased leisure, due to shorter working
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  hours and better means of transit in modern times, which render higher education possible for numbers greatly exceeding those available before, is distributed through life and not concentrated in a few years of complete leisure which he defines as time not absorbed by the task of earning one's bread."
  Members who attend evening classes and extension classes at the university are often students approaching 20 or 30, and it is a most amazing thing to me that persons who are occupied all day, and whose occupations are often exceedingly tedious and wearying, should find time and the ambition to spend their evenings in getting higher education of that kind. A very interesting report appeared of the L.C.C. evening institutes just before the war broke out. One of the very encouraging phenomena in that movement was that it was the more serious subjects which were predominantly picked out—the classes were not regarded as by any means a frivolous way of passing an evening. It was really serious study, and it is that kind of study that we ought to be most careful to encourage in every way we can. The writer goes on to say:
  "When the school age is effectively raised, and assuming a sensible use of the two or three extra years at school, we shall have a large population of youths aged 17 to 18 fit to profit by higher education."
  It may be worth while to give a few notes on the comparative conditions which prevail in European countries. It is useful to consider our own methods in comparison with those of the Continent. This paper was written shortly before the outbreak of the war. It is interesting to note that in all these countries it is the same class, the professional class, who contribute the largest single category to the universities; the percentage of that class which frequents the foreign universities is curiously constant in the principal European countries. In Italy the notable thing is that, far from dropping the progress of their secondary school pupils to the universities, they have in the last two or three years actually doubled that progress. It is a curious and significant testimony to the rebirth of Italy
  I have found it very difficult to find out what is the present proportion of elementary school children who proceed to secondary schools. Two years ago the ratio was given as 11 per cent. I hope

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  that has increased. It may in some degree set off the cited decrease in the transfer of secondary students to universities. Perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary will be able to give the figures. A very interesting statement was made by the Board of Education in 1937 of the number of persons then receiving some kind of formal education after leaving school; the total figures given were 1,208,400. There were102,400 full-time students in universities, training colleges and technical schools, 52,000 pupils were attending university extension and similar courses, 54,000 were attending courses in technical schools, and 1,000,000 persons were registered as attending evening classes. What is happening to that million? It is important that we should find that out and see whether we cannot increase their opportunities.
  The question of the subjects of university education and the amount of time that ought to be spent on different subjects is, I think, again a matter of very considerable importance, and it is perhaps rather regrettable that more enthusiasm and more drive are not present for the acquirement of scientific subjects. The natural tendency perhaps of young people is to go to the easier subjects, but it is vitally necessary to keep up our supply of scientific students, and I think that it is the difference in the rewards of scientific study as compared with other branches which explains their position. The point is illustrated by an analysis quoted in Professor Greenwood's paper. The educational history of all the officers holding the rank of principal assistant secretary or a higher rank in the establishments of the principal Ministries, some 15 in number, was analysed. Of the 94 person thus sampled, 42 came from Oxford, 18 from Cambridge, the residue were unclassified. A further analysis of the academic careers of this sample of 42 Oxford and 18 Cambridge men was made. None of the Oxford examples had taken any scientific subject; the Cambridge men were more mixed; of the 7 higher officers in the War Office, 5 had taken first in classical greats, and Professor Greenwood asks the caustic question whether
  "it is indeed well for the State that the great majority of its upper servants should be destitute of scientific training."
  8.17 p.m.
  Mr. Cove: In the few remarks which I want to make, I desire to associate myself very strongly with the criticisms made by the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) so far as the attitude of the Board of Education is concerned in relation to the education services. I would like to tell the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board, who does not happen to be present at the moment, that the hon. Baronet certainly gave what is the general impression, which is that ever since the war began the Board of Education have lost grip and have not taken the initiative to see that the education services were as little damaged as far as circumstances allowed. The Parliamentary Secretary always gives me an impression of what I would call impervious complacency. If there is anything wrong, I have noticed that it is always someone else's fault. On one occasion it was the fault of the local authority because they had not done their duty as they should have done. In the last Debate that we had on this matter it was actually the fault of this House that things in the education world had not happened as they should have done. Ever since that Debate there has been no excuse for the Board of Education in not taking a strong line.
  I remember the Debate very well; I did not speak in it myself, but I sat here and listened, and I was most interested. [AN HON. MEMBEr: "In November."] Yes, it was back in November. On the opposite side of the House representatives from various places of industry and of thought pressed the Board to realise the gravity of the situation, and the President of the Board had from that Debate a clear mandate to get on with the job. The House was desirous of rectifying as far as possible the terrific damage that had been done to the educational system of this country, because, as a matter of fact, if anybody has paid the price for this war up to now, it is the children more than any other section of the community. It is impossible to repair the damage done to the children who have not the chances to have their ordinary educational services provided for them over a period of time. That period of life passes, never to be recaptured. The opportunities are there at a certain time in a child's life. The years pass by, and all those opportunities are lost

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  and can never be brought back again. It is so serious that the Board of Education should wake up and give some sense to the country that they are guiding the ship of education. I repeat that to the people interested in education the impression has been that at the Board they have folded their arms and allowed other Departments to dictate the policy to be pursued. I think that the Minister of Health has been much more powerful than the Board of Education; I do not know if that is due to the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health.
  What relation had the speech which was made this afternoon to the realities of the situation? I challenge the Parliamentary Secretary to tell us what relation it had to the Estimates or to the educational system. We had fine, flowing language on theoretical matters, all of which had only a remote relationship to the actual position. More damage has been done to the educational system in six months of war than can be rectified probably in five years of peace. If I am wrong, I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to refute it if he can, but I do not believe the Board now have any means of finding out what is actually happening. Where are their inspectors? How do they find out the exact position? This afternoon we have had pictures of the children who have been evacuated to the reception areas, pictures of ruddy cheeks and so on. In some instances I think the children have gained in certain respects, but, as far as the reception areas are concerned the true picture is not so perfect as that which we had this afternoon. There are many black spots in it. For one thing there are many shocking schools. I have tried to emphasise this fact in Debate after Debate over a series of years. One matter which has been brought home to the public is the number of shockingly bad schools we have in this country, with inadequate sanitation, bad lighting, and absence of water.
  It so happens that there is a voluntary body which has just conducted an investigation. I will not read all of the reports, but investigations were conducted in nine counties. I will not give the actual names of the teachers concerned, but these are private reports made by teachers in the areas to an unofficial body—not any union or anything
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  of that sort—which has been interested in the educational system. Here is one:
  "Our numbers continually dwindle, by twos and threes; our equipment is scanty, and our cupboard room negligible. There are two teachers in each classroom. For the other session, daily, we use church premises, badly lit, scarcely warmed at all, with no proper heating or furniture, and, of course, no equipment except what the teacher carries with her daily. The effect of using two different buildings daily is bad. For small children, it is unsettling The session in the church room is useless."
  I have dozens of these, which show that thousands of children in this country are not getting anything like what might be called a decent education. Here is a second one:
  "We teach in the local school for half a day. The other half is spent in an underground crypt."
  I wonder, in passing, whether the Board have any information about that crypt? I wonder whether they even know that these children are in that crypt? It would be consoling if I could be assured even that they know it. It goes on:
  "This has to be artifically lit. It is damp and draughty. Even the artificial light is so poor that the children must be suffering from eyestrain. I am poor of sight myself, and must be suffering from the conditions under which I am working. Sometimes we cannot use the crypt, and then we have to walk the streets. We find that the local people resent us working in the school at all. In my opinion, the whole thing is unsatisfactory from most points of view. The children are being constantly moved about, because the billetors do not want the children."
  I could give other cases, but I believe I have established that in the interests of these children, physical and mental, the Board must be up and doing. They must not think, "We have sent these children out into the lovely green fields of England; there is a lovely glow on their faces, and a sparkle in their eyes." Those are the sort of phrases that we have heard.
  Mr. Ede: "Increased pigmentation."
  Mr. Cove: Yes, that was a glorious phrase. That is the sort of thing about which the Parliamentary Secretary expressed satisfaction to-night. He should go down into the reception areas, and look at the condition in which, I will not say all—that would be unfair—but quite a large number of elementary school children are being taught at the present time. I am sure that he would agree

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  then that, although the principle of compulsory education has been re-established, we are indeed a very long way from normality. Does the Parliamentary Secretary know the real condition in these evacuated areas?
  I have been told that I ought not to mention this, because the London County Council has a Labour majority, but I do not care what party is in the majority when the well-being of the children is at stake. I do not know where all the responsibility lies in this case. But look even at London. Come with me to a school near St.Pancras, which is packed with coffins—used to bury the dead instead of to educate the children. I had better not go into all the details, but, to put it briefly, something must be done about the evacuated areas; and it must be done speedily. I am glad that the President of the Board of Education has declared for compulsory education at last, but he must not stop there. He must see that the buildings are not stolen away from the children, for purposes for which other buildings would do equally well, or better. The attitude towards some of the schools in London has been really sacrilegious. The whole policy seems to be one of contempt and indifference. It is no use the Parliamentary Secretary saying that he is not responsible, that it is the responsibility of the local authority, or that the House has not backed him up. I tell him that it is his job, his responsibility; and if he carries out his job, I am sure the House will support him.
  Why have nearly-completed schools not been completed? The hon. Member for Neath (Sir W. Jenkins) knows of a school in my division which, I believe, wants a little more timber and the expenditure of a few thousand pounds to complete. Neither the timber nor the money is to be found. That school is to remain empty as long as the war lasts. If it is a long war, there this school will be, uncompleted, at the end. [AN HON. MEMBER: "It will fall down."] I forgot that. This is stupid waste of the worst kind. Why is the Board of Education so weak that it cannot get from the other Ministries the stuff that will save our education from deteriorating? Is this because we have two members of the National Labour party at the head of that Department? Quite frankly, I have been longing for a good, blue-blooded
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  Tory to take the place of the Parliamentary Secretary, and another to take the place of his Chief. The President of the Board of Education and his Parliamentary Secretary are, politically, the weakest pair of Ministers in the Government. They have no following, no power, no influence. I think it would really be a very good thing if the Prime Minister would change these two Ministers, and give us two good, blue-blooded Tories instead. Is the hon. Gentleman interested in the child labour that is going on? Is the Department interested in the exploitation of children of as low an age as five or six? I met a teacher on Thursday of last week who told me that a boy of six came to her and said, "I cannot come to school in the morning, but I can come in the afternoon. I am taking out milk in the morning, and I get 2s."Another head mistress told me that a boy came to her and said that he had received 9s. to put into national savings and when asked where he had got it, he said he had got it by working, that it was his wages. Is the Board of Education interested in the problem? If so, why does this sort of thing happen? The exploitation of child labour is rampant throughout the country, and it is up to the Minister and his Department to see that it is stopped, and stopped very quickly indeed.
  I hope that the Minister will be able to use some influence with the Treasury to restore the examinations for the Civil Service for secondary schools. I am not approaching this from the point of view of the Civil Service, but from the educational point of view, and of the clever and ambitious boys, particularly in the municipal secondary schools in industrial areas, whose parents cannot afford to send them to a university, but who find the Civil Service examinations an objective at which they can aim during their secondary school career. There is an all-party group in this House supporting the restoration of these examinations, and I ask the Minister to help us. I hope he will induce his noble Friend and the Board to bring pressure upon the Treasury to restore the Civil Service examinations.
  There is a strong opinion behind the Government in favour of the restoration of our educational system. It was clear in the Debate that we had here previously that there were two main reasons which actuated hon. Members opposite. They

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  look upon the schools as instruments of great social and personal discipline, and for that reason large numbers of them supported the revival of our educational system. An enlightened Tory said in that particular Debate—and he was right—that an industrial nation like ours cannot afford to neglect the physique, the mind, and the character of these growing citizens. It is well established now that education as such renders more value to industry than industry renders to education. Great scientific and technical developments are largely dependent upon our State educational system, and if we survive this war we shall find a world in which the struggle for existence will be harder than ever before in our history. A nation that intends to keep up the standard of life of its people must depend more and more upon its educational service. Therefore, the hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary has a tremendous responsibility upon his shoulders. I believe that the Department has neglected its duty since the war broke out, and I hope that, when the Debate takes place on the next occasion, we shall be much nearer normality than we are to-night.
  8.42 p.m.
  Mr. Robert Morgan: Before I come to the main subject matter of my speech and of this Debate, I would like to say how much I appreciate the reference of the Parliamentary Secretary to something which is outside the main portion of his speech. He referred to the improvement in the Trust grant, and I hope that he will at some time or other give us some further details of how the grant of £25,000 is spent and used. We may have a lively anticipation of similar favours to come, and it all depends upon the way in which we use this grant, whether we shall get any further payments like it. I was glad to see that the Board of Education is represented on the committee which is carrying out this Trust. Perhaps at some time the hon. Lady the Member for East Islington (Miss Cazalet), who makes such excellent speeches up and down the country in the cause of education, will give us some details of her work on that committee, and tell us what it is doing. When I heard the right hon. Gentleman opposite open the Debate this afternoon, I thought
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  he would make it into a sort of Debate which might be called, "The breakdown of the compulsory system of education owing to the exigencies of the war."
  I shall not make any reference to public schools, but I intend to refer to schools for the public—the great elementary schools. It is because I think that that system is suffering that I have ventured to enter into this Debate. It has been expressed on both sides of the Committee—and I feel that it is a genuine feeling—that with whatever privations we have to put up owing to the war, the children must not be allowed to suffer, and yet, as I listened this afternoon, I came to the conclusion that our children are suffering physically, mentally, and probably morally as a result of neglect. What troubles me is that there is a certain amount of apparent complacency about the matter. I remember that the Parliamentary Secretary, when dealing in this House a short time ago with the question of the difficulties in London, said that in London there were about 182,500 children in the elementary schools, and that of that number, only 24,300 odd were in attendance. He went on, by way of palliation, to say that 85,000 of them were receiving home instruction of some sort or other. Quite frankly, I sympathise with the Parliamentary Secretary in all his great difficulties, but I think that is a poor sort of thing to have to report to this House.
  I am not sure that I fully agree with the Member who spoke highly of home instruction. From my own professional and administrative experience I should say, euphemistically, that home instruction was something a few degrees removed from nothing. If these people are having instruction at home, why not in the schools? I should have thought that hon. Gentlemen opposite would have made that point. The Parliamentary Secretary could have painted the picture in two lines. He could have put on the top line the number of children in our elementary schools throughout the country and, underneath that, the number of children who were getting full-time or pre-war instruction in schools to-day. Knowing the various difficulties of the evacuation problem, I know how the Government have tried, and I want to be quite fair. One of the speakers on the other side complained about evacuation. It is easy to be wise after the

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  event, but had the Government not carried out their plans, and had certain events happened, I am sure they would have been roundly blamed. But I do blame the Government for this: Having found out all the faults of the evacuation system, how many children stayed, and how many were "trickle backs,'' they were up against a new situation which ought to have been faced drastically. What they ought to do is to make education compulsory. Whose fault is it that these children are not back in the schools? I was at one time a member of an education committee, whose job, among others, was to see that children were sent to school regularly and parents taken before magistrates to be properly punished if they did not send them. Now authorities seem to be doing the same thing for which they used to prosecute people individually.
  The Parliamentary Secretary and the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) said that a large number of schools had gone back. I can give an example, that of a school in the North which was transferred, unnecessarily, I think, to a far away place and which is now back again. I said to the headmaster last week, "What about your numbers?" and he said, "They have fluctuated. Some parents do not send their children at all, while others send them when they like." I said, "Is is not possible for good, safe shelters to be provided in the school?" and he said, "Yes, we have had the estimates for some time, and they come to £150." This is not an isolated case. The policy of the Board should be that people who will stay at home in spite of war risks should be compelled to send their children to school, but, on the other hand, you cannot compel them to do so unless you compel somebody to put up adequate protection for the children when they get to school. Whose fault is it that these shelters are not forthcoming? Is it the fault of the Board or of the local authorities? Is it that they do not consider they are getting enough financial assistance from the Board or because the Board is not sufficiently using its driving power? That is one of the things we want to find out, and if this Debate does find it out, it will have been well worth while.
  Somebody mentioned the question of family allowances, which I think will inevitably come along, but, pending that
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  time, what steps is the Department taking to see that adequate meals are provided in all our schools? There should be a proper ration of adequate and wholesome food. Speaking of rationing, I hope they will be better than the present sugar ration of one-seventh of an ounce for each child, which is quite inadequate. We were told of the desire that youth should go back to the land. I know there are good agricultural schools which are doing great educational service, but there is the counteracting influence of parents that the remuneration is very low, and as long as it is so low you will never get children to take up agricultural work. I hope this Debate will make the people of the country realise that, after all, the best thing a nation can have is a sound system of compulsory education, based on the eternal verities which my hon. Friend talked about. I believe that a sound system of education is the best long-term investment any nation can make.
  8.55 p.m.
  Mr. Edmund Harvey: Hon. Members who have been present throughout the discussion will agree that although it may have been desultory at times it has been very interesting. Certainly it has provided a very strong argument for carrying out the suggestion of the hon. Member for Windsor (Sir A. Somerville) that it would be desirable to have some kind of an all-party committee on education, meeting far more frequently than is possible for a committee of this House, to discuss some of the great issues raised with a thoroughness which is utterly impossible in a Debate like the present, which has not only ranged over subjects which are before us in the Estimates, but which, by the gracious leave of the Chair, has passed on to subjects which are only remotely connected with the Estimates. That is a real disadvantage, especially if we realise that it is only at very long intervals that the Committee has an opportunity of discussing education at all.
  I agree with the hon. Member for Stourbridge (Mr. R. Morgan) as to the immense importance to the country of the question of education, and yet there is only a handful of hon. Members present and only one Minister supporting the Parliamentary Secretary on the Front Bench. Is not that symbolic of the

