Sitting of 3 October 1939

Preamble
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
EAIRD TRUST ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL,
"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1936, relating to the Baird Trust," presented by Mr. Colville; and ordered (under Section 7 of the Act) to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 273.]

ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.
  TRADE AND COMMERCE.

    PRICES.
    Mr. Glenvil Hallasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the premiums under the State insurance scheme are being used as a pretext for an additional increase in the price or" a commodity at each stage of its passage from the producer to the consumer; and whether steps will be taken to prevent the amount of any premium being added to the price?
    The President of the Board of Trade (Mr. Oliver Stanley): I am aware that tradersare in many cases adding the cost of war risks insurance to the prices which they charge for their goods. I cannot agree that the addition to the prices of the amount of the premium actually incurred is unreasonable, though, as my hon. and gallant Friend the Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade explained in answer to a question by the hon. Member for Lowestoff (Mr. Loftus) on 21st September, the cost of insurance should, in the majority of cases, be a negligible percentage of the price of goods insured. Wherever excessive increases in price on the pretext of war risks insurance have been brought to my notice, they are being investigated. As I have stated,
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    a Bill to deal with unjustifiable increases in price will be introduced at a very early date.
    Mr. Robert Gibson: Can the right hon. Gentleman give an indication as to what would be a reasonable and not an excessive increase?
    Mr. Stanley: As I have explained before, it depends upon the rate of turnover of the goods in question. Certainly, any increase over 6 per cent., if the goods are being turned over only once a year, would be excessive, and 6 per cent, would be excessive for goods turned over twice, three times, or even four times a year.
    Major Stourtonasked the President of the Board of Trade when it is proposed to introduce anti-profiteering legislation, and whether, in particular, proceedings will be taken against those contractors who have made large profits by buying up all available supplies of sandbags and retailing them to the public at greatly enhanced prices?
    Mr. Stanley: I fear I am not yet in a position to add to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Leigh (Mr. Tinker) on 28th September.

    EXPORT LICENCES.
    Sir Granville Gibsonasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware of the many protests which are being received by commercial and industrial organisations with regard to delays in obtaining licences for the export of goods on the controlled list; what steps he is proposing to take to expedite the issue of such licences; and whether, as the difficulties are mainly due to the existence of separate controllers of the various raw materials with offices in different parts of the country, steps will be taken to centralise the information necessary to enable export licences to be granted without delay?
    Sir Smedley Crookeasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware of the concern felt by manufacturers of commodities required for war purposes by our Allies at their inability to obtain the necessary licences; whether, as export trade is so essential to this country to provide the means for carrying on the war and whether, as manufacturers are requested not to call on or telephone

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    the Ministry and as their repeated applications for these licences by post are ignored, he will give immediate instructions to the Department concerned to deal with these applications for licences?
    Rear-Admiral Beamishasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will take prompt action to remedy the serious defects in the organisation of the Export Licensing Department, and is he aware that members of chambers of commerce have indicated clearly in writing to his Department methods whereby the accumulation of unanswered correspondence can be dealt with which is now seriously holding up permitted export trade?
    Mr. Stanley: I much regret that certain difficulties and delays have arisen with regard to the issue of export licences. These have been due to the immense volume of work which had to be handled by the Export Licensing Department immediately on its creation. It will be realised that the Department must act to a large extent on advice from other Departments, reference to whom is essential in many cases. Every effort is, however, being made to resolve these difficulties. Arrangements have been made which are expected to expedite the work and my Department is in constant consultation with the other Departments concerned with a view to further action to this end being taken. These arrangements have already reduced the delays. I may add that traders themselves would assist my Department considerably by studying the list of prohibited exports and by making preliminary inquiries of their own organisations to ascertain whether licences are required in the case of the goods in which they are interested. Considerable congestion and delay have been caused in the Export Licensing Department by inquiries and applications in respect of goods for which no licences were required.
    Sir G. Gibson: Can my right hon. Friend give some assurance that licences can be granted immediately in respect of countries outside Europe and in respect of the various Dominions?
    Mr. Stanley: No, Sir; I cannot do that. It is not only a question of the country of destination, but whether the particular.
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    goods are so urgently required in this country for essential war purposes that it is impossible to allow them to be exported.
    Sir G. Gibson: Is my right hon. Friend aware that licences have been held up for over three weeks for goods which it is evident to anybody are of no use whatever with regard to the prosecution of the war, apart from their use for bringing currency into this country?
    Mr. Stanley: As I stated in my answer, I do regret the delay. I have explained the reason, and I have said that steps are being taken to expedite matters, and that the delay is now being materially reduced.
    Sir Percy Harris: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one of the causes of the delay is the number of Departments to which people have to apply? Could he make it clear to exporters which is the right Department, and could he not arrange for there to be one Department responsible for giving licences, after consultation?
    Mr. Stanley: That is the situation. Application is made to my Department. One of the causes of the delay in granting licences is that my Department has to ascertain from various Service Departments and the Ministry of Supply what is the need for the type of material in question. All applications should be made to my Department, and the consultation with others should be done by me.
    Sir Frank Sanderson: Is my right hon. Friend aware that when applications are made to his Department, his Department sends out a printed letter stating that other Departments have to be consulted, and that this in fact holds up the application?
    Mr. Stanley: That is what I have said. The application should be made to me, but I have to ascertain from, say, the Air Ministry or the Ministry of Supply what is the need for that type of material. There is no need for the applicant to consult those Departments; that is done by me.