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  attitude not merely of the House of Commons but of the country to these great issues? As a nation we do not care as we ought to for the question of education. If we did we should not be facing some of the problems we are facing to-night. We need to awaken the conscience of the House of Commons and of the nation to the importance of these issues. I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary and his colleague are to be blamed, or the Government. We must all share the blame for the failure. Successive Governments have treated the Board of Education as the Cinderella Department of the Ministries, and for years is has never had the time and thought given to it by different Cabinets that the importance of the subject demands. I hope it may be possible to take up the suggestion of the hon. Member for Windsor in some form and give an opportunity to Parliament for a careful consideration of these great issues.
  I want to deal to-night with one or two points in the Estimates which have not been dealt with hitherto, or have been dealt with only partially. There is one matter, a comparatively small one, which is illustrative of the kind of mistaken economy which goes on under the pressure and stringency of events. Economy there must be, but we ought to have it framed most wisely. In the Vote for the Victoria and Albert Museum I find that only £10 has been provided this year for acquiring new objects for the Museum as against £12,800 last year. That is false economy. It may be that during the year rare objects of enormous importance to the nation will come into the market, which can only be bought then, and which if not bought then, will make their way across the Atlantic into the cabinets of the millionaires of the United States. The Victoria and Albert Museum is the treasure house of the people and we ought to make reasonable provision for it. I do not say the same provision can be made as is made in normal times for acquiring special treasures and works of art, but that some provision for acquiring them now should be made as they may otherwise be lost for ever to the nation. I ask that this Estimate and similar Estimates should be reconsidered. It is not that there should be extravagant spending—none of us want that—but that the expenditure should be
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  thought out carefully before it is incurred in order that we may be able to keep up the standard of these great collections which are the possession of the whole nation. There is no extravagance in a wise purchase of some unique work of art for the nation which can only be bought once.
  The second matter I want to raise is curiously placed under the title "Technical Schools, etc." That is quite an unworthy description of the class of higher education which is included in the Vote. I am glad that the Parliamentary Secretary devoted some words to the subject. He spoke warmly about its importance, but I cannot help feeling that there is cause for regret in the fact that there has been such a falling off in the Estimates under these heads. There is a falling off under the head of colleges of 4½ per cent. in the total as compared with last year and a falling off of 15 per cent. as regards university tutorial classes, and 8½ per cent. in the case of evening institutes and day continuation schools. It may be said that that is not due to the Government not being willing to give more, but to conditions arising out of the war, but I think the utmost effort ought to be made by the Board to stimulate the formation of these classes and the creation of new classes, where old ones have had to be given up. More ought to be done to encourage local authorities to show initiative in this matter; it ought not to be a matter of being willing to make a grant when the conditions are satisfied.
  There are all kinds of new experiments in adult education which have come about in recent years, and more ought to be done by the State to assist them. I do not want to see everything under State control. I value voluntary effort and initiative, but it is not enough to say that such and such an institution does not come within the purview of a particular regulation. The Board ought to be constantly thinking out new ways of helping new experiments. A small sum might make all the difference to the success or otherwise of an experiment. We ought not to have to depend on the Pilgrim Trust to make such experiments a success. The Board should itself encourage pioneer work. The third point is the question of scholarships and maintenance allowances granted by the

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  Board. I think it is lamentable that we should have to record a decrease of 16 per cent. in the total aid for students as compared with the amount of last year. It is true that some students are being called up for military service, but that cannot wholly explain the great falling-off. Women, as well as men, take these scholarships. A very large number of students enter on their scholarships before the age of 18 and would have at least two years of university life before being called up for military service. It ought not to be necessary to reduce the grant at this time, especially if it is being reduced because a number of these students are undertaking military service. That ought to be all the more reason, as they are undertaking that great risk for their country, for increasing the grant and not decreasing it.
  In a number of cases, university students have been compelled to give up their careers because of the difficulties brought about by the war. Universities, especially London University, but to some extent other universities, are suffering from the war conditions, and this means that there are smaller funds available to assist students who are in need. Therefore, there is greater need that the grant given by the State should be maintained to the full and that, if possible, provision should also be made for special hardship grants to meet the special conditions which in certain cases have been brought about by the war. I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to look into this matter and to see that in future there is no decrease in the all-too-meagre grant that is given to help students who could not go to the university were it not for this assistance.
  I warmly welcome the assurance which the Parliamentary Secretary gave that he was uneasy about the pledge that is exacted from these young students that they will undertake a teaching career as a condition of receiving the grant. It is an immoral pledge, it is not binding in law, and it is unworthy of any Government to exact such a pledge when they know that it is not legally binding, and when in some cases it puts a strain upon the students' conscience, because the poor fellows feel that their only chance of getting a university training is to sign the undertaking. I hope very much that the result of the consideration which the Parliamentary Secretary is to give to this
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  matter will be that the grant will be given without condition, as it should be, and that it will be made available to a greater number of students who need the help of a university career in order that they may be better servants of the community.
  9.8 p.m.
  Sir R. W. Smith (Aberdeen and Kincardine, Central): I should like to stress the remark of the hon. Member for the English Universities (Mr. E. Harvey) that it is rather tragic that at the present time the Committee should be showing so little interest in the subject of education. It is an extremely important matter at this time. There are times when one may deal with education in a broader way, but at the present time I think we have to consider what contribution education can make to help the country in the war. I have listened to the whole of the Debate and there has seemed to me to be great lethargy on that point and no drive of any sort to get anything done.
  What I am about to say concerning the Parliamentary Secretary and the speech which he made will be, perhaps, the hardest thing that has been said in the whole Debate. In referring to the question of evacuation, the Parliamentary Secretary asked what evacuation had added to our knowledge, and he replied to that question by saying that it had told us little that we did not know before. He then went on to refer at length to the education of those between 14 and 18 years of age and to adult education, but he said practically nothing about children below the age of 14. At the end of his speech, he remarked that we knew, before the war and before the evacuation, that the cleanliness of the children was not all that we would have liked it to be, and that there was a lack of teaching of religion in the schools. He went on to say that we could not refuse in the future to face some of the discrepancies that had been found—I ask the Committee to note that he said "in the future,'' and not at present—and he then made the suggestion that we ought to set up an all-party Parliamentary committee. I want to put this to the Committee. Here we have two definite things—lack of cleanliness of the children and lack of religious instruction in the schools, and the Minister—
  Mr. Tomlinson:May I ask whether the Minister did say these things?
  Mr. Lindsay:I apologise for interrupting my hon. Friend, but he is not stating quite clearly and accurately what I said. I said that we knew before that there were unclean homes in various parts of the country, and that it did not take the evacuation to prove that. I said also that the great majority in this country do not go to church. I made no reference to what went on in the schools. I then said that all these things had been emphasised by the evacuation, and that we must face them.
  Sir R. W. Smith:I am sorry if I have misrepresented my hon. Friend; I did so quite unintentionally; but his correction still allows me to make the point that there is a lack of religious instruction in this country. Surely, the Parliamentary Secretary, and I hope the whole Committee, read the article which appeared in the "Times'' on 17th February. That article has been mentioned by only one hon. Member. It seems to me to be an extraordinary thing that the question of the religious teaching of children should have been mentioned by only one hon. Member. The Parliamentary Secretary said that some of the homes from which the children came were not as clean as one would have liked. I submit that the evacuation proved that a great many of the children were suffering from a verminous condition. That was known before the evacuation and it was proved by the evacuation. We are told by the Parliamentary Secretary that this may be dealt with at some future time. I confess that that seems to me to be an extraordinary line to take. I should think that the first thing to do would be immediately to deal with the question of cleanliness. There may be further evacuation, and if children are sent to the reception areas in an unclean condition, there will again be a big outcry. People will say that the Department was warned by what happened last September, and that it ought to have taken steps to put things right. It was clearly proved by the last evacuation that the children were not clean in their habits or in their person. I took the trouble to-day to look up in the dictionary in the Library the definition of "education." It is as follows:
  "The bringing up of a child; instruction; formation of manners. Education comprehends all that series of instruction and discipline which is intended (1) to enlighten the
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  understanding, (2) correct the temper, (3) form the habits and manners of youth"—
  I would like to emphasise the phrase "the habits and manners of youth"—
  "(4) fit them for usefulness in their future stations."
  I recommend that to the Minister of Education. The Parliamentary Secretary seemed to me in his speech to deal only with the older children. What we want to do is to get at the younger children now, and I press very strongly that we should endeavour to teach our children how to be clean in person and habits, and then, if we are faced with another evacuation scheme, the work will be carried on much more smoothly. I put a certain amount of responsibility on the Opposition in regard to the evacuation, because I do not think it would have taken place before the war if they had not put strong pressure on the Government. I think it was unfortunate in one respect, because it meant a more or less rushed evacuation, which might have been conducted more quietly.
  In regard to religious teaching, I think it is a point which should be pressed both in the House and in the country. It seems a ghastly thing that we should have found as a result of evacuation, as the "Times'' states, that in certain of our schools—some of the schools provided by the State—there is no religious teaching.
  Mr. Ede: Can the hon. Member give the name of any local education authority with a single elementary school in which no religious instruction is taking place?
  Sir R.W. Smith: I did not use the word "elementary." I read out what was stated in the "Times,'' and I said that in some of the schools provided by the State there is no religious teaching. I was quoting the "Times," and if I misquoted it, perhaps I shall be corrected.
  Mr. Ede: I am quite prepared to amend my question to the exact phrase used by the "Times." After all, the hon. Member makes himself responsible when quoting the "Times'' as an authority. Will he give the name of any local education authority in the country which has a single school supported by the State in which there is no religious instruction?
  Sir R. W. Smith: May I put this to the Committee? If it is a fact that the article in the "Times'' is incorrect, why is it that nobody has taken the trouble to

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  contradict it in the "Times"? [An HON. MEMBER: "They do not think it is worth it."] Well, all I can say then is that if that is so I think education is of great value. Under the system governing elementary schools religious teaching is treated as an ancillary subject. Is that true or not?
  Mr. Ede: Quite untrue.
  Sir R. W. Smith:A very short time of the day is taken for religious instruction and always at the beginning of the day. [An HON. MEMBER: "You said there was no instruction."] I am afraid the hon. Member has not listened to what I said. I will quote the article:
  "Under the system governing the elementary schools it is treated as a subsidiary subject.''
  These are words taken from the "Times," and if the article is incorrect, all I can say is that no one has seen fit to contradict it. It is a serious question, and if the Parliamentary Secretary says there is religious instruction every day and that it is not subsidiary or for a short period, then the "Times" must be wrong. However, I know many who agree with the statement and say the article is perfectly correct. May I give a further definition of education according to the dictionary? It says:
  "To give children a good education in manners, arts and science, is important; to give them religious education is indispensable."
  That is a definition in a dictionary, and it goes further than that and states:
  "and an immense responsibility rests on the parents and guardians who neglect those duties."
  Where responsibility rests on parents and guardians it certainly also rests on the State to make provision for religious teaching. I would ask the Government to do something at once. I am very sorry that evacuation should have proved in many cases that the children were not as clean as one would expect and that in many cases religious instruction in this country is not what one would expect. These are very important items which the Parliamentary Secretary has said will be dealt with in future, and he proposes to set up a Committee to deal with them. This is not the time to put things off, and we ought to have these matters dealt with at once.
  9.23 p.m.
  Mr. Creech Jones: I think the Debate to-day clearly shows apprehension in all parts of the Committee as to the condition into which our public education system has sunk. I fear that the Parliamentary Secretary's speech to the Committee does not remove our gloom and misgivings in regard to this vitally important public service. I think that with insufficient foresight, imagination, or direction, the Government, the public, and in some cases the local education authorities have allowed the impact of war on the nation to do grievous harm to our educational system. It is only slowly that it is being repaired, but confusion and the sacrifice of the children are still very great to-day. The Minister in his speech seemed to announce neither an immediate programme nor a policy for the future. The emergency which came upon us was one which brought forth considerable courage and devotion both from administrators and teachers, but the damage is still there, and we have a considerable way to go before we can get back to anything like an efficient system, where even the children of 11 and more are getting a full education and compulsory education is applied to children under 11. What will happen if a further evacuation should be necessary, goodness only knows.
  It still is the case that in neutral areas stagnation has settled on the system, that in reception areas buildings are desperately necessary, that further planning in the special services has to be done, and that in spite of circulars from the Board there is still need for more direction, more courage, and more leadership if any rapid progress is to be made in the restoration of the system. We have seen to-day how little interest the Government have in this question of education. I do not think a Cabinet Minister has been present all through the day. It seems almost symbolical that the Ministry has removed its quarters from Whitehall to Kingsway. It is as if it were relegated from the seat of Government as one of those services that has ceased to be vital in the life of the nation. But public interest in education is not dead. I think the general public are feeling a little bit ashamed at the casual way in which the educational system was treated when war came. The general collapse of the educational system and particularly the

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  social and human consequences of that collapse, is rousing considerable indignation in various parts of the country.
  There is a great deal of work to be done by the Board and the local authorities immediately if repair and reconstruction are to take place. I should like to urge that there should be in this House and on the part of the Government a greater enthusiasm on this subject. Let us remember that it was in the last war that one of the great educational advances was conceived. There was then a distinguished Minister and a certain amount of enthusiasm for education in the country, and consequently we had the Fisher Act. I suggest that, apart from the immediate work of repair and reconstruction, the time is ripe for looking ahead and planning the kind of system we want, not only during the war, but when the war is ended. In a period of war the country is possessed of a common purpose, and people are more likely to be in the mood to ponder on the kind of human society they want to create when the tragedy is through. At the present time we have the Fisher Act more or less suspended, the 1936 Act in cold storage, reorganisation and building stopped, work in technical and secondary education severely damaged, and vast leeway to make up.
  Now is the time to start thinking afresh as to how we want our educational system organised. There is ample material for that new thought. Some useful experiments have recently been made. We have had experience of camps, we have had the Spensreport and the report on the location of industry, we have had a great deal of experience showing how social services might be extended, and to-day we have heard a great deal about the problem of the public school. Now is the time to start planning our future. It is vitally important that the thinking and preparation should be done now if, after the war, there is to be a very big advance, and it is a very big advance that we are concerned to secure. There is important work that can be done now particularly in regard to the social services and in trying to get building done in neutral areas that has been neglected because war has come.
  I would like also to make reference to one or two phases of work in the field of
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  education which have been commented on in the Debate. The Parliamentary Secretary told us there had been a grant made from the Pilgrim Trust with a view to encouraging art and music and drama and to cultivating public appreciation of those things. It seems to me unfortunate that we have in this country no Ministry of Art, but if we have no Ministry of Art, then the Board of Education should give attention to the cultural development of the nation and should help in building up public appreciation of those things which go to complete life and make it more interesting. There is room for encouragement of the fine arts by picture exhibitions, by the development of museums, by sending round the country various types of exhibits. There is need for more amateur dramatic companies to tour the country, there is need for encouragement of music by public concerts and by giving aid to students, so that our life may be more richly endowed.
  May I also make reference to the subject of adult education? We have in this country a general scheme of adult education which I think is almost unique in Europe to-day. It is a system which, to some extent, depends for its life and vitality on voluntary organisations. It has already made an enormous contribution to the national life and the democratic spirit of this country. I would like to pay tribute to the Board of Education for the encouragement it has given, in days gone by and also when war came, to the development of this work. The Minister mentioned that since the war considerable enthusiasm had been shown in all parts of the country in respect of adult education work. It is true that where classes have been in great demand attendances have been of a standard almost as high as in previous times. The movement is showing enormous courage in the face of war restrictions and is going forward, largely because of the general encouragement given by the Board. Therefore, I should like to pay some tribute to the officers of the Board and to the Ministers for their appreciation of the great importance of this work. I hope that it will not suffer because of the limitations of finance in the Estimates, that its vital importance to a democratic nation will be increasingly appreciated, and that every encouragement will continue to be given so that this work can go forward.