    LATVIA.
    Mr. Priceasked the President of the Board of Trade what representations he has received from Latvian exporters to

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    reorganise the export of agricultural products to this country at present interrupted in the Baltic?
    Mr. Stanley: His Majesty's Government are in touch with the Latvian Government on the subject of Anglo-Latvian trade. I regret that, in the meantime, I am unable to make any further statement.

    RUMANIA.
    Mr. Priceasked the President of the Board of Trade what are the products and their quantities that have been agreed upon for this country to purchase from Rumania in the near future and for Rumania to purchase here; and whether any transactions of this nature have actually taken place to date?
    Mr. Stanley: Arrangements are proceeding for certain purchases by the Rumanian Government under the provisions of the Anglo-Rumanian Guarantee Agreement of 12th July, 1939, and for purchases of wheat in accordance with the Protocol of 11th May. His Majesty's Government are also considering the possibility of obtaining certain other requirements in Rumania. I am not, however, in a position to give any details.

    BRITISH SHIPPING (ASSISTANCE) BILL.
    Mr. Shinwellasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can make any statement as to the Government's intentions with- regard to the British Shipping (Assistance) Bill, and, particularly, the schemes of loans and grants for shipbuilding under that Bill?
    Mr. Stanley: Yes, Sir. The Government will be prepared to consider applications from shipowners for loans in accordance with the main provisions of the scheme described in Section 3 of Grid. 6060 in respect of vessels for which binding contracts had been entered into before to-day's date as a result of my statement in this House on 28th March last. The Board of Trade will have to be satisfied in each case that the construction of the vessel is in the national interest. A circular letter will shortly be issued to the shipowners concerned as to the procedure to be followed by those who wish to apply for loans in respect of such vessels. As regards shipbuilding grants, the Government are reviewing the position in the light of developments and their decision will be announced in due course. The other schemes covered by
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    the British Shipping (Assistance) Bill are obviously unnecessary or inapplicable in war-time, and it is not intended to proceed with the Bill.
    Mr. Shinwell: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether, in connection with the scheme, he proposes to expedite the production of vessels of standard type?
    Mr. Stanley: That is rather a different point. The answer I have given refers to orders which have already been placed by shipowners. The hon. Member's question refers to orders which are now being placed by the Government directly. It is not our intention at the moment to build ships of a standard type. Orders are being placed for ships of simple type of the nature which happen at the moment to be most urgently required.
    .Mr. Shinwell: Will the right hon. Gentleman see, in connection with this matter, that the activities of the shipbuilding firms are co-ordinated so as to expedite the building of these vessels?
    Mr. Stanley: Yes, Sir. I have a committee advising me on that very point.
    Mr. Kirkwood: Arising out of the reply, in which the right hon. Gentleman said that the Government are going to build ships, will those ships be built under the supervision of civil servants, or will the Government have somebody on the job who understands shipbuilding?
    Mr. Stanley: I can assure the hon. Gentleman that neither 1 nor any of my officers consider ourselves capable of advising on such an extremely technical matter. Certainly, we shall make use of outside technical advice on it.

    CANDLES (PRICE).
    Mr. David Adamsasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that candles, which are an essential commodity of working miners, have been advanced in price in County Durham by 75 per cent, since the outbreak of war; and what steps are being taken to protect these consumers against this exploitation?
    Mr. Stanley: My attention has been drawn to several cases where the price of candles has been increased and one of these related to the Durham area. Inquiries are being made of the firm concerned. With regard to the last part of the question, I would refer the hon.

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    Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member for Leigh (Mr. Tinker) on 28th September.
    Mr. Adams: Is the Minister aware that a deputation of working miners waited upon me on this subject and stated that unless they could get candles at a reasonableprice, they would have to give up their employment?
    Mr. Stanley: I was not aware of that, but when the matter was brought to my notice, I got into communication speedily with the firm, and I will let the hon. Member know the results of my inquiry.
    Mr. Hicks: Are we to understand that the miners have to purchase their own candles for working?
    Mr. Stanley: That is not a point for me. What I am looking into is the question of the price of the candles.
    Mr. George Griffiths: Is it not time you snuffed the profiteers out?
    Mr. Stanley: That is the object of a Bill which I hope soon to introduce and on which I hope I shall have the hon. Member's co-operation.
    Mr. Griffiths: You will.

  BRITISH ARMY.

    REGIMENTAL OFFICERS' EXPENSES.
    Mr. Edeasked the Secretary of State for War what particular action he has taken during the past three months to ensure that no unduly high standard of expense is set for regimental officers?
    The Financial Secretary to the War Office (Sir Victor Warrender): War conditions are now prevailing and there is no reason to believe that any unduly high standard of living is being maintained.
    Mr. Ede: Will the hon. Baronet make sure that throughout the Service reasonable standards are set and maintained?
    Sir V. Warrender: We are doing that. We have had no complaints to the contrary.

    ACCIDENT.
    Mr. T. Williamsasked the Secretary of State for War why no reply has been sent to the National Union of Agricultural Workers to letters dated 1st August and 16th August in connection
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    with an accident which occurred on 13th May to one of their members; and when a reply is to be expected?
    Sir V. Warrender: I have now been able to trace the case referred to, which was a claim made to the Command and not to the War Office. Legal advice is being obtained, and a settlement will be reached as soon as possible.
    Mr. Williams: Am I to understand from the reply that a representative acting on behalf of the agricultural workers is in correspondence with the War Office?
    Sir V. Warrender: I could not say that off-hand, but they are endeavouring to clear this matter up as quickly as possible.

    OFFICERS EMERGENCY RESERVE.
    Mr. Hoggasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the delay in considering applications by commanding officers for the services of particular officers on the Officers Emergency Reserve; and what steps he is prepared to take to reduce such delay?
    Sir V. Warrender: I am not aware of any delay except in a few cases where there has been failure on the part of applicants or unit commanders to observe the proper procedure.

    OFFERS OF SERVICE.
    Mr. Hoggasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the growing indignation amongst men of military age whose offers of service in the Army are being rejected; and what steps he proposes to take to allay this indignation?
    Sir V. Warrender: My right hon. Friend, on the first day of war, outlined with the general approval of the House an orderly system for the calling up and use of man-power; since when as my hon. Friend has probably seen classes between the ages of 20 and 22 have been proclaimed and will be summoned to the Colours in a regular manner. Subsequently, other classes will be summoned. I am sure the House will agree that by proceeding in this manner we are avoiding those errors in the use of man-power which had to be redeemed with so much difficulty during the last Great War. I would point out, further, that many opportunities were given for

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    men of all ages to join the Territorial Army before the outbreak of war and this they did on a scale comparable with the recruitment after the outbreak of the last War. Further opportunities will arise, and there are vacancies already advertised for men with specialised knowledge.
    Mr. Hogg: Does that mean that the express policy of the Government is to use, throughout the war, conscripted service to the exclusion of voluntary service, even where voluntary service is available; and will the Government bear in mind the grave danger which may result, both from a military and a social point of view, from the calling-up en bloc of large numbers of very young men of the same age, to the exclusion of anybody else?
    Sir V. Warrender: No, Sir, it does not mean that. It means that we want to relate offers of voluntary service to our regularised system. I can tell my hon. Friend that opportunities for taking on men who register themselves as volunteers will very soon occur.
    Sir P. Harris: Does not the hon. Gentleman think it a great waste of man-power for men who are out of work and who wish to join the Army not to be able to give their services; and will the War Office consider opening the recruiting offices so that any men who wish to join the Army before their particular class is called up can register?
    Sir V. Warrender: Men can register now.
    Mr. Sandys: In that connection, will my hon. Friend consider the possibility of issuing a badge to those who have volunteered but who cannot yet be taken?
    Captain Strickland: Is it proposed in the near future to form "bantam battalions," to meet the great demand among men who do not come up to the present requisite standard of height for the Army?
    Sir V. Warrender: That is another point. I would like notice of that.

    COMMISSIONS.
    Mr. Hoggasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is prepared, in the light of the decision of the War Cabinet to prepare for a war of at least three years, to review his decision as to the maximum age at which commissions
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    will be granted for the period of the emergency; whether he is aware of the wastage of man-power entailed by this decision; and what steps he proposes to take to prevent such wastage?
    Sir V. Warrender: Although the normal upper age limit for appointment to an emergency commission is 31, applicants between the ages of 31 and 60 may be accepted provided that have previous commissioned service in the Army or are in possession of special technical, academic or other similar qualifications.
    Mr. R. Gibson: Since when has the upper age limit been fixed at 60, where previously it was 50?
    Sir V. Warrender: I could not say without notice.