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  I would like to refer to the question of education in the Fighting Services. As far back as last May we raised this question when the Militia Act was going through the House, and we hoped that with the new Army there would be a definite move by the Board in conjunction with the War Office for some scheme to be launched. The war has now given us new opportunities in this direction. We should remember that the new Army is a civilian Army, consisting simply of civilians in uniform who are removed from their normal conditions of life. Many of them in their new conditions are suffering from a great boredom and are welcoming the opportunities that are coming to them for discussion and study and for the renewal of some of the old interests which they had in their civilian life. Education in the Fighting Services is not a welfare service; it is and should be a natural requirement. It is important to the men and to the nation, and if the work is done through the proper educational organisation in the Army, it is really an extension of what should be the Board's work. All the Services should share in it, and I want the respective Forces to have their schemes.
  The Board of Education should be responsible for organising the educational resources of the country in this great scheme of education for the Services, advising on the civil side, assisting the military organisation, working through the new central committee of the universities, the local education associations and the voluntary bodies, and generally making money available for administration, lecturing work, and course study. I hope there will be a real drive on the part of the Board in this matter in conjunction with the respective Service Departments, and that the Board will see that, apart from any financial provision which may be made by the respective Fighting Services, money is forthcoming through the Board's own Estimates. I would again urge that the Board should show more courage in facing their problems and should give a definite lead to local education authorities and to the country. If they do that I am convinced they will have the whole weight of public opinion behind them.
  9.40 p.m.
  Sir Arthur Harbord: I would like to ask the Parliamentary Secretary whether his Department places
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  a veto on the public use of the shelters which are placed in school grounds. I understand that a veto operates against their use by the public during school hours, but I am anxious that during the other 16 hours of the day, when the schools are not being used by the children, they should be available for the civilian population when danger is present. I know a number of schools which have made this provision at great cost to the State and the governing authority, but if the doors are locked when the schools are closed, they are not available in lime of danger to the general public. It may be a small matter where danger is not serious, but it is a matter of great concern where the danger is serious. A serious charge would lay against the Department if in the event of air raids and the schools were closed the public were not able to use these shelters. I should like an answer to my question before I resume my seat.
  Mr. Lindsay: As far as I know, this matter is within the discretion of the local authorities, but I will go into it carefully. It is a matter which is partly A.R.P. and partly Board of Education.
  Sir A. Harbord: I want in this matter to act in conjunction with the Department. I do not want to be an obstacle or make myself a nuisance about it, but I feel very strongly on the matter. There is an instance of what I have in mind near my house. I am not speaking for myself, for I have ample accommodation, but I am speaking for other people who may be in need of shelter. I never left Great Yarmouth during the last war, and I shall not leave it during this war. I consider that shelters which are in school yards should be available to the public where they are needed and where an education committee passes a resolution to that effect. I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary whether, if a strong resolution is passed by an education committee that these shelters should be available to the public out of school hours, the Board will allow them to be made available.
  Mr. Lindsay:The shelters are provided by the local authority for the school children, and this is a matter for the local authorities. I am prepared to look into this specific case if my hon. Friend will give me details, but I cannot go further at this moment.
  Sir A. Harbord: I can give the details, and I think the suggestion is one which is worthy of being acted upon.
  9.45 p.m.
  Mr. Tomlinson: This Debate has ranged over a wide variety of subjects, and I am glad that we have been able to go outside the actual Estimates and discuss one subject which is of particular interest to me. Before I came to this House I had heard of public schools but had never been able to reconcile them to my way of thinking, and had never heard a good reason given for their existence. This afternoon several hon. Members, from their own experiences, have attempted to justify the continuation of these public schools. One thing I object to in the arguments put forward is that they ought to be retained because they create leaders. If we are to have leaders, we want them from all branches of society. We do not want a leadership that is confined to a parentage which can afford £250 a year for education, because otherwise we are placing our society on a class basis, whether we are conscious of it or not. I do not suggest that behind the arguments of one hon. Member who was defending public schools there was not the feeling that the system was the best because it had evolved these leaders—and he pointed round the Committee. I cannot pick out the public school men in the Committee.
  Captain Cobb: What about your own Front Bench?
  Mr. Tomlinson:All I can say is that they do not stand out. The men from the elementary schools on the Front Bench are to me just as good as the men from the public schools. I am more concerned about what a Front Bench Member says than the tie he wears. The discussions upon public schools to which I have listened in the last few years will not lead me to agree to absorb them into our national educational system until both the curricula and the products have been proved. We had an interesting intervention from the other side of the Committee. An hon. Member who sits for a Scottish constituency quoted a leading article from the "Times." On that occasion, 17th February, the "Times" did a very foolish thing. I do not suppose it is the first time that the "Times" has done a foolish thing, or the first time that a
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  foolish leader has been written. The "Times" wrote:
  "In a country professedly Christian there is a system of national education which allows the citizens of the future to have a purely heathen upbringing."
  Upon what was that based? Upon a statement that was made by an anonymous parson in an unidentified part of the country. We had just as much evidence from the hon. Member who read the quotation as we had from the "Times." I say that that is a reflection upon the local authorities which, in dealing with a difficult problem, have endeavoured in season and out of season to follow, not the lines of their own consciences in many cases, but the agreement entered into under which there is an agreed syllabus of religious instruction in council schools. That the "Times" should seek to stir up trouble at this time of day on the basis of there being a lack of religious instruction is not patriotic, nor should the strictures be taken notice of unless they are based upon some more reliable evidence than has been revealed up to now.
  Many things have been said about the results of evacuation. The Minister gave us a few interesting stories about evacuation. He told one, which was new to me, about some children, in the Lake District, I think, looking for the grave of Mr. Woolworth. I think those stories might be taken with a pinch of salt. We have run stories of evacuees to death. I should not wonder if that one did not originate in the tap room. When we are talking about the pigmentation in the cheeks of those children one has to remember the other side of the picture. It should not be forgotten that since the evacuation the consumption of milk by school children has gone down by 750,000 gallons. We shall not get pink cheeks and healthy children if they are not drinking as much milk as they were accustomed to. There is a growing fear—andsome evidence is to be gathered from the children—of malnutrition among our school children as a consequence of what has taken place during the last few months.
  Sir Edmund Findlay: May I ask the hon. Member whether his figures about the decrease in the consumption of milk are correct? If they are, it is a point which certainly ought to be looked

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  into and discussed in this Committee much more thoroughly than he is dealing with it.
  Mr. Tomlinson: I would ask the Minister in his reply to give the figures. I think I have under-stated the position rather than over-stated it. Two months ago the decrease was 1,000,000 gallons. We have been told about many things which cannot be done because we are at war. I know there are many things which cannot be done. Wars of necessity interfere with our organisation of affairs. I could not think of a war that did not interfere with organisation, particularly with the organisation of school children; but at least there is one thing we can do for the children, and that is to see that they get the milk which is available and the food which is available.
  I hold strongly to the opinion that nutrition is the basis of a decent education. It is all very well to look in the dictionary to find out what "education" means. In the dictionary definition of "education" there was not a word about nutrition. I contend that you cannot develop the mind until the body has been developed, and Parliament has acknowledged that because we have an Act to provide for the feeding of necessitous school children, and food can only be provided if, in the opinion of an education committee, they will not otherwise benefit from the instruction which is being given to them. I hope the time is coming when we shall provide them not only with food and milk but with boots and clothing, if necessary. If there is any question of who is to pay, we can settle whether it is the parent or the authority after we have seen to it that the child is properly clothed and shod. During the last two or three months, particularly in the snowy weather, teachers have come to me and almost cried as they have described the condition of some of the children who have arrived at school, ill shod and badly clothed.
  If we were to go back to normality, as the right hon Gentleman said, it seems to me that many things have to be taken into consideration. I would put in a word with regard to the question asked by the hon. Member who spoke last, who wanted an assurance from the Minister that air-raid precautions provided for children should be available for the general public. There is a dispute with
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  the Home Office at the present time with regard to the construction of the shelters and who shall have them. I have brought with me the Air Raid Precautions Act of 1937, under which the local authorities act, and I still urge that the local education authority is not a local authority within the meaning of that Act of Parliament. That is a question that will have to be fought out with the War Office—the amenities of our home security—but there are authorities in this country which are not only providing public shelters but making them available in the daytime for children in close proximity to the schools. How are we to differentiate between the two bodies?
  I hoped we might get away from administrative details this afternoon and evening and get back to the ideals and purpose of education. I am not so much concerned about the definition and I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. C.Morrison) that nursery school education has gone by the board One of the joys of my life is to go into a nursery school, and I would rather open a nursery school than launch the biggest battleship, because the basis of nursery school education is service. They learn from the earliest time to want to serve, and I have seen little kiddies of three years of age fighting for the chance to be mother or father among the little school community. Those habits ingrained from two to seven years of age have a possibility of developing our educational service into something worth while. All the talk this evening has centred round the idea of education to fit somebody for something. Too often it is a case of pounds, shillings and pence, and the education given in the schools is a sort of beggar-my-neighbour training to make you clever enough to earn more money than the other fellow. But all that it means is that you are trading on the other man's ignorance and using your education for your own selfish advantage. In the education of the nursery schools the idea is service, which is the only valuable idea we have in public or elementary school education. Unless it is going to express itself in service and to give something to the community, it is not worth anything. It does not matter that it enables an individual to get £5,000 a year; that is what we have to get away from if education is to be worth while.

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  If the wonderful organisation we have been building up for years is to be of value to the community we have to provide men and women who will find the use of knowledge in a growing expansion of life itself. Education means the power to understand and enjoy the good things of life. It is not confined to a class; it is dependent on an ability to appreciate that comes through knowledge. The lad who goes through the countryside after a course of botany sees a little flower by the river's brim, and instead of being only a yellow primrose it means that all the forces of nature are at work in that little yellow flower. He sees a thousand different things at work, all the forces of nature in the rain, the sun, the wind, the air, the chemicals in the air—all going to the making of that flower. Life becomes a great thing, and that is the value of education. The service in which it expresses itself is the thing for which we are paying and that is the only way you can justify the Estimates to-night.
  The hon. Member for London University (Sir E. Graham-Little) questioned a building grant and thought it might be extravagant. I have been in some of your palaces in London. I have eaten my meals in your Corner Houses and seen those wonderful places for the benefit of men grown up in order that they might have their fancies tickled while having their meals. If it is necessary that we should have these things so that we may enjoy ourselves, how much more necessary is it that the child spending the greater part of its life in school should have something of a conception of beauty created in it as a consequence of the atmosphere in which it lives. Do not talk of extravagance in school while you have buildings of that kind for other purposes in London. The hon. Member who spoke from this bench a moment ago spoke of the necessity of spending money in order that we might appreciate art. I remember the little school to which I went, but did not go for long, and have a grievance to this day against the Lancashire County Council, because my conception of art was formed from a picture of the landing of the Danes. I say that was a crime against all conceptions of art, and if you are to create a desire for those things, it must be instilled from the beginning. Therefore I hope that, when we are discussing education, we shall
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  remember that we are creating in effect immortal souls, not dealing simply with buildings but with human beings that are worth while. That is the only way in which we can justify the expenditure, and to refuse that expenditure means that we are frittering away the greatest asset that we have.
  10.2 p.m.
  Mr. Ede: If those who come from the elementary schools chose my hon. Friend the Member for Farnworth (Mr. Tomlinson) as their representative in any tournament between the elementary school and the public school for usefulness and eloquence, all of us would think they need have little fear as to the result. I venture to say the form, the manner, and the high spirit of his speech are the best proof that those influences of which he has been speaking are the common heritage of the British race, not derived from any particular form of education, and that although they may be assisted in their outcropping by the form of education, they may be hindered by it. This is the 17th anniversary of my first introduction to the Floor of this House. I may say that I created more excitement that day than on any day since. I have taken part in a good many Debates on the Education Estimates since that time, but this is the first day on which these Estimates have run without interruption. On every previous occasion some private Bill has managed to crop up at half-past seven and generally taken one-third of the day. This is remarkable in another way, and one which I am quite sure is pleasant to you, Colonel Clifton Brown, because for the first time in my recollection of Education Estimates, the Chairman has not had to rule anybody out of order or call the attention of the Committee to the lapse of any Member. Therefore I feel quite sure that it is a day that should live in the memory of those of us who are actively connected with education in this House.
  We have been drawn on to the dangerous topic of the definition of education. I heard a definition which seemed to me to go beyond definitions and include the examples set out in the dictionary of the proper use of the word. I had intended to quote Milton's definition, but that is so sonorous and the words are so Latin in their origin that I dare not mention it in the presence

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  of the senior Member for Oxford University (Mr. Herbert), because he might regard it as a further proof of the degeneracy of the superior university from which I come. I prefer to give a quotation from the most distinguished schoolmaster, in my opinion, of the 20th century, Sanderson, who said:
  "The school should be a microcosm of the world we would like to have."
  If we can keep that in our minds, we shall not go far wrong in the education that we attempt to give to the children, but let us be sure that the world that we have is only an enlargement of the schools that we used to have, and, if we are going to set the world right, we shall have to start by trying to get into the schools the mind and spirit that we should like to see in the world. That is why I value so much my hon. Friend's contribution in his allusions to the Mercers' school and the spirit that prevails there.
  I recollect that the first day I went into a secondary school, I was handed two books, one red and one blue. The red one was Somerville's French grammar and the blue one was Somerville's French exercises. It is not the fault of the author of those one-time popular works that when I go into a French restaurant the waiter says, "If you would only speak English, you would get served much quicker." But, speaking as a humble member of the teaching profession, we recognise throughout the country the high position that the hon. Member for Windsor (Sir A. Somerville) holds in that profession and the services that he has rendered to it. I am bound to say, however, that my feelings of veneration for him are not always accompanied by complete sympathy for the views which he expresses. I thought he gave the case completely away for the great public school with which he has been connected when he said, in answer to an interruption of mine, that it would be very unlikely that I should find among the 70 poor scholars who study there as the result of the endowment of King Henry VI a single boy from an elementary school.
  Sir A. Somerville: I said at the end that one of the objects that we ought to have was to find means for facilitating the entry of boys from the elementary schools.
  Mr. Ede: I was coming to that. The hon. Gentleman went on to say that, of
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  course, they would get in if they could pass the examination. It is a proof of the saying of the Frenchman, "England is a free country. You can dine at the Ritz if you can pay the bill." It would be a very great advantage to the great public schools, as they are called, if they made arrangements whereby their special class position in the country was amended through their own action, because I am quite sure, while it is true that King Henry VI was mad, he was never nearly as mad as he would be if he came back and saw the classes from whom his 70 poor scholars are now drawn. When my hon. Friends on this side have the responsibility of government, one of the things that we shall have to do is to see that the ancient endowments of education are restored to the people for whom they were left. The hon. Gentleman went on to say that we despised the Nazi youth because he was indoctrinated—
  Sir A. Somerville: No, we pitied him.
  Mr. Ede:I am prepared to accept the correction. I should not like to pity a public school boy, but I cannot help feeling that there is a good deal of indoctrination carried in the great public schools to-day and, as chairman of the Private Schools Departmental Committee, I had to inquire what these experiments were that it was alleged could not flourish in the State schools. We could not find any great experiment which had been originated in this century which had been started in any school other than a State-supported school. [Interruption.] His was not a new experiment. It was the application of a very old experiment, as old as Pestalozzi, and he was applying it to the public school system.
  The hon. Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthorn) said one thing with which I sympathise very much. I think it quite wrong that you should attempt to enter into arrangements with young persons of 16 years of age whereby from that age onwards they run in blinkers and are evidently destined for the one calling in which a person should have the widest mind and the greatest breadth of vision. I was very glad to be able to give evidence three or four years ago before a committee appointed by the University of Cambridge on the reorganisation of the education department of that university. I hope that the

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  changes which have been effected there, with altered arrangements by the Board of Education, will give the men a far later date at which they will make up their minds whether they want to be teachers or not, because, after all, a good many men do not know, until they get to the university and rub shoulders with men who are going into other walks of life, exactly what the course is that they would like to follow. If they choose teaching as a calling, after having rubbed shoulders with men going into other callings, they will be better teachers and will be able to apply to the work of teaching a far more generous spirit than is sometimes possible when they rather feel that they have been manoeuvred into teaching against their will.
  My hon. Friends and I have been exceedingly disappointed with the Parliamentary Secretary's speech. We had hoped that we should be able to get from him something that would enable us to feel that really serious efforts were being made to re-establish the public elementary school system. I was especially disappointed at his inability to say more about the resumption of full-time education and at the fact that it was impossible to give a date for full-time education in the whole country. While we talk of the resumption of compulsory education, as far as I know the law with regard to compulsory education has never been suspended. The enforcement of it may have been suspended, but the law itself has remained all the time. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman has listened to what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove) with regard to the employment of children, because I believe the willful and flagrant breaking of the employment of children by-laws in the various areas in the country at the moment is almost as great a scandal as the evasion of the school attendance by-laws. Something should be done to bring home to the local authorities the necessity for seeing that these by-laws are enforced. My hon. Friend gave two instances, both of which are infractions of the general law and not of by-laws, because the law of the country is that a child under 12 years of age shall not be employed at all. My hon. Friend gave well authenticated cases of two children under that age who are being
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  employed and showed that a most flagrant breach of legislation with regard to the employment of children is being permitted.
  I am glad to see that the hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Aberdeen (Sir R. W. Smith) is back in his place. The hon. Gentleman made two general statements which I desire to examine with particularity. The first was with regard to the lack of cleanliness in the children who were evacuated. I have seen a good many general statements with regard to that, but to-day for the first time I have managed to get a particular analysis of the problem as related to one area. In a paper read to the Royal Society of Medicine recently the county medical officer of health for Surrey dealt with the problems which arose out of evacuation, and he was very careful to be particular and statistical in his references to this phase of the problem. He has headed this particular paragraph: "Medical Problems." He says:
  "Great prominence has been given to some of these in the Press, notably to the prevalence of verminous conditions, enuresis"—
  which, I may say for the benefit of the Senior Burgess for Oxford University, in English means wetting the bed—
  "and behaviour problems. While one completely sympathises with the householder who has to receive unwillingly such a child the prevalence of, at any rate, some of these conditions has been considerably exaggerated. In an analysis of 6,800 evacuees from Fulham, Wands worth, Battersea, Earls field and Putney into the districts round Guildford, Godalming and Haslemere, Dr. Haine, the Medical Officer of Health, found that in his preliminary inspection at the railhead only 371 or 5·4 per cent. were found to have defects of the kind that could be detected on rapid survey; these 371 included 97 who were verminous"—
  that is, 97 out of 6,800—
  "three with scabies and 21 with impetigo. I think that perhaps these figures are not quite representative: the number of verminous children varied very much according to the type of evacuation district. For example, of the children who came to Egham from a very poor East End district, 280 out of 2,853 were verminous, or nearly 10 per cent., whereas in an adjacent district of Chertsey verminous children were comparatively rare. For comparison let me tell you that in Surrey we regard a child as verminous which has even a single nit in his hair, and on this standard last year 3·5 per cent. of our children were verminous. If evacuees from the real East End are excluded, we think that about 5 per cent. of the evacuated

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  children were verminous, but the degree of infestation was much worse than in our own children, and we saw cases such as our own health visitors never see at all."
  I venture to say that that represents, probably, a more scientific examination of this problem than has been attempted by any other authority which has been quoted here. It reveals that there is a certain amount of this difficulty; but, whereas in Surrey in ordinary times—and I admit that Surrey is a good district—about one in 30 is found to be verminous, at the end of the summer holidays, when these children were evacuated into Surrey from London, the number did not rise to more than one in ten in the worst districts; and in the best, it approximated very much to what it was in Surrey.
  Sir R. W. Smith:The hon. Member will admit that it varied considerably, according to the districts from which the children came.
  Mr. Ede: Yes. The highest proportion was one in ten.
  Sir R. W. Smith: I say that we should not have one in 10.
  Mr. Ede:We ought not to have any at all, but the language used by the hon. Member and by other hon. Members on other nights clearly indicated that they thought the proportion was much higher than one in 10.
  Sir R. W. Smith:The hon. Member is talking about only one district in Surrey. Will he give the figures for the whole country?
  Mr. Ede: These are not the figures for any district in Surrey, but for the whole of London.
  Sir R. W. Smith:Evacuated into Surrey.
  Mr. Ede:Certainly. And I have no reason to imagine that my hon. Friend opposite and the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health are so fond of Surrey that they specially chose extra-clean children to send to us.
  The hon. Member also dealt with the question of religious education, and complained that when he was interrupted by some of my hon. Friends and myself, we did not take the trouble to contradict what had appeared in the "Times." I think
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  my hon. Friend the Member for Farnworth has dealt with that fairly well, but I might say that I am not going to take the trouble to deal with the paper which published the literary masterpieces of Mr. Piggott. It would be a full-time job; I should have thought that anyone acquainted with the State-school system of the country would have known that the best that could be said for that quotation was that it was a very gross exaggeration of anything that occurs in the State-school system. I believe that since 1870 we have had only one big secular education authority in the country; and that was Birmingham, in the days when it was ruled by the father of the present Prime Minister. Since he left the local government of Birmingham, there has not been a single education authority in the country which has adopted a secular attitude.
  The hon. Member had another grievance with regard to the time. In my view, in giving to religious instruction in our schools the first half-hour or three-quarters of an hour of every day, the local education authorities give the best time of the day. It is the time when the minds of the children are freshest and when they can most easily assimilate the instruction that is given. I would have thought also, for what it was worth, that to put the religious instruction first was more likely to set the tone for the whole of the day than to put it at any other time of the day. I cannot think of any State-aided school in this country, elementary or secondary, to which the strictures of the "Times" can properly be applied.
  The Parliamentary Secretary gave us no real indication that his Department is getting on with the job of getting the schools back into normal conditions. We have been very kind to him on this side of the Committee in previous Debates. We have not pressed unduly for the resumption of full-time education or the normal activities of the schools, but really now, after six months of war, it is time that the Government made up their minds exactly when they expect to have every child in the country receiving the normal hours of education. If the hon. Gentleman fails, then all the high-falutin' talk in which he indulged about the other parts of the national education system will not lead us anywhere. The one thing upon which he can build in this country

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  is a sound, well-administered elementary education system. If he breaks down there, then all schemes for the service to youth and all services in connection with the Pilgrim Trust will be so much wasted effort. If he can give us an early resumption of the full elementary education system, we shall be able to move on to those other things of which he spoke. He told us that he met a boy in Kent who thought that all birds hopped by electricity. Were they the birds of which he was thinking at Cranleigh on Sunday when he spread fear and alarm in the hearts of the mothers of the district by telling the boys, "You have not yet been here long enough to find out all the local birds, but your teachers will soon be putting you in touch with most of them." I am told that the boys had a second look at him, and thought that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education could be a human being after all.
  We want him to say in this Committee that he realises the great human problem with which his Department has to deal at the moment. It has suffered more heavily than any other in the turmoil of war. We ask him to take the earliest possible opportunity to prove, not that he wants an all-party committee, but that he is living up to the boast of his own section of the tripod that supports the present Government and that claiming to represent our views in the Government. We have seen none of it up to the present, and he alone can prove to the country that there is something in the boast. I suggest to him that he should try to do it.
  10.30 p.m.
  Mr. Lindsay:We have had a very interesting Debate, although I think it has been a little rambling at times and inevitably so, because of my speech. It will not be easy for me to reply after being at the Board for three years and seeing all our hopes, and things for which we have been working, pretty well dashed to the ground.
  The organisation and building of these senior schools all over the country has suddenly stopped, and the raising of the school-leaving age to 15, which some of us have been looking forward to for several years, has been postponed. Therefore, I would not like hon. Members to think, although I appreciate
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  their point of view, that their distress at present conditions is confined to their side of the House. What we did do, and very quickly, was to say that as the 14's to 18's would not be evacuated we must get a move on in doing something for them. It is easy to say things now and be wise after the event, although, in all fairness, I must say that hon. Members on all sides of the Committee fairly appreciated the conditions of the past six months.
  The reason why I dealt more particularly with the educational problem in my speech was that there is less to say in describing the disturbance caused by evacuation. If you take London or any other great evacuation area at the present moment, they are in the process of building school units up again, in some cases going from door to door and kitchen to basement for classes. There are, of course, still about a quarter of our children who are not in school at all, but I would like to give the figures so that too gloomy a view of the situation will not be taken. Nearly half the children of the country are in reception areas where there is something like 95 to 97 per cent. in full-time education. Another 1,200,000 are in neutral areas, where 97 per cent. are in school. When you come to evacuation areas I quoted as nearly as possible, although there was a complaint that I did not give figures. I could go into detail of how we ourselves, the Ministry of Security and the Ministry of Health are working together. It is easy to criticise this machinery, but all that I can say is that, although I do not go to the meetings, as far as I know the three Ministers meet most days. The regional officers are constantly working on the difficulties. I went to Luton the other day to try and straighten out a tangle. You might say the children ought not to have gone to Luton, Reading, Ipswich and other places, but let us remember that on 3rd September feeling was that we should get the children out, and under a roof; education was not then our first thought. Hon. Members said, "Why did not you make careful schemes, dovetailing school into school?" To this I would reply, "How could we do this when no child knew at what station it was going to get off the train?"
  Mr. Cove: You are not doing it in your new evacuation scheme.
  Mr. Lindsay: The hon. Member does not know what we are doing in that scheme; it has not been worked out at the moment. The precise details of where each person and school are going are not known.
  Mr. James Griffiths: I gather from my own local committee that they have been informed as to the precise number of children.
  Mr. Lindsay:That is outside my Department. I understand that the precise number of children going to a district is known, but it is impossible to say that the children will go to a specific school. Nobody will pretend that there can be full-time education in reception areas with the present accommodation if you suddenly move 1,000,000 more children there. It simply is impossible. As I said earlier, when these children went out from London to Sussex, Dorset and Devonshire all that was known was that they were going in a certain direction on a certain railway. It then took weeks and weeks to get the billeting correctly arranged and then to get the children into schools and to keep the school units together as far as possible. Later, thousands of children for a variety of human reasons—partly because of this strange war—came back because they would sooner be nearer their own folk wherever they were, with the result that instead of 750,000 children being in these areas, there were only 400,000 left in the reception areas. When I spoke in November I hoped that they would see the spring in the country. Today I hope that many of them will see the summer term in the country. I have read literally hundreds of inspectors' reports which show that these 400,000 children are profiting profoundly by the change in the country.
  Mr. Messer: Does the Parliamentary Secretary expect the new evacuation scheme to be a success when it is proposed that 400 children shall be sent to Saffron Walden which is already full to capacity, and that these children are to come from Stratford, the other side of London?
  Mr. Lindsay: The hon. Member cannot expect me to go into the details of an evacuation scheme which does not come under my Department. I am concerned with the fact that if you suddenly move numbers of children into the country there
  346
  will always be difficulties. It does not matter if you make the most elaborate arrangements. You might spend 10 years building camps, but no hon. Member is able to say or anticipate the number of children who will be in evacuation areas, in neutral areas and reception areas six months later. If you cannot anticipate that how in the world are you going to provide proper accommodation?
  Mr. Cove: You should make better arrangements now.
  Mr. Lindsay: The hon. Member made a long speech: I heard most of it and did not interrupt him. Even if we had to go through the whole process again and were able to avoid certain mistakes, which I can see as well as hon. Members, it is quite impossible to anticipate the precise proportion of children who will be in each of these areas. Of course, we are faced with a most difficult problem in certain places like Rochester, the dock-side in London, Liverpool, Glasgow, Hull, and elsewhere. All I can say is that the officials of my Department, the Ministry of Health, and the Department of Home Security, have not spared themselves in trying to find a way through the difficulties.
  The right hon. Member for South Hackney (Mr. H. Morrison), will say, "I want you as an administrator—and not just as making a speech—to come and see how we can combine reasonable civil defence of London with a complete education system." Since the announcement of my Noble Friend, the order of the day is, back to compulsory education as fast as it is humanly possible, full time from 5 to 14 years; and since that announcement, which, after all, was made only a few weeks ago, London has got compulsory education to-day for those over 11, and by 1st April it will have compulsory education for those over 8 years of age. That is pretty fast going. I hope that as soon as possible after that it will be extended to the infants and then to the younger ones still. But this is the point. How much further would hon. Members go? How much faster would they wish us to go? Would they wish me to report to the Cabinet that the order of the day must be, education first and no civil defence? No. What my Noble Friend announced the other day was that compulsory education must be restored, and that must

  347
  be taken as an announcement from the Government.
  I have looked very carefully into the details of the administration. That is why, last week, I went to Luton and went into the schools, some of which might have been propped up so as to give protection, and looked at halls which might possibly have been taken, but which were not, and considered the possibility of removing, say, 1,000 children elsewhere. That is the sort of problem to be dealt with. I tried to find out whether the local education authority's officers and those of the Department of Home Security could move faster. I do not know that they could. It may be said, as some hon. Members have said, that we ought not to have let so many buildings go. I take that criticism. It is very easy to be wise after the event. The assumption was that the great majority, in fact, nearly all the children, were going to leave London, that London would have to be defended, that bombs would be falling thickly and fast in the first week of the war. Therefore, I regret, perhaps more than almost anybody else, since I have been connected with the Department for these years, going about London and still seeing children between the ages of 5 and 11 out of school. I do not see that there is any answer to that except to work as hard as we can to get the extra protection and to get the schools removed from use for civil defence purposes.
  Mr. Cove: The hon. Gentleman has the backing of the Committee in that. Get on with the job.
  Mr. Lindsay:I take it from this Debate that there will be uneasiness until we have got full-time education completely restored. If that is the feeling of the Committee, this Debate has been well worth while. I should like now to make one or two references to the individual speeches that have been made. I want first to congratulate the hon. Member for South Tottenham (Mr. Messer) on his speech, which, to my mind, was one of the best statements made on nursery schools and technical education. I ask the Committee to put that speech side by side with the speech of the hon. Member for Farnworth (Mr. Tomlinson), who said, in effect, "Let us get away from administration and see what we really
  348
  mean by education," and who ended on a note which meant that his idea was that it must express itself in service. Previously, we had a number of speeches on the ancient problem of the public schools. There was a great deal of discussion about public schools. I will always remember the description given of his school by Mr. Hamilton Fyfe in Canada when I was conducting 16 headmasters across the Dominion. He said:
  "My school is the royal, religious and ancient foundation of Christ's Hospital. It is called 'royal' because of that great widower, Henry VIII, who left some land which has increased in value—hence our revenue. It is called 'religious' because religion is the basis of all true education, and as for its 'antiquity,'it was never more ancient than it is to-day."
  That is a description given of a very ancient school, but with very modern ideas—Christ's Hospital. It is interesting to note that when hon. Members refer to the expensiveness of public schools the figures are not always given in their true proportion. These great schools to which the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Pickthorn) referred and which receive direct grants from the Board, like Manchester Grammar School, Portsmouth, and Bradford, are part of the glory of our educational system. Their fees are in the neighborhood of £25 to £30 a year. If you add to that board and lodging, which might be expected would be part of a home—say a figure of something like £60, £70 or £80,which is not an enormous amount for a growing boy—you have a figure approaching or even exceeding £100 a year.
  There are hon. Members who are opposed to the idea of a boarding school and therefore are opposed to the idea of a camp unless the boys go in and out. I can assure the Committee that at a camp I visited on Sunday in Surrey I found no thought of going out at all. I asked the headmaster who was in this lovely wooded part of Surrey whether he was there for the summer or the spring, and he said, "We have come here for keeps." Not only that: they intended to make gardens—vegetable gardens, with the help of the boys. Therefore, it is not a question of boarding schools, because views in favour of the Boarding school have been expressed on both sides to-day. I think, probably, that the time will come, and it may come very quickly

  349
  after this war if things go on as at present, when there will be—shall I call it, a federated system of secondary schools in this country. It may even include senior schools. Some will be the county schools, some the ancient grammar schools with a strong local history and geography, and some will be those schools for the pauperes indigentes, as the saying goes, used now by those who can afford them. You may not agree with all of this but all I am concerned to see is that, as they are part of the vast heritage of this country, they are given wider responsibilities and are used possibly by a wider number. The hon. Member for Windsor (Sir A. Somerville) who has long experience of these schools, and other hon. Members took up this same point. The hon. Member for the English Universities (Mr. E. Harvey), the hon. Member for the University of Wales (Mr. E. Evans) and the hon. Member for Shipley (Mr. Creech Jones) spoke of the adult education movement. It is a matter which to me is of enormous importance. I always regard this chamber as a sort of headquarters of adult education. If I may say so there are hon. Members on the opposite benches who have been through the university of extramural education, and it is because of that that we were able to hear some of the speeches we have heard to-night. Other hon. Members have had intra mural education, and there is not much between the two sets of speeches.
  The medical Members for North Islington (Dr. Guest) and St. Albans (Sir F. Fremantle) touched on the question of nutrition and communal meals. I hope they do not think that the whole medical services and the provision of school meals have been discontinued, as some newspapers and some speeches we have heard would seem to indicate. It is not true. The position is that you have to build the medical service round an institution—that is, the school—unless you change the whole form of it. If the school is not being used, if it is not possible for the children to attend, or if some do not turn up—[An HON. MEMBER: "And if the medical officer does not turn up."]—and if the medical officer does not turn up—but that is not true except in reception areas to which London children went—the medical services cannot function. The difficulty was that we had to get a medical defence in
  350
  London and also to get doctors for the reception areas. Now the whole of the routine medical examinations are going on, and in 50 out of 150 reception areas there has been acceptance of the system of communal meals.
  The question of milk was also raised. The only answer I can give to the hon. Member for Farnworth is that at this moment the consumption of milk is about two-thirds of what it was last year. That figure is rapidly improving. The reason why it is only two-thirds—and I deplore it very much—is the difficulty of the transfer of money from evacuation to reception areas. The system of the supply of milk did temporarily break down, but I do not think it is too bad, considering the circumstances, that two-thirds of the quantity drunk at this time last year is still being consumed. The hon. Member for Farnworth said he would sooner open a nursery school than launch a battleship. So would I, but at the present moment the battleships are helping the nursery schools to exist. It is in no sense of making a debating point that I say that. I think that just at times there was a little lack of proportion in the Debate.
  It worries me more than anything else that it is the education system which seems to have suffered most, and I ask myself, "Why is it?" Hon. Members may easily say it was because my Noble Friend did not stand up to the Secretary of State for War. As a matter of fact, we had no difficulty there, for it was not the Secretary of State for War or his Department who had the schools. The difficulty was that local authorities were at one and the same time running civil defence and education.
  Mr. Tomlinson:Will not the hon. Gentleman admit that there were schools—not one but many—which were occupied by another Department of State and held for weeks and not utilised? It may not have been the War Office but it was the Office of Works.
  Mr. Lindsay:I agree, but 72 out of 75 of those have been returned. There is another point which I wish to mention because this speech has to go on, roughly, until 11 o'clock. There is another criticism which applies to the Department, namely, that we have lost so many of our staff. No hon. Member of the Opposition was good enough to raise it, and

  351
  so I will raise it myself. The fact is that at the beginning of the war, owing to the impossibility of having full school inspections, to the suspension of the National Fitness Council, to the closing temporarily of the Victoria and Albert Museums, and to certain statistical work being stopped, it was not necessary to keep certain of the staff and inspectors. I want to reassure hon. Members on this point; 45 inspectors have been brought back since Christmas, 32 of them from other Departments, and if we needed inspectors to get on with this job, I assure the Committee that we should secure them, either from other Departments or from elsewhere. We are not going to see the Board badly staffed to do their job.
  I mentioned in my earlier remarks not only that we were making every effort to get back to full-time education in the evacuation areas, but that we have learned something from these six months
  of war. I was a little surprised that one hon. Member seemed to think that never can a Minister stand up in this House and say that he sees something wrong without immediately having to make it a matter of censure. If we can learn anything from this six months, such as the important question of training teachers and other things, we shall profit by this great upheaval. What I pleaded for was that, while we were shaken in our habits, we should look at our education system and see whether it could be improved. If we do that, I believe we shall, at any rate, have profited by this amazing experience of having dispersed 500,000 or more children from the towns to the country, and we shall have learned a little more about the health of children, which is the basis of decent education.
  Question put, "That Item Class IV, Vote I (Board of Education), be reduced by £100."
  The Committee divided: Ayes, 91; Noes, 124.