    CIVILIAN EMPLOYE (ACCIDENT).
    Mr. John Morganasked the Secretary of State for War how it came about that battery orderly-runner W. Lucia, an ex-warrant officer attached to the Militia training depot, Devizes, was deposited by the military authorities at Devizes Station on 20th September with a broken ankle and no railway warrant and told to make his own way home to Doncaster, where he was detained at the local hospital; and why this soldier receives neither replies to his communications to his superior officer nor allowances?
    Sir V. Warrender: I am informed that Mr. Lucia is a civilian employè, who accidentally injured his ankle by tripping over a small trench. He was seen by the medical officer who wished to detain him in the camp hospital. Mr. Lucia asked, however, for sick leave, and this was granted. It was explained to him that he had no entitlement to travel at public expense, and that any journey he wished to make must be undertaken on his own responsibility. He was advised that, if he was in need of help he should apply to the local Employment Exchange. A letter from him dated 24th September was answered on 26th September.
    Mr. Morgan: Was not Mr. Lucia recruited in Doncaster and transferred by the Army authorities to Salisbury; and why was he granted sick leave, and then told that he could apply to the Employment Exchange for relief? What kind of procedure is that?
    Sir V. Warrender: Mr. Lucia was not in any sense employed in a military capacity. He was employed in a purely civilian capacity, and was not entitled to free railway transport.
    Mr. Morgan: Was he not recruited at Doncaster by the military authorities, for military work, at a military camp, and is he not an ex-warrant officer?
    Sir V. Warrender: I have given the hon. Gentleman the facts of the case, and I have nothing to add.

    UNDER-AGE RECRUITS.
    Mr. Edeasked the Secretary of State for War what applications he has received from parents respecting soldiers who, by giving false dates of birth on enlistment, have been sent overseas below the minimum age he has fixed for that purpose; and what decision he takes on such applications where the parents allegation that the soldier is under the prescribed age proves to be correct?
    Sir V. Warrender: Four cases have come to notice. When the application is confirmed by a birth certificate, the soldier is sent home.
    Mr. Lawson: Is it still the practice of the War Office to discharge boys who are under 17, if so requested by the parents of the boys?
    Sir V. Warrender: If a boy has given a false age on attestation, and is proved to be under 17, I think that is the case.

    TRADESMEN.
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that tradesmen who joined the Army in response to advertisements in the Press, and were told that they would be paid at special trade rates, are in fact at present only receiving 2s. a day; and whether he will take steps to relieve the existing discontent among at least 200 such men at present in camp in Yorkshire?
    Sir V. Warrender: I am not aware of the facts in this case, but instructions have recently been issued that men enlisted as tradesmen during the war, who satisfy their commanding officers that they have attained the prescribed standard, will be paid as tradesmen from the date of enlistment, and while I cannot identify the case referred to, it should
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    be covered by the instructions I have mentioned.
    Mr. T. Williams: In regard to this case which has been brought to his notice and the facts of which have been submitted to the War Office by me, is the hon. Gentleman aware that these men not only have not received tradesmen's pay, but for 10 or 12 days had to wear their own clothes and their own boots or shoes?
    Sir V. Warrender: I am unable to identify the case. If the hon. Member can assist me in doing so, I will gladly look into it.
    Mr. Williams: The facts have already been sent to the War Office?
    Major-General Sir Alfred Knoxasked the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that while a poster invites draughtsmen, shipwrights and turners under 21 years of age to join the forces, applicants at recruiting offices are informed that it is impossible to join the Army under 21; and whether he will inquire into the matter?
    Sir V. Warrender: The discrepancy has been remedied, and the tradesmen who are required can now be accepted if they have reached the age of 20.

    REMOUNTS (PRICE).
    Brigadier-General Sir Ernest Makinsasked the Secretary of State for War whether there is any fixed maximum limit for the purchase of Army remounts; whether he can state the reason; and whether a similar limitation exists in respect of any other property or commodities which the War Office is commandeering at the present moment for various purposes?
    Sir V. Warrender: The instructions to impressment officers prescribe a maximum price for horses, based on the prices at which the type required for Army service is normally obtainable. Owners who are not satisfied that the price tendered represents fair market value have the right to appeal to a county court judge. The instructions that have been issued regarding requisitioning generally are designed to secure that unduly expensive property shall, so far as possible, be avoided.
    Sir E. Makins: Have not some of these horses already been branded and taken away?
    Sir V. Warrender: If the hon. and gallant Gentleman can give me particulars of any case I will gladly have it looked into.

    TOBACCO (TROOPS, FRANCE).
    Major Sir Jocelyn Lucasasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will take steps to secure that cigarettes and tobacco sent from this country to the British troops in France are admitted free of duty?
    Sir V. Warrender: Yes, Sir.
    Sir J. Lucas: Will the hon. Gentleman say whether this applies to small parcels or only to tobacco in bulk?
    Sir V. Warrender: This applies to all tobacco which is issued free to troops and which is not subject to duty. As regards small packages of tobacco and cigarettes going to France being free of duty in France, that matter is being taken up at the present time.
    Mr. Glenvil Hall: Will the hon. Gentleman also see that the tobacco which is sent is worth smoking?
    Mr. R. Gibson: Will the hon. Gentleman see that packages can be sent to France, at British inland postal rates?