  Division No. 48.]

  AYES

  [11.0 p.m.

  Adams, D. (Consett)

  Groves, T. E.

  Parkinson, J. A.

  Adamson, Jennie L. (Dartford)

  Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

  Pearson, A.

  Adamson, W. M.

  Hall, J. H. (Whitechapel)

  Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

  Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

  Hall, W. G. (Colne Valley)

  Price, M. P.

  Ammon, C. G.

  Harris, Sir P. A.

  Pritt, D. N.

  Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

  Harvey, T. E.

  Quibell, D. J. K.

  Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

  Hicks, E. G.

  Riley, B.

  Barnes, A. J.

  Hills, A. (Pontefract)

  Robinson, W. A. (St. Helens)

  Beaumont, H. (Batley)

  Isaacs, G. A.

  Sexton, T. M.

  Bromfield, W.

  Jackson, W. F.

  Silkin, L.

  Buchanan, G.

  Jagger, J.

  Smith, Ben (Rotherhithe)

  Burke, W. A.

  Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

  Smith, E. (Stoke)

  Charleton, H. C.

  Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

  Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees-(K'ly)

  Cocks, F. S.

  Jones, Sir H. Haydn (Merioneth)

  Sorensen, R. W.

  Collindridge, F.

  Kennedy, Rt. Hon. T.

  Stewart, W. J. (H'ght'n-le-Sp'ng)

  Cove, W. G.

  Kirkwood, D.

  Stokes, R. R.

  Daggar, G.

  Lathan, G.

  Tinker, J. J.

  Dalton, H.

  Leach, W.

  Tomlinson, G.

  Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

  Leslie, J. R.

  Viant, S. P.

  Davies, R. J. (Westhoughton)

  Logan, D. G.

  Watson, W. McL.

  Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

  Lunn, W.

  Welsh, J. C.

  Dobbie, W.

  Macdonald, G. (Ince)

  Whiteley, W. (Blaydon)

  Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

  McEntee, V. La T.

  Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

  Ede, J. C.

  Maclean, N.

  Williams, T. (Don Valley)

  Edwards, N. (Caerphilly)

  Marshall, F.

  Wilmot, John

  Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

  Messer, F.

  Windsor, W. (Hull, C.)

  Frankel, D.

  Mort, D. L.

  Woodburn, A.

  Garro Jones, G. M.

  Naylor, T. E.

  Gibson, R. (Greenock)

  Noel-Baker, P. J.

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

  Owen, Major G.

  Mr. Mathers and Mr. R. J.

  Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

  Paling, W.

  Taylor.

  Griffiths, J. (Llanelly)

  Parker, J.

  NOES.

  Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

  Briscoe, Capt. R. G.

  Colville, Rt. Hon. John

  Aske, Sir R. W.

  Brooke, H. (Lewisham, W.)

  Croft, Brig.-Gen. Sir H. Page

  Assheton, R.

  Burgin, Rt. Hon. E. L.

  Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

  Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H.

  Butler, Rt. Hon. R. A.

  Cross, R. H.

  Beauchamp, Sir B. C.

  Campbell, Sir E. T.

  Davies, Major Sir G. F. (Yeovil)

  Bernays, R. H.

  Carver, Major W. H.

  Denman, Hon. R. D.

  Blair, Sir R.

  Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

  Doland, G. F.

  Boles, Lt.-Col. D. C.

  Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

  Edmondson, Major Sir J.

  Boulton, W. W.

  Christie, J. A.

  Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

  Boyce, H. Leslie

  Clarry, Sir Reginald

  Elliston, Capt. G. S.

  Bracken, B.

  Cobb, Captain E. C. (Preston)

  Fildes, Sir H.

  Findlay, Sir E.

  Leighton, Major B. E. P.

  Reith, Rt. Hon. Sir J. C. W.

  Fremantle, Sir F. E.

  Levy, T.

  Robertson, D.

  George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke)

  Lindsay, K. M.

  Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

  Gibson, Sir C. G. (Pudsey and Otley)

  Lipson, D. L.

  Rowlands, G.

  Goldie, N. B.

  Little, Sir E. Graham-

  Royds, Admiral Sir P. M. R.

  Gower, Sir R. V.

  Little, Dr. J. (Down)

  Ruggles-Brise, Colonel Sir E. A.

  Greene, W. P. C. (Worcester)

  Llewellin, Colonel J. J.

  Salt, E. W.

  Gretton, Col. Rt. Hon. J.

  Mabane, W. (Huddersfield)

  Sandeman, Sir N. S.

  Grimston, R. V.

  MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

  Schuster, Sir G. E.

  Guest, Lieut.-Colonel H. (Drake)

  McEwen, Capt. J. H. F.

  Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

  Hammersley, S. S.

  McKie, J. H.

  Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

  Hannah, I. C.

  Macmillan, H. (Stockton-on-Tees)

  Smithers, Sir W.

  Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

  Magnay, T.

  Snadden, W. McN.

  Harbord, Sir A.

  Margesson, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. D. R.

  Somerset, T.

  Harland, H. P.

  Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

  Somerville, Sir A. A. (Windsor)

  Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

  Mitchell, Col. H. (Brentf'd & Chisw'k)

  Southby, Commander Sir A. R. J.

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

  Morgan, R. H. (Worcester, Stourbridge)

  Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

  Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan-

  Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester)

  Strickland, Captain W. F.

  Hepworth, J.

  Nall, Sir J.

  Stuart, Rt. Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Herbert, A. P. (Oxford U.)

  Neven-Spence, Major B. H. H.

  Thomas, J. P. L.

  Horsbrugh, Florence

  O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

  Titchfield, Marquess of

  Howitt, Dr. A. B.

  Palmer, G. E. H.

  Tufnell, Lieut.-Commander R. L.

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

  Peake, O.

  Ward, Lieut.-Col. Sir A. L. (Hull)

  Hudson, Rt. Hon. R. S. (Southport)

  Pickthorn, K. W. M.

  Warrender, Sir V.

  Hunter, T.

  Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

  Watt, Lt.-Col. G. S. Harvie

  Jennings, R.

  Procter, Major H. A.

  Williams, Sir H. G. (Croydon, S.)

  Jones, L. (Swansea W.)

  Radford, E. A.

  Young, A. S. L. (Partick)

  Kerr, Sir John Graham (Sco'sh Univs.)

  Raikes, H. V. A. M.

  King-Hall, Commander W. S. R.

  Ramsbotham, Rt. Hon. H.

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Knox, Major-General Sir A. W. F.

  Ramsden, Sir E.

  Lieut.-Colonel Kerr and Mr. Munro.

  Lamb, Sir J. Q.

  Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

  Leech, Sir J. W.

  Reed, Sir H. S. (Aylesbury)

  Original Question put, and agreed to.

  It being after Eleven of the Clock, the Chairman proceeded, pursuant to Standing Order No. 14; to put forthwith the Question necessary to dispose of the Vote.
  Resolution to be reported To-morrow; Committee to sit again To-morrow.
  The remaining Orders were read and postponed.

  Adjournment.
  Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Mr.Munro.]
  Adjourned accordingly at Ten Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.

GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS.
  CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION.
  CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION.
  BOYS (TEMPORARY EMPLOYMENT).
  BOYS (TEMPORARY EMPLOYMENT).
  BOARD OF EDUCATION.
  BOARD OF EDUCATION.
  FISH CONTROL (STAFF).
  FISH CONTROL (STAFF).
  INDIVIDUAL INCOMES (SAVINGS).
  INDIVIDUAL INCOMES (SAVINGS).
  WAR DAMAGE TO PROPERTY.
  WAR DAMAGE TO PROPERTY.
  FOREIGN EXCHANGE.
  FOREIGN EXCHANGE.
  CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (FINANCIAL CLAIMS).
  CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (FINANCIAL CLAIMS).
  OLD AGE AND WIDOWS' PENSIONS BILL.
  OLD AGE AND WIDOWS' PENSIONS BILL.
  REFUGEES (JEWS).
  REFUGEES (JEWS).
  MATERNITY AND CHILD WELFARE SCHEMES (DRIED MILK).
  MATERNITY AND CHILD WELFARE SCHEMES (DRIED MILK).
  NEUTRAL SHIPS (BRITISH NEWSPAPERS).
  NEUTRAL SHIPS (BRITISH NEWSPAPERS).
  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.
  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.
TRADE AND COMMERCE.
  ENEMY SHIPS (BRITISH-OWNED CARGOES).
  ENEMY SHIPS (BRITISH-OWNED CARGOES).
  BRITISH FILMS (FOREIGN MARKETS).
  BRITISH FILMS (FOREIGN MARKETS).
  ARMED FORCES (RAILWAY REFRESHMENT CHARGES).
  ARMED FORCES (RAILWAY REFRESHMENT CHARGES).
  RAILWAY RATES TRIBUNAL.
  RAILWAY RATES TRIBUNAL.
  ELECTRICITY CHARGES (LONDON).
  ELECTRICITY CHARGES (LONDON).
  ROYAL ARSENAL.
  ROYAL ARSENAL.
FOOD SUPPLIES.
  COCOA.
  COCOA.
  CATTLE AND SHEEP (WEIGHTS).
  CATTLE AND SHEEP (WEIGHTS).
  PEAS AND LENTILS (PRICES).
  PEAS AND LENTILS (PRICES).
  FEEDING-STUFFS.
  FEEDING-STUFFS.
  MILK PRICES.
  MILK PRICES.
  MILK DELIVERIES.
  MILK DELIVERIES.
  SLAUGHTERHOUSES (CARMARTHENSHIRE).
  SLAUGHTERHOUSES (CARMARTHENSHIRE).
  NEUTRAL COUNTRIES (RAW MATERIALS, RE-EXPORT).
  NEUTRAL COUNTRIES (RAW MATERIALS, RE-EXPORT).
BRITISH ARMY.
  FOOT DEFECTS.
  FOOT DEFECTS.
  HOME DEFENCE UNITS (COMFORTS).
  HOME DEFENCE UNITS (COMFORTS).
  PROLONGATION OF SERVICE.
  PROLONGATION OF SERVICE.
  RELATIVES (TRANSFERS).
  RELATIVES (TRANSFERS).
  MOTOR VEHICLES (HIRINGS).
  MOTOR VEHICLES (HIRINGS).
  MEALS.
  MEALS.
  RECREATIONAL FACILITIES (FROME).
  RECREATIONAL FACILITIES (FROME).
  DEPENDANTS.
  DEPENDANTS.
  EDUCATION.
  EDUCATION.
  UNSOUND MENTALITY (DISCHARGES).
  UNSOUND MENTALITY (DISCHARGES).
  NUMBERS.
  NUMBERS.
  CRUISE VISOR.
  CRUISE VISOR.
  PREVENTION OF WASTE.
  PREVENTION OF WASTE.
  TROOPS ON LEAVE (KIT).
  TROOPS ON LEAVE (KIT).
  JEWISH CHAPLAIN, EXPEDITIONARY FORCE.
  JEWISH CHAPLAIN, EXPEDITIONARY FORCE.
  LORRIES (MONMOUTHSHIRE).
  LORRIES (MONMOUTHSHIRE).
  HORSES.
  HORSES.
  BALLYKINLAR CAMP, CO. DOWN (RAID).
  BALLYKINLAR CAMP, CO. DOWN (RAID).
  CAMPS (COST).
  CAMPS (COST).
  OFFICERS' EMERGENCY RESERVE.
  OFFICERS' EMERGENCY RESERVE.
  BEEF AND MUTTON (SUPPLIES).
  BEEF AND MUTTON (SUPPLIES).
  AUXILIARY TERRITORIAL SERVICE (HASTINGS).
  AUXILIARY TERRITORIAL SERVICE (HASTINGS).
SCOTLAND.
  AGRICULTURAL WORKERS (MILITARY SERVICE).
  AGRICULTURAL WORKERS (MILITARY SERVICE).
  SCHOOL CHILDREN, EMPLOYMENT.
  SCHOOL CHILDREN, EMPLOYMENT.
  EDUCATION.
  EDUCATION.
Preamble
The House met at four of the clock, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.

INDIA AND BURMA ORDERS: MESSAGE FROM THE KING.
THE EARL OF CLARENDON: My Lords, I have to convey to the House the following Message from the King, signed with his own hand:
"I have received your Addresses praying that the Government of India (Orissa and Sind Governors' Allowances and Privileges) Order, 1940, the Government of India (Adaptation of Indian Laws) (Amendment) Order, 1940, the Government of India (Distribution of Revenues) (Amendment) Order, 1940, the Government of India (Federal Court) (Amendment) Order, 1940, the Government of India (High Court Judges) (Amendment) Order, 1940, the Government of Burma (India-Burma Financial Settlement) Order, 1940, and the Government of Burma (Shan States Federal Fund) Order, 1940, be made in the form of the respective drafts laid before Parliament. I will comply with your request."

INDUSTRIAL ASSURANCE AND FRIENDLY SOCIETIES (EMERGENCY PROTECTION FROM FORFEITURE) BILL.
Order of the Day for the Third Reading read.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT CALDECOTE): My Lords, your Lordships will be aware that some Amendments were made on the Committee stage of this Bill, but, apart from two or three drafting Amendments, the only Amendments which were made were two which I mentioned to your Lordships in some observations which I made on the occasion of the Second Reading. Your Lordships will no doubt be glad to dispense with a further speech about the Bill on this occasion. I beg to move.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 3a.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
On Question, Bill read 3a, with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.

UNEMPLOYMENT.
4.2 p.m.
LORD STRABOLGI LORD STRABOLGI rose to call attention to the continued high level of unemployment, including unemployment among the professional workers and other black coated workers, despite the need for increased production to meet the requirement's of the war and to avoid the danger of inflation; and to move for Papers.
The noble Lord said: My Lords, the observations which I venture to offer to your Lordships in support of the Motion are really an addendum to or continuation of the important debate last week initiated by Lord Balfour of Burleigh. On that occasion the noble Lord, Lord Stamp, informed your Lordships that there was only a limited quantity of goods to be bought, and that if spending power was not reduced prices would rise and there would be danger of inflation. The noble Lord also pointed out that there would be competition between civil needs and the needs of the Services for a limited supply of goods. That argument, of course, was very sound, but it left something out, and my noble friend Lord Snell in a very few words supplied the missing part of the argument, which is that we have a great potential of production which we are not using, represented by the great number of unemployed. Our contention on these Benches is that one of the remedies for inflation—to which we are all opposed, and which we wish to avoid as much as anyone else—is to increase production.
We cannot say that we are doing everything possible to increase production while we have this great army of unemployed. The figures are somewhat of a mystery to me, but I gather that about 1,300,000 people are unemployed. The Government seem to take great credit—judging by their presentation of these figures over the wireless—for the fact that we have 500,000 fewer unemployed than we had twelve months ago. I know that the noble Earl opposite is not responsible for what is said over the wireless, but I suppose that someone in the Government is responsible. But, my Lords, I submit that even if we had had

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no war, with the immense programme of armaments which has come into force during the last twelve months we should naturally have expected at least 500,000 fewer unemployed. In addition to that, of course, we have had the great recruitment for the Services and the enrolment of whole-time workers for civil defence. With great respect to the Government, therefore, I do not think that they can claim any credit for an improvement on the figures of twelve months ago, and I do not think for a moment that the noble Earl will attempt to put forward that defence. Indeed, if we take into account the half million men who have been called up under the Military Service Acts and the great number of volunteers, I would say that the real figure of unemployment has increased in the last twelve months.
The Minister of Labour, for whom I have the greatest admiration, explains all this away. He says that there are seasonal workers and men changing their jobs and people who are registered for the first time and who were formerly black-coated workers, and there are the casual workers. His great excuse is the weather. When I read the speeches of the Minister of Labour, and still more when I listen to them, I find my senses being drugged into the belief that there is no unemployment at all. The truth is, however, that after every possible excuse and explanation have been given, and while it is difficult to extract the facts, hidden away somewhere in these statements by the Minister of Labour we find that there are immediately available for re-employment 600,000 people among the insured workers. That is the irreducible minimum, after taking away all the casual and seasonal workers and so on.
On the other hand, there is also a great reservoir of unused labour-power not registered at all. There are the women. The First Lord of the Admiralty told us some weeks ago that two million women would be required for munition production. I had a momentary thrill of hope when I heard that; I thought, "Here is someone in the Government who really understands the crisis through which we are going." There are the black-coated workers, the shopkeepers who have been ruined by evacuation, and the hotel and boarding-house keepers and their staffs. There are all sorts of people who are only too willing to help
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in the national effort, but who do not appear in these figures at all. One estimate which I have seen is that there are 400,000 business and professional people looking for work. I do not know whether the noble Earl has more accurate figures, but let us suppose that that is an exaggeration and that there are only 200,000 of these black-coated workers of both sexes available. Let us suppose that out of those 200,000 there are only 100,000 who are fit for production themselves or who could take the place of men, many of them skilled workers, who found their way for patriotic reasons into civil defence and other services where their abilities are being wasted. With real planning, you could take at least 100,000 black-coated workers who were willing to do something for the country and use them to replace these other people, skilled engineers in many cases, who have found their way into various services such as the Auxiliary Police, the Auxiliary Fire Service and so on. Those men came forward thinking that they would be called upon to do dangerous work, but I am sure that now they would be only too glad to go back to their own trades. I suggest that that is one of the things that could be done.
I do not want to underrate the difficulties with which the Government find themselves face to face. In a way, this apparent great volume of unemployment is really a maldistribution of labour. It is in part due to lack of mobility. For example, there is a shortage of shipyard labour in the working shipyards, but there are unemployed shipyard workers in such places as Jarrow, Pembroke Docks and other yards which were closed down under the Bank of England sterilisation scheme and which have not yet been reopened. I said just now that I do not want to under-rate the Government's difficulties, but a war in present conditions and in the present year of grace is a difficult operation. With the greatest respect, I submit that it is more complicated than the last Great War, and it is far more complicated than the Peninsular war. The methods which were so successful in the Peninsular or the Crimean war or even in the last war, with great humility I suggest to the Government are not necessarily sufficient to-day. Really we will have to embark, like the French and the Germans, on