    DEPENDANTS' ALLOWANCES.
    Mr. Glenvil Hallasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that application for dependants allowances in respect of serving soldiers are experiencing difficulty in getting their forms witnessed owing to the restricted number of persons qualified to do so; and whether he will consider the propriety of widening the area of choice by including members of local authorities, head teachers in schools, trade union officials and full-time political agents as qualified witnesses?
    Sir V. Warrender: The applicant's signature may be witnessed by his or her doctor, a minister of religion, a civil servant, an officer of the Navy, Army or Air Force, a police officer not below the rank of Servant, or an official in charge of a post office. I have not heard of any case of difficulty in finding a person in one or other of these categories who is prepared to witness the signature, and I do not think it is necessary to extend the list.
    Mr. Hall: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in some parts of the country difficulty is experienced, and that if he could extend the list to include head teachers, it would be a great advantage?
    Sir V. Warrender: I think there can be very few cases in which a person in the categories that I have named cannot be found.
    Mr. George Hallasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the many complaints made by the dependants of men called up under the Military Service Acts at the long delay and, in many cases, the great difficulty in obtaining their allowances; and will he take immediate measures to deal with' these difficulties?
    Sir V. Warrender: I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given to the hon. Member for Romford (Mr. Parker) on Thursday last.
    Mr. Ammon: Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this week I brought to his attention instances of wives of men called up for service being threatened with eviction because they had not the rent, owing to non-receipt of allowances?
    Sir V. Warrender: I have had several cases sent to me personally, and in nearly every case that I have investigated I have found it due either to some misunderstanding or to some mistake on the part of the man or his wife or the woman. I do not think any blame should be laid at the door of the Paymaster, who has been very punctilious in carrying out his work.
    Mr. George Hall: Will the hon. Gentleman see that for the dependants other than wives—I mean widowed mothers and others—the position is made quite clear to the serving soldiers as to how they can get allowances for these dependants?
    Sir V. Warrender: Yes, and instructions have been sent to every commanding officer ordering them to report every case within their units where these allowances are not being paid.
    Mr. Hall: But will it be made clear to the serving soldiers, to the men?
    Sir V. Warrender: I think it will be the commanding officers duty to do so.
    Mr. Oliverasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the

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    discontent and hardship caused by the meagreness of the allowances to widows whose sons have been called up for military service, due to the very narrow interpretations of the provisions of the White Paper, Cmd. 6043; and whether he will state the basis on which the figures mentioned in the White Paper are computed, and, further, state the qualifications and experience of the persons fixing the amount of allowances and whether the amount fixed is subject to appeal?
    Sir V. Warrender: I have no evidence that the scale of allowances is generally inadequate. The scheme outlined in the White Paper referred to, which related to dependants of militiamen called up for training under the Military Training Act, 1939, has been superseded by a new war scheme, particulars of which were recently announced, but the maximum fates admissible, including the soldier's contribution, which has been increased to correspond with his rate of pay, remain unchanged. The standard rates of allowance were fixed by the Government after the most careful consideration and examination of available data. The actual rates depend on the man's pre-enlistment contribution to the dependant's support and the household income.
    The allowance for a widowed mother with no other income is 20s. 6d. a week, provided the soldier was contributing not less than that amount to her support before he was called up. The amount fixed is not subject to appeal, except on a question of fact, but in exceptional cases, where owing to the calling-up of a soldier serious financial hardship exists which cannot be met by the issue of the normal allowances or in other ways, application can be made to the Military Service (Special Allowances) Advisory Committee, who are empowered to recommend a supplementary or special grant if after investigation they consider it warranted.
    Mr. Oliver: Do I understand from that reply that no complaints have been received by the hon. Gentleman's Department arising out of the meagreness of the allowances under the White Paper?
    Sir V. Warrender: Yes, Sir, that is the answer.
    Mr. Thurtle: Is it proposed to publish this new basis of allowances in the form
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    of a White Paper, and would such publication make clear the address of this tribunal to which appeals are to be sent?
    Sir V. Warrender: I do not think it will be necessary to do that. These allowances and the machinery under which they are paid have been published in full in the Press, and they have been referred to in the Press subsequently. I am quite prepared to consider it, but I do not really think it is necessary.
    Mr. T. Williams: Would it not be for the convenience of all those like dependants if a White Paper on the lines indicated could be published, so that all sections of the community, North, South, East and West, would appreciate that they are being dealt with fairly and equitably?
    Sir V. Warrender: I am prepared to consider the suggestion that further publicity should be given. Whether it should be by means of a White Paper or not, I cannot say.

    NATIONAL DEFENCE COMPANIES.
    Sir Ralph Glynasked the Secretary of State for War whether recruiting for the National Defence companies remains open, and whether any special steps are now taken, since the recruiting was removed from Territorial Army associations, to ensure that no undesirable characters are enlisted?
    Sir V. Warrender: My right hon. Friend stated in reply to a question on 26th September, that he had in contemplation a change in the present method of manning vulnerable points. Except for officers, recruiting for National Defence companies is not open at present.

    ENLISTMENT.
    Sir P. Harrisasked the Secretary of State for War why men can only enlist for a fixed period and not for the duration of the war only; and whether he will consider relaxing this restriction at an early date so that use can be made of the services of men anxious to serve their country before they are conscripted?
    Sir V. Warrender: The present situation is that tradesmen between the ages of 20 and 38 are allowed to enlist on a normal service engagement, or for the period of embodiment as they wish. Other classes are being called up, as the House

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    is aware, by age-groups for the period of embodiment in accordance with our requirements. These opportunities may at a later stage be varied.
    Sir P. Harris: Does that mean that if a man wants to join the Army and his age-group has not been called up, he can only join for seven years? Cannot he join for the period of the war?
    Sir V. Warrender: A man under the age group —
    Sir P. Harris: Over.
    Sir V. Warrender: A man under the age-group cannot enlist even on the normal engagement. A man over the age-group who volunteers and is a tradesman can be enlisted for the period of embodiment.

    PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT DEPOTS.
    Mr. Bellengerasked the Secretary of State for War what is the present position of the Army recruits physical development depots?
    Sir V. Warrender: The depots were abolished on mobilisation, and the buildings have been allotted to other uses.

  WAR OFFICE (STAFF).
  Sir A. Knoxasked the Secretary of State for War what number of officers and civilians are at present employed in the War Office?
  Sir V. Warrender: The staff of the War (Office numbers 3,970.
  Sir A. Knox: How many of these are officers and how many are civilians?
  Sir V. Warrender: I have not been able to get the separate figures. It would require a great deal of labour to do so.
  Sir A. Knox: If I put down a question on this day week, will that give the hon. Gentleman time to count them?
  Sir V. Warrender: Yes they could be counted within that period, but I would ask my hon. and gallant Friend to remember that we are very hard pressed at present.

  SCOTLAND.

    ARDRISHAIG SCHOOL.
    Mr. Kirkwoodasked the Secretary of State for Scotland what is now the
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    position with regard to the school at Ardrishaig; and whether, in view of the fact that Ardrishaig is a reception area, he will take steps to restore the status of that school, which has a record second to none in Argyll?
    The Secretary of State for Scotland (Mr. Colville): I understand that Ardrishaig School, since its re-opening after the summer vacation, has been conducted as a primary school only, and that Loch-gilphead School two miles away is now the centre for secondary education in the district. The county council approved this arrangement by a large majority, and I am satisfied that the scheme makes the most suitable provision for education in the area. Adequate arrangements have been made for the instruction in Loch-gilphead School of all secondary pupils transferred to the district under the Government evacuation scheme.
    Mr. Kirkwood: Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that this is a very mountainous country and that two miles in the Highlands of Scotland is something to be considered when we are faced with the winter?
    Mr. Colville: The hon. Member, who knows the district, knows that these two miles are on the level.
    Mr. Kirkwood: Is it not true that the road is level, but that it is surrounded by great, high mountains, where not only are there very severe climatic conditions, but several times there have been landslides? [Interruption] This is something that I am interested in, and I want to know what the Secretary of State is going to do in the matter.
    Mr. Colville: A bus is being provided to take these children to school, and I am satisfied that there is now better opportunity for the education of these children than before.

    EVACUATION.
    Mr. Mathersasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he will arrange to grant the approximate allowances in respect of evacuated children and expectant mothers who have gone from evacuation areas to reception areas by private arrangement, thus saving the billeting officers the task of finding suitable accommodation?
    Mr. Colville: Billeting allowances are payable to householders only in respect of persons of the priority classes who have been transferred and billeted under the Government evacuation scheme. I regret that it would not be practicable to extend the payment of billeting allowances to cover persons who have removed from evacuating areas under private arrangement.
    Mr. Mathers: Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise the advantage that it is for some of these people to be billeted where they are rather than where they might have been put under the official scheme, and in cases where hardship is involved will he not look at the matter again?
    Mr. Colville: I am afraid that it is not really practicable to extend the Government's scheme. I have looked into it further.

    HOUSING.
    Mr. Kirkwoodasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that Mr. Daniel Beattie, who was wounded in the last War, is living in Millbum Park, Alexandria, in an old omnibus measuring 14 by 7 by 6 feet together with his wife and 10 children under 15 years of age because he has been unable to get a house; that Mr. Beattie has now been called up; and whether he will take immediate steps to provide a house for his wife and children?
    Mr. Colville: I am making inquiries from the local authority into the case referred to and will write to the hon. Member.
    Mr. Kirkwood: Will the Secretary of State go into this matter, because six months ago I raised it and drew attention to the hellish conditions in which these people were living and the right hon. Gentleman promised to look into it, but nothing was done?