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heroic or revolutionary methods to meet these difficulties.
The existence of this mass of unused workers is, I submit, a most disquieting feature. It gives our enemies a lot of ammunition for propaganda—the "pluto-democracies" with their great reservoirs of idle workers and so on. The Germans have totalitarian advantages—I do not say they are in the long run advantages, and I am not suggesting we should adopt their methods; but it is a fact that the Nazis before the war had practically organised all their labour power. Not only that, but they had called back their nationals from the Baltic States and the Tyrol, and wherever else they could entice them from. They have brought thousands of slave labourers from Czechoslovakia and Poland, and they are negotiating with Signor Mussolini to get thousands and thousands of Italian labourers to help them out. There is a challenge for us as a democracy, and I do not think we will fail in responding to that challenge. The present Government may fail, but I do not think the nation will. Then again, we must consider the French nation. At the beginning of the war the French carried out the most marvellous mobilisation in the history of war. They mobilised 5,000,000 soldiers—a far greater effort than anyone had ever dreamt of—and to-day highly developed French agriculture is practically being worked by those splendid women of France and the old men and the youth. What are they going to say in France when they see by our returns that we have this great volume of unused labour power? The noble Lord, Lord Stamp, whom I am sorry to hear is not very well, said in that most interesting and important speech last week that we must cut down imports, reduce our standard of living, economise, tighten our belts. I quite agree, but there is another side to the medal which the noble Lord holds before us. I mention him because he is the chief economic adviser to His Majesty's present Ministers.
The other side is idle land, as we heard from noble Lords with great agricultural experience, idle mines, and idle factories—scores and scores of them up and down the country, not engaged on war work or diverted to manufacturing for export. I mention only one industry, the motor car and motor repairing industry, which has been hard hit by the war and where
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you have a great reservoir of machinery and men not being used. The curious thing is that there is a shortage of labour in certain trades. Wool, cotton, and rayon are three in which there is a shortage of labour. Tool makers are short. Shipyard workers I have already mentioned. There is a shortage already, in certain districts, of agricultural workers, due to their being enticed away from the farms to work for contractors at much higher wages. There is a certain shortage already of merchant seamen and officers. Therefore, I repeat, it is partly a case of maldistribution. That needs to be taken in hand, and is not yet being tackled in what I choose to call a heroic way. I mentioned agricultural workers. I gave notice to the noble Earl that I should ask if he could give us information as to what has happened to the Women's Land Army. A great many patriotic women volunteered for training on the land and are not being utilised. One word more about shipbuilding before I leave it, for it is going to be of great importance in the future. I speak of merchant shipbuilding. In 1918 there were on the slips 1,480,000 tons of merchant shipping. I do not know the figures at present, and I do not ask for them, but at a guess—and it is approximately right, I think.—we have about 750,000 tons, not nearly enough, only half of what we had in 1918. I mentioned the sterilised yards. They should be opened up, of course. The explanation given in another place is, "Oh well, we shall do that when we have the workers." You have the workers if you can find some means of taking them to the jobs. They are there. It is a matter of seeking them out. There are idle shipyard workers in the places I have mentioned.
The Government will say that there are great difficulties in the switch-over from a peace to a war economy. We understand, of course, that it is difficult, but are the difficulties being really tackled in a great manner? We have already a training scheme for the older men and the youths—a great scheme that is going to be put in hand to train 40,000. With great respect, that is not big enough. You want many more than that. I do not want to appear too critical of the Government's effort, but the tempo is too slow. May I give one example? Seven months ago your Lordships passed the Ministry of Supply Act. Under that Act the Ministry

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of Labour has the function of establishing area committees to find new capacity for production. There were to be twenty-three of these area committees covering the whole of the country with employers, trade unionists, and so on represented on them, to seek out new capacity for production. My information is that, so far, only three of these committees have been set up and are working—out of twenty-three—after seven months, and that seven more are expected before the end of this month. That is ten altogether by the end of March, after seven months' work. I said I had the greatest admiration for the Minister of Labour. He has been a long time in his present job, but he and his officials are not quick movers. I am sorry to have to say that, but these are serious times, and one has to be rather frank.
One other matter, about munition works. A great many of the munition factories and factories making supplies for the Fighting Services are not yet working night shifts. In other words, your factories which are functioning are not being used to their full capacity. There is a great deal of overtime being worked—perhaps too much. We learned the lesson of excessive overtime in the last war, and I hope we are not going to make that mistake again. Night shifts are badly needed. There, again, it is a question of organisation of labour. One alibi the Government will not attempt to use on this occasion, as in the last war up to a certain point, is that there has been difficulty from the side of the trade unions and organised labour. My information is that the trade unions and organised labour have been helpful in every way possible in relaxing restrictions, with certain safeguards, because, of course, they have their duty to their constituents; but I believe there has been no difficulty from that side.
May I say a word about the coal situation? This coal situation does not make sense at all. There are, as your Lordships are aware, still a great many unemployed miners. From the latest returns their numbers increased last month by 7,787. Your Lordships are aware that we have not too much steel in the country for our needs, and yet I see that the number of steel workers idle increased by 4,367. With regard to coal, there is a great domestic shortage
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still. We are told there are transport difficulties. Were not these foreseen? What would have happened if we had had heavy bombing attacks as well as severe weather? It would have been quite serious. There is also the need for exporting coal. Your Lordships are aware of the trouble with Italy regarding German coal, and I hope we shall supply the Italian market with British coal. There is the Belgian market open to us. Am I right in saying—I have given notice to the noble Earl on this point—that the Germans were supplying 85 per cent. of the Belgian coal imports, and a month ago they cut them off so as to force the Belgians to enter into an economic arrangement with the Nazis? Why were we not able to step in and send that coal over? We shall be told there is a shipping shortage. Cannot we build more ships? That is the answer there. I know that the North-Eastern coalfield does not usually cater for the export market, but the North-Eastern coalfield is nevertheless suitable for the export market, and coal from there could be exported. I am sure the Belgians need that coal. They, in particular, would have been glad of our Durham and Yorkshire coal.
The unemployment in the coalfields is very remarkable. Take for example the Pontefract district of the Yorkshire coalfield. Practically the only industry there is coal mining. I shall quote now from an answer given in another place by Mr. Ernest Brown on February 15. He gave three sets of figures showing the unemployment at the exchanges of Normanton, Castleford and Pontefract. He gave the figures for last August, just before the war began, and the figures for January 15 last, and if I may repeat them to your Lordships you will notice there is practically no change and that unemployment in that great coalfield is static. The figures given were: Normanton, January 15 last, 447; August 14 (before the war), 458; Castleford, last January, 2,304; last August, 2,509; Pontefract, last January, 655; last August, 666. The figures are staggering. Practically the same number of men are still idle in that great coalfield in the West Riding of Yorkshire.
I have also the figures for South Wales, which is an export field. They also are very remarkable. I will not trouble your Lordships with all of them, but these are

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a few examples. At Pontypridd, the unemployed on the register on August 14 last numbered 3,188; on January 15 last the number was 3,021—practically static; Tonyrefail, last August, 901; last January, 818—very little change. Then the people on insurance benefit in Pontypridd in September, on the outbreak of war, numbered 673, and on January 19 last that number had increased to 836; while the people on assistance allowance—that is, the men long out of work—in September numbered 2,129 and on January 19 last, 1,894—practically static again. That is in an exporting coalfield, and I really cannot understand it. There is something very curious about the whole coal situation. This weapon of our coal exports is a very sharp one in our economic warfare if we can use it. I have quoted the case of Belgium, and I have quoted the case of Italy. There are the markets for coal in Scandinavia, which could do with our coal at the present time. One of the most valuable exports of Germany to-day is its coal exports in the Baltic, which we cannot interfere with as yet. If we could take the place of the Germans there, it would weaken the German economic structure. Therefore I make no apology to your Lordships for dealing for a few moments with the unemployment position in the coalfields.
With regard to shipping tonnage, we may be told that it is not available for these coal exports. Why has there not been a large-scale purchase of neutral tonnage? Here and there there has been a small purchase of neutral shipping, but we ought to have gone into the market when we knew the war was coming. I suggest to your Lordships and the Government that we should then have snapped up all the neutral shipping we could get. The consequence is we are now buying these neutral ships at a great increase of price compared with that at which we could have bought them then. Was this once more a case of the Treasury standing in the way? The other suggestion I would make to your Lordships to meet the need of skilled men—because in certain trades there is a lack of skilled men—is that we should have a comb out of skilled men in the Auxiliary Police, the A.R.P., the A.F.S. and other services. I do not suggest that there should be anything in the nature of conscription of labour; you do not need that in this
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country. You only have to make the right appeal to our people and they will come forward and undertake any tasks in their power to help the national effort. They require the right appeal to be made to them, and then you will get all the people you need. The present position in the labour market is not satisfactory. I do not think the noble Earl himself will contend it is satisfactory. I am afraid that the Party for whom I speak are disturbed and dissatisfied at the continued existence of this great army of willing workers only too anxious to help the national effort, for which, apparently, no one will hire them. I beg to move.
4.28 p.m.
LORD MANCROFT: My Lords, I think it is true to say that this debate has a connection with the one we had last week on the subject of inflation. However difficult the position is now, because of an increasing pressure, arising from additional wages, upon shrunken supplies, that position is bound to be worsened six months hence. Probably we shall come nearer to inflation by creating an increased purchasing power in the hands of those whom we wish now to get into employment, who will be needed in civil employment, and as munitions manufacturing gradually develops. I think, therefore, it is a good thing that we are having this debate to-night. I agree with many things that the noble Lord, Lord Strabolgi, has said. Especially I agree with him when he said that he did not understand the picture which was presented by the official figures. Nor do I understand it. I think they leave much to be desired, in that those figures do not bring home to the public, and perhaps not to your Lordships' House, that one-half of all those who are registered as unemployed are not people who have been unemployed continuously for more than six weeks. People outside when they see these unemployment returns think that the whole of these poor people are out of work for long periods, probably continuously. That is not true. I speak from memory, but I think the Ministry of Labour stated on March 2 last year that half of them were only out continuously for six weeks or less, and that relatively very few of them were really unemployed for long periods continuously. That is not known by the people generally.

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I think the way the returns are published does not allow us, in this House even, to understand what the real position is. The Association of Chambers of Commerce, with which I have been connected during a great part of my life, has been studying and protesting at the faulty way in which these figures are drawn up. A protest upon the subject was made by our President last year, and we have written to the Minister of Labour pointing out that this form of recording the figures is misleading. "Misleading" indeed is too mild a term for it. At last with the help of the Daily Telegraph we have got the Government to admit that the returns as they are now presented are misleading. The actual word "misleading" was used about the figures by the Lord Privy Seal himself a few weeks ago. He made that confession. Now this morning we see a real cats' cradle of calculations about the unemployment figures. There are subtractions and additions, alterations of counts, cross-calculations, and reservations. No one can make head or tail of them however he tries to find the real clue to the position.
It is no more possible to build an argument about this matter on shifting figures than it is to build a house on a swamp. The shifting platform of figures that is given to us to-day gives no foothold. The figures are arithmetically correct I have no doubt, but they distort the position of affairs, and present no true picture. There are many statistical corrections which will have to be made. I shall perhaps be doing now the best service of which I am capable if I point out some of the necessary alterations, so that those who follow in this debate, or those who read what is said here, may turn over in their minds the question whether a better method than that now followed by the Ministry of Labour cannot be adopted.
Every return should indicate in future if any change of weather has had a violent effect upon the figures. We see from today's return that 200,000 human beings have been affected in their living by the late severe weather. But only temporarily. It had nothing to do really with the general state of employment. It was a passing incident. It is very necessary that we should be able to see a true picture of our problem, to see every light and shade, to see the whole thing in proper proportion. It
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is not merely a question of getting people back to work. We want to know more exactly—I do not think the noble Lord, Lord Strabolgi was really able to tell us—what is the available pool of unused labour upon which we can fall back.
LORD STRABOLGI: 600,000.
LORD MANCROFT: The noble Lord may be right. I do not know how he gets his figure. I cannot get it. He may have read speeches on the subject and he may have read articles in the Economist, but I myself cannot work it out at that total.
LORD STRABOLGI: The figure comes from a very careful analysis of the Minister of Labour's statement.
LORD MANCROFT: I should have thought it was slightly more. I should have thought it was more likely 900,000, but I say that under correction. Evidently we are in the dark. Therefore it is necessary for us to get our figures set out more correctly for our use in order that we may consider what we are doing and should do. Nearly a year ago I was listening in another place to a debate on this subject, and if I recollect rightly I heard then that the figures in the unemployment returns actually included figures of people who must go on to these unemployment returns in order to qualify for their old age pension or insurance, though they are not really seeking work. It is quite wrong to put such people on the unemployed list. To do that at once misleads us.
I ventured to intervene in the debate of December 7 last to remind the noble Lord, Lord Addison—and he admitted that it was true—that the Royal Commission on Unemployment stated that there was what they called a hard core of unemployment amounting to 600,000 to 800,000 people who could never be fully or satisfactorily employed in the best times of peace and prosperity. They were people who unfortunately were perhaps congenitally physically unfit or mentally unfit, or who, because of their age or because of injury, could never be able continuously to hold sustained work and be employed for long periods. How many of such persons are included? They cannot do the work available for them. Then there are the work-shy. All these persons should be taken out of the totals and explained

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separately, in the way that an accountant dissects a balance sheet. Otherwise they mislead us. They are the permanent and inescapable load of national misery.
There is another point. Men are continually changing situations, going from one shop to another or to another town. Perhaps they may be out of work three days, and those three days may overlap the day on which the count is taken. They are shown as unemployed, although they are merely changing from one position to another or from one town to a job in another. To include those people increases quite falsely the figures of true unemployment. Then we have those who are known as seasonally unemployed persons. There were last January 267,000 builders and 65,000 persons in connected trades shown as unemployed. That is misleading. Now 200,000 of them are going back, because solely of the improved weather. These men get higher wages than they would normally get in similar grades of labour in order to compensate them for the risk they run of being out of work through stress of weather from time to time. They ought to be shown in a separate column. There are other seasonal workers, those employed at holiday resorts. They get bigger wages during the summer because they do not expect to work the whole year through. They also are shown as unemployed and without explanatory qualification. That again increases the figure of unemployment and is misleading. I estimate that these categories, by a hit and miss process, reduce the unemployment figures to-day by something in the neighbourhood of at least 600,000 persons.
All these people whom I have just mentioned are willing workers and should be identified. But there are, I am sorry to say, some who are unwilling workers. We saw before the war that comfortable wages and healthy occupation in domestic service could be found for many more young women and girls than were available. I do not believe in the story that mistresses or masters ill-treat or underfeed those who are employed in domestic service, or that these young women are less healthy and comfortable and free than they would be in the factory or the shop. If there and such ill-conditioned masters or mistresses, then they should be dropped on by the trade union leaders or by the State. I think it is quite wrong
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that young women should refuse, as they did refuse, domestic employment or transfer and training to go into the clothing trade in the West Riding, where they were required twelve months ago, because they preferred to stay, or their parents preferred to keep them at home drawing unemployment pay. We know that private residents were obliged to employ many women from the Continent because women for domestic service were not available here. That position also should be explained in any return of unemployment. When we next have a debate on unemployment we shall then know more clearly where we are about unwilling workers who draw unemployment pay rather than transfer and train. It would be more enlightening also for those of us who are manufacturers to have a more detailed dissection of all unemployment figures.
Those for whom I speak have some remedies to suggest and with your Lordships' permission I will mention one or two of them. The first is that if there are seasonal workers for whom no occupation can be found at their usual work after the weather breaks, the Government should invite them to come into groups—small groups if you like—and transfer them to those parts of the country where their labour can be used; small groups to overcome housing difficulties. The noble Lord opposite touched on the point of transference of labour, but he must remember that 64 per cent. of those on the unemployment list are unskilled labourers, and it is their plight which, to begin with, we must try to remedy. Although he said that the trade unions were willing, and had been very willing, to help to find occupation for those who are out of work, the action of the Electricians' Union should be put on record, so that their fellow-countrymen may know what is going on. The conduct of the Electricians' Union, lately, should be made known. It does them no credit. I think on the whole that the trade unions have behaved well, but there are some who have not behaved well in this time of national trouble, and their fellow-countrymen should know it.
Your Lordships know that we desire to stimulate exports, and that exports are not increasing in the way in which we should like them to go forward. There are, among others, two reasons for this. Goods cannot be sold until they are made,