    AIR-RAID PRECAUTIONS.
    Mr. R. Gibsonasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that officials of churches in Scotland applied to the local air-raid precautions organisation and to the burgh engineer's office for advice as to where to buy sand bags to protect their church premises but could not get any advice; that they received from private firms on the 25th September an offer at 6d. each; and on
    1808
    26th September an offer at 7d. each; that the wholesale price of such bags was recently 2d. to 2½d. each, but is now 5¾d.; and whether he will take steps to secure that adequate supplies of sandbags are available at fixed prices, and that local air-raid precautions organisations and burgh engineers be informed of the location of such supplies?
    Mr. Colville: The question raised by the hon. and learned Member affects more than one Department not under my control. If he will be good enough to give me more specific information about the cases he has in mind I will see that it is referred to the proper quarter.
    Mr. Gibson: Will the right hon. Gentleman see that these air-raid precautions organisations and burghengineers are aware of the places where sandbags can be got?
    Mr. Colville: Perhaps the hon. and learned Member will have a word with me about it.

    CONVICTIONS, BARRHEAD.
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Lord Advocate whether he will review the sentences passed upon Messrs. Harry McShane, Colin Curry and John Dolan for their activities on behalf of tenants at Barrhead, with a view to their release, and also the remission of the fines imposed on 10 others sentenced with them?
    Mr. Colville: I received yesterday a petition from the persons in question relating to the sentences imposed. I am examining the matter and will intimate my decision to the hon. Member in due course.
    Mr. Gallacher: While the right hon. Gentleman is examining the question, will heexamine the remarks made by the Sheriff, which were obviously not of a judicial character, and will he take some action?
    Mr. Maxton: While looking into the question of these sentences, will the right hon. Gentleman look into all the circumstances—such as the increase of rents by 100 per cent, on slum clearance tenants —which led up to this objectionable state of affairs?
    Mr. Colville: I will look into it, but I must bear in mind the riotous behaviour on this occasion, and I must take into account all the circumstances in arriving at my decision.

  COLONIAL AFFAIRS (PARLIAMENTARY CONSIDERATION).
  Mr. Horabinasked the Prime Minister whether he is in a position to make a further statement with regard to the proposed Parliamentary Committee on Colonial Affairs?
  Mr. Thornton-Kemsleyasked the Prime Minister whether he has any announcement to make concerning the establishment of a Parliamentary Standing Committee for the consideration of Colonial affairs?
  The Prime Minister (Mr. Chamberlain): Since my answer to questions on this subject on 2nd August other matters have intervened and engaged the most urgent attention of Ministers, as well as of the Opposition parties. In the circumstances there has not yet been an opportunity for that careful examination of this subject, and that consultation on it with other parties in the House, which I foreshadowed in my answer on 2nd August.

  SPINSTERS PENSIONS.
  Mr. Vyvyan Adamsasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will now consider introducing legislation to enable insured spinsters to receive pensions at the age of 55?
  The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir John Simon): The Government do not contemplate the introduction of legislation for the purpose suggested.
  Mr. Adams: Is the Chancellor aware that the members of this movement have suspended activities in order to be able to assist the national cause, and will this action be remembered when we reach a victorious peace?

  WAR DAMAGE (COMPENSATION).
  Sir Granville Gibsonasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether he is aware that in the opinion of many authorities the announcement by the Treasury that the Government will pay compensation on the conclusion of hostilities to such an amount as public funds permit in respect of damage to property caused by enemy action does not meet the needs of the situation; and will he take steps to urge the conference set up under the chairmanship of Lord
  1810
  Weir to issue their recommendations at the earliest possible moment in view of the serious situation which has been created by the absence of a properly constituted scheme;
  (2) whether he is aware that large sums have already been paid in premiums to insurance and other companies to cover possible losses to property from enemy action in this country; whether his Department has investigated the merits of the various schemes advertised in the Press and in other ways; whether he is satisfied that full compensation could be paid under such schemes in the event of total loss; and whether he will take steps to issue an order which would prevent the exploitation of property owners?
  Sir J. Simon: It is hoped to make a statement on these matters early next week.