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and they cannot be made until you have the raw materials with which to manufacture them. I do not know whether the raw material Controls are working smoothly and expeditiously. It is a difficult task controlling, satisfactorily, raw material distribution. We discussed it in your Lordships' House some months ago, and I for one expressed myself strongly about the clogs on trade that were imposed by Controls, from knowledge given to me to report here, by various Chambers of Commerce whose members could not get their raw materials. I think the Export Council should send some of its members round to the various control depots—and they are spread all over England—to see whether the officials are competent. I am not going to say anything unkind about them. It is a highly skilled task, and officials there cannot be expected at short notice to administer the very complicated controlling organisation as well as could be wished. But still they should not be left to go on without being checked and tested themselves and examined to see that they are competent to do the work, and quickly.
The next thing that is said is that there is a shortage of plant. I was surprised to hear the noble Lord opposite say that there was no shortage of convenient factory accommodation. I do not say that I should like to be allowed to doubt that, because I am sure he would not say anything he did not know. But it is news to me that there is no shortage of plant and of factory accommodation, to be used if raw materials can be obtained to process the materials into manufactured goods to send abroad. Now if there is a shortage or surplus of factories, what objection is there to the Government taking steps to decide that point; or, if there is a shortage of plant, and I am sure there is, why not send in plant designers at the expense of the country? Let us get shortage of plant or buildings put right, even if there be no timber. It will help employment for export. I will say a word about timber in a moment. Has any survey of the need of plant yet been made? Let it be made. It is true that we do not want timber for buildings to the extent that we did a few years ago, because we can use steel girders and concrete. But still, timber is required; it is wanted for exterior
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and interior construction and for fittings for ships; and the soft timber, of course, for pit wood. A shortage of pit wood may be the cause of the non-expansion of the production of coal to which the noble Lord referred. A Lancashire coalowner told me some days ago that he had been held up for lack of pit wood.
Why is there a shortage of timber? Timber is one of the essential things used by a manufacturing nation. Surely those in control, whether they be Ministers or those under them, must have known two or three years ago, or at any rate a year ago, that there was a likelihood of war. Timber is not a perishable article; why was not a reserve of hardwood timber from overseas and pit wood not only from Scandinavia and from Canada, but also from the British Empire and from Brazil obtained and stored? Several good woods in Brazil are obtainable and useful. A large number of woods from His Majesty's Dominions—a longer haul—could be obtained. We required imports from Brazil in order to adjust an export and import account which before the war gave difficulties. I suggest that it would have been a good thing if someone had had the initiative to see that imported timber was accumulated against the chance of war. It seems to me that we have forgotten the old Greek word Kaipós, taking the initiative. That was the standard of merit among the Athenians: they required their leaders to do the right thing without being told: to do it in the right way, at the right moment. Most of our troubles now seem to be due to the fact that we never see ahead anything that will be required.
Some of the troubles of this war that are reflected in the unemployment returns may be owing to the fact that for years we tried to find reasons why we should not act, and then, when war broke out, we do everything in a hurry at the last moment. It is all very well having able Ministers, but unless Ministers and advisers and officials have imagination as well, their abilities are worth very little. You must foresee a little. We have had recent evidence of the lack of foresight in this winter's coal situation. Did not those in control foresee that there might be a winter-time with severe frost, and that coal should be taken out well beforehand and widely distributed all over the country so that there should be a reserve store of it? That severe weather should

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have been foreseen with a little imaginative initiative. I do not like to say the proper word to describe this lack of initiative and foresight. That lack is one of the disadvantages under which we are now working. We had two, three or four years' warning about the necessity for a Ministry of Information: what a mess was made of that! And at the last moment, all in a hurry. We had any amount of warning that we should want food; what a muddle they made of the fish distribution! It was put on with no test, and was scrapped after three weeks. We had the hotels and schools requisitioning muddle, and now we have the wood muddle.
There is another thing which should be done, and could be done without any difficulty. The Unemployment Central Register should give more details of a man's or woman's technical or professional ability. A number of persons of both sexes now on the register had retired and were taking their pension, and have very patriotically come back. They are ready to work and are on the register; they have come back in order to volunteer to do all they can in their particular capacities. Some are there more for patriotism than for pay. These and other men and women should have their professional capacities and abilities—as Lord Strabolgi was talking about the black-coated workers—classified more definitely, so that employers can see what skilled help they can obtain and can pick suitable persons out without difficulty and get whom they want and to work without delay.
I should like to sum up what I have said. There must be an inspection and test of the way in which controlled raw material is being released for the export trade, so that men may go into the export trade and work and exports may be created. There must be an inspection to discover what is necessary to remedy shortage of plant; and there must be a better classification of the technical or professional abilities of unemployed men in the unemployment returns. Above all, there must be a proper explanation of what the unemployment returns consist of and indicate. However much I disagree with some of the details of Lord Strabolgi's Motion, I think it has served a good purpose, for it has drawn the attention of the Departments responsible to the need for less misleading records and for a general revision of the
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integral factors by which unemployment returns are compiled and published for the guidance of the public.
4.49 p.m.
THE EARL OF STAIR: My Lords, I do not know whether it would be appropriate, under the Motion that Lord Strabolgi has moved, to raise the question I wish to ask the noble Earl who is to reply. I should like to ask him one definite question, and that is whether our labour exchanges are instructed, and whether it is their job, to find work for the people on their books, or whether their main duty is to keep a large number of unemployable people on their books and prevent them from being employed. I can give a concrete example. During the last month or so in Scotland a labour exchange was applied to by the local authority, by the road surveyor, for men to clear the roads of snow. The whole country at the time was snowbound, roads and railways; everybody was running short of food, and it was impossible to get anything to anywhere. The local authority applied to the nearest employment exchange for men. The employment exchange had a considerable number of men on its books. The agricultural minimum wage at that time was 10d. or 10½d.—I have forgotten which—for entirely unskilled labour. I may say that I strongly disapprove at any time of minimum wages, and particularly I disapprove of the minimum rates for agriculture, but as we have got a minimum wage, I presume that it is the job of the Ministry of Labour to back up the wage which is fixed locally by the wages board.
The employment exchange to which that application for workers was made refused to supply any men at all unless they were paid 1s. 1d. per hour. They were not asked for any form of skill, and the work was for no purpose except to facilitate the supply of their own food and that of everybody else. Some men were eventually taken on at that rate, and then they struck for 1s. 6d. per hour. I saw some of them working and I will guarantee that I could have done more work in half the time. I have no claim to be a skilled labourer, but I could and did do more work in an hour than those people did individually in a day. I know plenty of people at home who have on various occasions in the last year or two applied for men when

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there were plenty of men on the books of the employment exchanges, and they have been invariably unsuccessful in getting any form of work out of them at rates very considerably over the wage which was fixed. There is a general impression held by the ordinary man in the street, I think, that these employment exchanges deliberately try to keep people on their books and refuse to let them work.
4.53 p.m.
LORD MILFORD: My Lords, I did not intend to intervene in this debate, but the noble Lord opposite, Lord Strabolgi, has spoken of the dictators being in a position to give full employment in their countries while we have a certain difficulty in getting full employment here, and I venture to suggest that the fact really is that in a dictatorship country the people are practically slaves, and you can give them a miserable wage. We could employ all our people here in those conditions. I am sure I could organise it myself. You could employ everybody at a sufficiently low wage, but we in this country are trying to keep up a high standard of living, and the point is that if the standard of living is very high, only a certain number of businesses can run. It is really our attempt to keep up the standard of living which causes us such great difficulty in getting over unemployment.
Then the shipbuilding question was raised. I think a great deal of the difficulty there arises on the question of the key men. Most of our unemployment is, I believe, among the ordinary workmen, but in shipbuilding the difficulty is that you want so many skilled workers. As regards the question of the purchase of neutral ships, which was raised by the noble Lord opposite, I am a shipowner myself, and my partner, Sir Philip Haldin, brought in a scheme to try to stop ships being broken up. We fought for about two years to get the Government to take up that scheme to buy up boats which were for sale simply at breaking-up price. If the Government would have given £1,000 more than the breaking-up price they could have bought them all, but eventually they were either broken up or sold to Greeks or Spaniards or Italians. It is no good advising them now to buy neutral ships. British shipowners
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are allowed to make very little, but in the case of the neutral ships the rates for freight that they have been charging are so enormous that it would almost seem that neutral ships are made of gold or diamonds at the present time, and no English shipowner could possibly buy them, for the moment he bought a neutral ship it would be practically valueless because he would not be allowed to make a profit. I think it would be perfectly ridiculous for the Government, having made neutral ships worth their weight in gold, to go and buy them now.
4.56 p.m.
THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (EARL STANHOPE): My Lords, I think I had better reply at once to my noble friend Lord Stair in regard to the question which he raised. An exchange would not in any circumstances refuse to supply names to an employer, but what they do in all these instances is to put the chance of employment before the unemployed person and offer him the job. It is for the individual to decide whether he will take that job or not, because, this being still a free country, of course a man cannot be forced to take a job if he does not want it. The question of wage may come in, in which case the exchange would no doubt inform the employer if the wage were too low, and perhaps a higher wage would get the individual.
THE EARL OF STAIR: It was a concrete case that I was talking about, and there was a definite refusal to put the employment before the men.
VISCOUNT SAMUEL: Is it not the case that if suitable employment is offered to a workman at the standard wage, and he refuses it, he is no longer entitled to unemployment allowance?
EARL STANHOPE: Yes, if he belongs to that particular industry, but if a man is an engineer and is offered, for instance, roadmaking work, he would be entitled to say "No." Of course, if a man refuses work in his own particular category he loses the "dole." But there can be no question of any exchange wishing to keep a large number of unemployed on its books. Indeed, that would be looked upon as a bad mark against that exchange. If my noble friend has any instance in mind and will send it to the Minister of Labour, he will of course go into the matter forthwith.

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The subject to which the noble Lord opposite Lord Strabolgi, has drawn attention is one which is puzzling many people. Why is it, they ask, that with so many men engaged already in the three Fighting Services, and in spite or all our efforts to get a vast war production and to increase our export trade, there is still something like one and a half million people unemployed? And, perhaps arising out of that, are we really getting that drive forward both in regard to our war industries and to our export that we all expect and wish to attain? I hope that at any rate as regards that second question, I shall be able to satisfy the noble Lord that the Government's effort is indeed very remarkable. The reply to the first question is much more difficult because the trouble is due to a variety of causes, and there is no simple explanation to give in regard to it. I must agree entirely with what was said by the noble Lord behind me, Lord Mancroft, as regards the unemployment figures being extraordinarily misleading. The counts which took place on January 15 and February 11 came in the middle of some of the severest wintry weather that we have had for many generations, when all work in several big industries such as building, public works and agriculture, was at a complete standstill.
Although I cannot agree with the noble Lord behind me who considers the Government to be wanting in all kinds of foresight, I admit that we none of us foresaw the kind of wintry weather that we have had in the past few months. I do not think any of us remember ever having had a winter like it. The results have been, of course, quite extraordinary. Take agriculture as an example. Including forestry, horticulture and gardening, there were on February 11, 68,531 persons unemployed in that one industry alone, 26,250 more than were unemployed on December 11; and the total figure for unemployment on January 15 was no less than 1,518,896. That is more, I am afraid, than the noble Lord opposite thought; I believe he said 1,300,000. For February 11 the figure, which is published to-day, is only 14,796 less, the severe weather still being with us at that time, although it was perhaps not quite so severe as it had been a month before. When, however, a count was taken a fortnight later, that is to say on February 26, when the bad
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weather had passed away, the Ministry of Labour were satisfied that there was a reduction of no less than 200,000, as I think the noble Lord mentioned. That shows how much some of the unemployment is due to seasonal conditions with which none of us can really deal. I admit, however, that the figure is disturbingly large, but I do maintain that, as the noble Lord, Lord Mancroft, said, it does not really represent the true situation. This is due to the fact that this unemployment figure includes a large group who are only temporarily stopped—that is to say, those stopped for weather conditions or because there is a shortage of raw material or because some particular part of some machine has not turned up. It may be a very short stop, lasting only a few days. Then there are those who are normally in casual employment, such as dock labourers, and workers in the building trade, who work in fine weather but not when there is a frost. There is also a very large number—some hundreds of thousands, I understand—who are on the register while transferring from one employment to another.
LORD MANCROFT: What justification has such a man for being on the register?
EARL STANHOPE: This justification, that he is not certain that he will be in employment again for three days. He docs not get any benefit for three days, but he does from the fourth day. Unless he is quite certain that he will be in his new employment the next day or the day after that, he will put his name down, so as to be certain that he will obtain unemployment pay forthwith. There is also, I understand, some point in connection with registration. I do not think that it has to do with pensions, but I think that it has to do not only with unemployment, but with sickness benefit and so on; he has to put his name down to show that he is changing from one industry to another, and therefore his benefit's are to go on in the new industry which he then enters. That accounts for a very large number. As I think both noble Lords said, the Ministry of Labour estimate that less than half the number of those who are shown as unemployed are actually available to meet requirements for additional

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workers, and already in certain industries there is a very material shortage of workers.
There is another point which is very misleading with regard to these figures. Very often you will find a man shown as unemployed in, say, either coal mining or shipbuilding. Those who are shown under shipbuilding are all those connected with that industry, and include clerks, general labourers, transport workers and so on. Even cleaners in an engine-shed may be shown as engineers. In the same way, an engineer who is working in the bakery trade is shown as a baker and not as an engineer. In other words, men are shown under their occupational categories and not under their vocational categories, and therefore very often you will find that, while a large number may be shown under a particular industry, they are not skilled men in that industry at all, whether it be a case of shipbuilders or of engineers or whatever it may be. That is one of the reasons why there is a shortage in regard to the building of ships. The noble Lord asks why we do not open some of the shipyards which have been closed, but the difficulty in many of these cases is to find the highly-skilled man who must be in charge of the job and who is really essential before you can employ what I would call the fitter's mate. Until we can get these people properly allocated to the various shipyards on jobs where they will be employed to the very best advantage there are bound to be a certain number of those who are engaged in that industry but who are not highly skilled in it who will remain unemployed.
I entirely agree with the noble Lord opposite that trade union workers are doing their utmost to meet this very difficult situation, and there have been meetings of employers and employed to see how to use the labour that we have to the best possible advantage. Both sides naturally stand out for certain privileges and certain rights which they have obtained over a long period of years and which they wish to sec safeguarded, but both sides are doing their utmost to help the Government in every possible way, and certainly I am not going to make any sort of complaint in that respect. One point which is, I think, very encouraging
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is that the actual number of long-term unemployed had dropped by January 1 last to 136,669, a reduction of nearly 40 per cent. That is the hard core of unemployment, which a number of Governments have been trying to tackle. It must be a satisfaction to all of us, whatever our political Party may be, that a reduction of nearly 40 per cent. has been effected.
I still have not replied to the question, "Why are there so many unemployed?" I think that the answer really is that we have not yet anything like completed the change-over from peace-time conditions to war-time conditions. In the last war, as noble Lords will remember, the slogan for nearly two years was "Business as usual." In this war we know too much! We have been through it before, and we recognised, of course, that "Business as usual" was impossible, and that what we were faced with was so big a thing that every kind of business must naturally be very seriously affected. There were many other reasons, but one in particular is that almost at once the Income Tax in this country was put up to 7s. 6d. in the pound, as against, I think, 1s. 8d. last time. I commend that to the noble Lord opposite, because he will realise that if you tax private capital and private income it is impossible that the same amount of employment can be given by a lesser amount of goods being purchased.
LORD STRABOLGI: I said at the time that it was too sudden.
EARL STANHOPE: Perhaps it was, but there is, of course, the other side to the question, which is that the country requires the money for war purposes. In addition there was, of course, the blackout, and both the diminution in private incomes and the black-out have hit a number of industries very hard indeed. The shopkeeping classes, the entertainment industry and the catering industry have all suffered very severely as a result of those two causes alone. On the other hand, war industries and exports, greatly as they have increased, have not yet got fully into their stride. When the noble Lord said that Germany perhaps had advantages in that respect, from the short point of view I am inclined to agree with him. Germany had all her industries mobilised, and was able to go full steam

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ahead from the moment war began; but she had no reserves. One of the advantages that we possess is that, as factories are built and machinery comes into production, we still have labour available to change from a non-vital industry into a vital one, labour which we can use to the advantage of the country. While our output both for war industries and for export will go steadily up, Germany is already at her peak and can do no more.
Now, while it is true that, for instance, the Reserve Fleet was mobilised quite early in August and a large number of militiamen had already been called up before war began, none the less what is not, I think, realised so well is that there were some 200,000 new entrants into industry between July and November, and no fewer than 100,000 re-entrants. These are people who came back to increase our output during our preparations for war. But when industry is really going, when these factories are all completed, and the machinery is actually working, then I have not the smallest doubt that the additional labour that will be required this year will exceed the total number now shown as unemployed. Your Lordships will realise how difficult is going to be the question of meeting that demand for labour because, from the various remarks I have already made regarding the unemployment figures, you will recognise that by no means the whole of that number is available to put into industry. The number is only going to be found by a very difficult process of getting people to change from industries in which they may have been working for a number of years into some new industry which is more vital to the country than the one in which they were working in the past.
The noble Lord mentioned the black-coated workers. A good deal of attention has been given at the Ministry of Labour to that particular subject. As the noble Lord knows, a Central Register was set up, but a good many of the people on the Central Register were not unemployed black-coated workers. I am informed that a good deal more than half of the persons on the Central Register were in employment, and doubtless are still in employment. They were people with special qualifications—chartered accountants, members of the engineering institutes, and others with professional attainments or degrees which they had
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obtained at Universities and elsewhere. They were men who thought they had special qualifications and desired to put them at the disposal of the State, and therefore they put their names on this Central Register. Very grateful we are to them for doing so, because we have used a good many of them in public Departments and so on. But that Central Register did not really deal with the unemployed black-coated worker. To deal with him, my right honourable friend the Minister of Labour set up what is called the Supplementary Register which came into being just after Christmas. I understand that some 9,000 persons have put their names on to it up to the present, and something like one-half come from London, where, of course, the problem has been greatest. Any who wish to put their names on this Supplementary Register can do so by writing to any of the offices of the Ministry of Labour, and their names will be sent to the nearest office which has been set up for this purpose. There are fifteen selected offices in the main centres of population, and names will be sent to the one that looks the most suitable for them. On the other hand, all those who wish to draw on that black-coated labour, and can offer it employment, have only to apply to any Labour Exchange, and there is a clearing office which will bring the unemployed black-coated worker into touch with the job that is shown to be available.
As regards coal, the noble Lord referred to the unemployment in the mining industry. Actually, unemployment in the mines is at its lowest level for several years past. The number of insured people registered as unemployed on January 15 was 60,516 as compared with 190,687 in July, 1938, and the figure now is 7.2 per cent. of those actually shown as employed in coal mining. But if the 13,000 temporarily stopped are deducted, the total percentage unemployed comes down to 5·7 per cent. The fact that there is even that number is due, as the noble Lord recognised, to transport difficulties. Transport of coal from the mines was, of course, completely held up by heavy snow-drifts in the North, and in many cases the workers were unable to get to the mines to work at all. Then came the bad jam in clearing the shunting yards and so on, and getting trains under way. Steps have been taken both by the

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Ministry of Transport and other Departments concerned to get this clear, and the railway companies and their employees have worked magnificently for several week-ends. They have taken steps which have relieved that congestion, and the stream of coal, if I may so call it, is now moving freely once again. As a matter of tact, there was an additional difficulty at that moment because, as noble Lords know, there has been an epidemic of influenza, and I understand that railway workers, particularly in the North, suffered severely from it. There was a real shortage of labour amongst engine drivers and other employees of the railways, but that, I understand, is very much less, and therefore that difficulty, too, is passing away.
It has also to be remembered that a very large amount of the coal that comes to London and the South comes by sea, and there, too, there have been difficulties, not so much due to enemy sinkings, which, as we all rejoice to know, have so far been very much less than in 1917; but the mere fact of what has to be done now in time of war in regard to shipping as a whole has made a difference. A good deal of shipping has been withdrawn from carrying goods while it was being armed so as to be able to defend itself from attack both from the air and from submarines. I hope it will not be long before that is completed. In the case of the bigger ships, I understand, it has already been completed, but some of the smaller cargo ships have still to be clone. And of course the arrangement of convoys does cause delay, as I am sure the noble Lord knows full well, and does reduce our carrying capacity. Therefore, the shortage of coal in the South has been due not only to the weather, but to the conditions imposed on shipping as the result of being at war. This of course also affects our export trade, and has stopped us from sending quite as much overseas as we should have liked to do. But the arrangement in regard to convoys is working more and more smoothly, as everybody gets accustomed to it, and I hope we shall be able to fulfil very many more orders from overseas than we have been able to do, with great advantage to our export trade. I can only say this with regard to the main question, that the Ministry of Labour is much more concerned as to where we are to find
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adequate labour for the mines than to deal with the actual number of miners unemployed. There will be a shortage of labour rather than any to spare.
As regards agriculture, the Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Agriculture are preparing an estimate of the labour which will be required throughout this year, by counties. They are asking the county agricultural committees to give them as near an estimate as they can of the numbers that will be required. They hope, when these figures are available, to be able to take steps to meet these demands as they arise in specific areas. There is also already a mobile labour officer who will organise men and women in gangs and move them from farm to farm as the work on each farm is completed. For instance, they will complete the hay harvest at one farm and move on to the next, and we hope in that way that some further assistance will be given to farmers who are short of labour. In addition, local authorities are being asked to release men who normally do road work, which will be more limited this year both in order to save money and also because there is likely to be much less motoring than in normal times, and these men will be available also to help with the harvest. Further, if the need is shown to be sufficient, soldier labour will be available for harvesting, and plans have been made in order to use refugee labour (possibly boys under military age) and for hay harvest and so on, possibly some of the elder boys in school. Actually on February 12, largely, of course, owing to the weather conditions to which I have already referred, there was a very large number of unemployed—no less than 68,531. I have not the smallest doubt that farmers are pressing on with the ploughing-up campaign and all the other work that has been held up by the weather in the past four months, and that the number of unemployed is a great deal less now than it was only three weeks ago.
The noble Lord asked about the Women's Land Army. I understand that there were some 30,000 applications to join the Land Army, and the number who had actually enrolled on January 31 was 16,650. By the end of January, 4,200 volunteers had completed four to eight weeks' training. Of these, about 2,000

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are now in agricultural employment, and a further 250 who were actually placed in employment have for one reason or another since resigned. There were a further 550 who after they had completed their course of training resigned for all sorts of reasons, perhaps because they found that alter all the work was not suitable, or was too heavy for them, and they never actually took up employment. Of the remaining 1,400, half returned to non-agricultural work until they are actually wanted on the land. During the winter months the demand for them is, of course, small. Some of them have been absorbed since January, and some are waiting till a job appears close to their own homes, and in their own county, because they do not wish to accept work in other parts of the country. Actually, therefore, very few are waiting for employment. The number now training is about 500. Of those who enrolled as volunteers, a very large number have offered themselves for the period of the war as soon as they are wanted, and they will be trained on farms from the moment that their work becomes necessary. I believe that the Ministry of Labour and the Board of Agriculture think they will have some difficulty in finding a sufficient number of milkers, but, in regard to the others, probably the applications for them will not be very numerous, and therefore the number of women in the Land Army will be sufficient.
A few words as to the future. As regards exports, as your Lordships know an Export Council has already been set up, and its immediate task is to assist in the export trade with a view not only to maintaining it but to increasing it greatly if we can. I am afraid at this moment I cannot say any more about the export trade, because a White Paper is to be published to-night which, I think, will be in your Lordships' hands to-morrow. I cannot very well anticipate what will be in it, but I may add that four members of the Export Council are now devoting their whole time to the task which lies before the Council of increasing our export trade, and they have already had discussions with the representatives of a number of industries, notably those concerned with wool, cotton, leather, rubber, clothing, footwear, pottery, chemicals, cutlery and hollow ware, and various sections of the engineering industry.
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As regards the Ministry of Supply, I can perhaps give your Lordships more information, although I have to be careful not to say anything which would be of value to the enemy. A great deal of preparatory work was done in the years preceding the war, and plans had already been made in a good many directions. Again, the Ministry of Labour and various Service Departments had already thought out plans to be put into operation when a big war expansion became necessary. The idea was to bring the factory to the worker rather than the worker to the factory, because one of the problems which is always difficult to deal with is, as the noble Lord reminded us, that labour is often far from being mobile, and even when it is mobile, the worker has to be accommodated somewhere, and there may be a bad housing shortage or other circumstances which make the situation extraordinarily difficult. Then, very often, the workers are unwilling to go to a particular area because they are aware of the difficulties there in regard to accommodation. Therefore the Government has largely planned, so far as strategical and technical considerations allow, that the factories shall be put where the actual workers are to be found. We started this war with nine ordnance factories as against the three which existed when the war of 1914 began.
LORD MANCROFT: Will the noble Earl tell us what has been done to help the manufacturers engaged in the export trade? What has been done to let them have the raw material which they require? Is it a fact that they are getting the raw material as quickly as they want it?
EARL STANHOPE: I think the noble Lord had better wait to see what is in the White Paper. I know the matter he has mentioned has been receiving a great deal of attention by the Board of Trade and the Ministry of Shipping, and I think, if the noble Lord waits for the White Paper, he will find something in it on the question he has asked. Apart from the nine ordnance factories I have mentioned, a. very large number of others are actually under construction and a good many will shortly be coming into operation. The noble Lord opposite (Lord Strabolgi) will realise that all these factories mean additional labour, and the demand for it will be very great indeed. In addition, expansions to works of private firms have

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been approved in no fewer than 400 separate cases, some of them shadow factories, which we knew of before the war began, but a very large number have come into existence since; and no less than £50,000,000 of capital has been put into that additional construction from the Government side, apart from what has been done by private individuals and firms. We are already making ten times as many shells per week as we were at a similar period after the start of the war in 1914. We hope by the end of this year that our production will exceed the peak that we reached in 1918. The noble Lord will realise that the Ministry of Supply has not been idle in going ahead, and that there has been no lack of drive. We hope to be producing 14,000,000 tons of steel this year, as against the 8,000,000 tons which were available in 1914. We believe that the production of machine tools in this country will make us far more independent of foreign countries than we were in the last war, when of course these purchases entailed the use of foreign exchange, which we hope this time to save, particularly in the case of the United States of America, where our exchange requirements are more difficult to meet than they are in other countries. We expect that this year we shall produce no fewer than 100,000 motor vehicles of all kinds as against 40,000 that we manufactured during the whole course of the last war.
In regard to clothing also there is a very remarkable story. The peace-time demand for khaki cloth was 300,000 yards per annum. We have now reached a production of 1,500,000 yards per month. The production of serge for battle dress is now 200,000 yards per month, and the production of shirting per month is 1,125,000 yards. The production of overcoats prior to the war was 500,000 a year, and the monthly production has now almost reached this figure. I think my noble friend Lord Woolton is to be congratulated on that achievement. As to using small firms, an area organisation has been set up. I think the noble Lord opposite said that only three centres were actually in existence. I am glad to tell him that he has seriously under-estimated the number. Within the next week or two there will be eleven centres functioning in Birmingham, Newcastle, Leeds, Sheffield, Lincoln, Nottingham, Leicester,
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Bristol, Manchester, Glasgow and Belfast, and a further twelve will be functioning very shortly.
The figures which I have given your Lordships are those furnished to me by the Ministry of Supply, but figures from the Board of Admiralty in regard to shipbuilding both for the Royal Navy and the merchant fleet are not less remarkable, and in a very short time will be, I hope, still more remarkable. If I were to give the figures of those engaged in aircraft production I think your Lordships would realise how great is the effort we are making. I cannot give those figures, because they might give an indication to Germany as to the number of machines we have under construction, but I can assure your Lordships that they are in line with those instances I have given of the work that is being done. When we realise that even yet not all factories are in production and that those that are in production have not yet reached their full output, I think your Lordships will realise that so far from being worried as to the number of those who are unemployed the thing that actually worries the Government is where labour is to be found for the work which we foresee and for the factories and machinery which will then be available. I am afraid I have not been able to meet all the points made by the noble Lord opposite, but I hope that what I have said shows that the Government have this matter very much in mind. Although on the face of it it may seem extraordinary that we should still have 1,500,000 unemployed I think that what I have said will show that very shortly our difficulty will be of a very different character.
5.35 p.m.
LORD STRABOLGI: My Lords, I do not propose to press my Motion for Papers, but I should like to say that I am very much obliged to the noble Earl for his reply and to those other noble Lords who were good enough to intervene in the debate. The noble Lord, Lord Mancroft, referred to the Electrical Trades Union as having been difficult about labour supplies. I sent at once to another place to make inquiries about that, and I am sure he will be very glad to know that the statement in the newspapers to which I think he was referring related only to one branch, and that there are local reasons for the attitude of that branch.
LORD MANCROFT: I am very glad to hear it.
LORD STRABOLGI: As the noble Lord referred to the situation in Athens in bygone times, may I say that J hope he is going to be our Pericles in this war? I thank him for supporting me in some of the pleas I made to the Government. The refusal of some girls to go to Leeds and other places to work twelve months ago is quite understandable. I am perfectly certain—and I am sure the noble Earl will support me in this—that if the right appeal is made to the young women of to-day to take up war work they will be no more backward than were their mothers twenty years ago. We were living in times of peace twelve months ago, and one could not expect then that young women should go into domestic service if they did not care for it. If the right appeal is made to them they will respond. If the noble Lord, Lord Mancroft, made such an appeal he would be a kind of Pied Piper of Hamelin and all the young people would be flocking after him.
I thank the noble Lord, Lord Milford, also for supporting me in the matter of the dictator countries. Of course there is a sort of slavery there, and already there is great strain in Germany because of the pace at which people are being forced to work. But we shall beat them by our voluntary effort. The trouble is, if I may say so with great respect to the noble Earl, that the people are not given a lead, and are not told what they should do. I am very glad that the Government recognise that the position is disturbing, because that gives hope of greater effort. I hope those noble Lords who are interested in agriculture will have noted the figures of the women land workers—only 1,400 trained and only 500 in training. This is not satisfactory. I know there are difficulties and prejudices to be overcome, but we need to cultivate all available land, and there will be a shortage of land workers later on. I hope, therefore, that the matter of women land workers will be tackled on a much greater scale. Otherwise we may find ourselves in difficulties over food production in the future. I take it, however, that the Government are alive to that, and are going to take steps to push on with the training of more women land workers. I beg leave to withdraw my Motion.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
5.37 p.m.
EARL STANHOPE: My Lords, your Lordships I think will all know that the noble Lord, Lord Ponsonby, has postponed the Motion which he had put on the Paper for to-morrow, and so there is no public business for that day. Therefore I propose that we should adjourn until Thursday.
LORD SNELL: May I ask if there is likely to be a statement on international affairs on Thursday?
EARL STANHOPE: No, I think not.

  LAND ACQUISITIONS BY THE SERVICES.
  LAND ACQUISITIONS BY THE SERVICES.

Preamble
The LORD CHANCELLOR acquainted the House, That the Clerk of the Parliaments had laid upon the Table the Certificate from the Examiners that the further Standing Orders applicable to the following Bill have been complied with:
Ely Cathedral Canonries.
The same was ordered to lie on the Table.

ROYAL SOCIETY FOR THE PRE- VENTION OF CRUELTY TO ANIMALS BILL. [H.L.]
Report from the Committee of Selection, That the following Lords be proposed to the House to form the Select Committee for the consideration of the said Bill, namely:

V. Chelmsford,

L. Greville,

L. Holden,

L. Faringdon,

L. Kenilworth (Chairman):

Agreed to; and the said Lords appointed accordingly. The Committee to meet on Tuesday next, at Eleven o'clock; and all Petitions referred to the Committee, with leave to the Petitioners praying to be heard by Counsel against the Bill to be heard as desired, as also Counsel for the Bill.

CLEARING OFFICE (TURKEY) (AMENDMENT) No. 2 ORDER, 1940.
Report from the Special Orders Committee, That they have examined the Special Order as required by the Standing Orders of the House; that in their opinion the Order raises important questions of policy and principle; that the Order is founded on precedent, inasmuch as it provides for the further variation of an Order which has already received the approval of the House; that in the opinion of the Committee the Order cannot be passed by the House without special attention, but that no further inquiry is necessary before the House proceeds to a decision on the Resolution to approve the said Order:
Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (SETTLEMENT OF FINANCIAL CLAIMS) ORDER, 1940.
Report from the Special Orders Committee, That they have examined the Special Order as required by the Standing Orders of the House; that in their opinion the provisions of the Order raise important questions of policy and principle which have been accepted already by the House when passing the Czechoslovakia (Financial Claims and Refugees) Act, 1940, under which the Order is submitted for approval; that the Order is not founded on precedent; that in the opinion of the Committee the Order cannot be passed by the House without special attention, but that no further inquiry is necessary before the House proceeds to a decision on the Resolution to approve the said Order:
Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

MORLEY GAS ORDER, 1940.
Report from the Special Orders Committee, That no Petition has been presented praying to be heard against the Special Order, and that there is nothing in the Order to which they think it necessary to call the attention of the House:
Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

CEFN AND DISTRICT GAS ORDER, 1940.
Report from the Special Orders Committee, That they have examined the Special Order as required by the Standing Orders of the House; that the petition against the Order presented by the Great Western Railway Company has now been withdrawn; that the Committee have considered an addition to Clause 39 of the Order, together with a modification thereof, which has been agreed between the parties, and recommend its adoption to the House; that they are of opinion that no further inquiry by a Select Committee is necessary; and that there is nothing further in this Order to which they think it necessary to call the attention of the House:
Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

SUNDAY ENTERTAINMENTS ACT, 1932.
Orders made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, extending Section 1 of the Act to—

The Borough of Cleethorpes;

The Borough of Lowestoft:

Laid before the House (pursuant to Act) for affirmative Resolution, and ordered Lo lie on the Table.