  OLD AGE PENSIONS.
  Mr V. Adamsasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, to relieve public anxiety about the inadequacy of the rate of old age pensions, he will state the result of the inquiry which the Government has held into this subject?
  Mr. Gordon Macdonaldasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the result of the investigations into old age pensions; and what proposals he has to make?
  Mr. Malcolm MacMillanasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is now able to make a statement regarding the demand for increased old age pensions, and the Government inquiry on pensions?
  Mr. Tinkerasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is now in a position to make a statement on the investigations he has caused to be made into the position of old age pensions; and can he state when such will be laid before Parliament?
  Sir J. Simon: I would refer to the reply given by the Prime Minister on 13th September to a similar question by the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. E. Smith), to which I cannot usefully add.
  Mr. V. Adams: Is the Chancellor aware that, in spite of the national emergency,

  1811
  this remains a matter of great urgency, and, while most of us appreciate that he can do nothing spectacular, will he consider an upward adjustment of 5s., or even 2s. 6d. a week?
  Mr. Tinker: Will the Chancellor realise that this question is causing great concern and that we are entitled to something different from the reply already given; and will he again consider the matter?
  Sir Herbert Williams: Will my right hon. Friend also take into account that it will cost £50,000,000 to meet the suggestion?
  Mr. V. Adams: Is my right hon. Friend aware that I was making no such suggestion as was made by the hon. Member for South Croydon (Sir H. Williams)?

  TREASURY BILLS (INTEREST RATE).
  Mr. Stokesasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the rate of interest on Treasury Bills on 18th August; the rate of interest on 25th August; and the cause of the difference?
  Sir J. Simon: The average rate of interest on Treasury Bills tendered for on 18th August was 15s. 7d., and the corresponding rate on 25th August was £3 14s. 5d. The cause is of course to be found in the temporary rise in short-term rates generally due to the change in the Bank Rate. As to this I gave a full explanation in the Budget Debate on Thursday last.
  Mr. Thorne: Are the rates of interest governed by the competition for Treasury Bills, or are they fixed?
  Sir J. Simon: I am afraid I cannot answer that question without notice.

  GOVERNMENT APPOINTMENTS (REMUNERATION).
  Sir E. Makinsasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will consider bringing the remuneration of civilians engaged in purely war work more into line with the remuneration of the serving soldiers at the front; and whether he is aware of the strong feeling which exists as to the present disparity of payment?.
  Sir J. Simon: I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer given on 27th September to the hon. Member for East Middlesbrough (Mr. A. Edwards).
  Sir E. Makins: In consequence of the unsatisfactory reply, I beg to give notice that I will raise the matter on the Adjournment at an early date.

  NATIONAL ART GALLERIES.
  Sir Joseph Leechasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury why the authorities at the Tate Gallery, a branch of the National Gallery in receipt of a grant from Parliament, who are on the telephone, refuse to allow the public to communicate with the gallery by telephone to obtain legitimate information; and whether it is in accordance with the policy of the Government that public institutions which are connected to the telephone service should disregard the convenience of the public even though the incoming calls are numerous?
  The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Captain Crookshank): The first part of the question hardly arises now as the Tate Gallery has been closed, but the matter will receive further consideration when opportunity offers. The answer to the latter part of the question is in general in the negative, though particular circumstances may demand special action.
  Sir J. Leechasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, as part of the policy of distributing pictures for which there is no permanent exhibition space in the State buildings in which they are stored, he will invite the trustees of the National, Tate and National Portrait Galleries to examine their store-rooms with a view to recommending the distribution of a larger number of suitable pictures for long-term exhibition in Government offices, and in town halls of municipalities within the London areas?
  Captain Crookshank: This question hardly arises at the present time as the galleries have been closed to the public since the outbreak of the war and most of the pictures have been removed to places of greater safety. I should, however, be happy to discuss the matter with the hon. Member if he so wishes.

  ROYAL INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.
  Sir A. Knoxasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what is the amount of public funds granted to the organisation now installed at Balliol College, Oxford?
  Captain Crookshank: The Royal Institute of International Affairs have undertaken certain services for the Foreign Office and other Departments during the war. These include a digest of the overseas Press and the preparation of material of various kinds. This work and the removal to Oxford will entail extra expense which the institute cannot meet, and it is proposed to ask Parliament to vote a grant. I cannot yet say the necessary amount. The matter is under active examination.
  Sir A. Knox: Is this work done by the Ministry of Information? What is the Foreign Office doing? Do they not read the foreign newspapers?

  CIVIL SERVICE (RECRUITMENT).
  Mr. Pethick-Lawrenceasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether it is proposed to postpone the Civil Service examinations indefinitely; how he proposes to recruit the service while they are in abeyance; and what openings are available for those who had spent time and money in preparing them selves as candidates?
  Captain Crookshank: As the reply is long, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
  Following is the reply:
  I am afraid that I see no prospect of holding competitive examinations for entry to the Civil Service while war conditions continue. There are practical difficulties about holding such examinations in war-time and the age limits for a number of Civil Service examinations overlap the age limits for military service. We do not wish to do anything which might penalise men serving with the Forces. While examinations are in abeyance, various measures of filling vacancies are being adopted. Officers are already being transferred from Departments in which staff reductions are possible under war conditions and offers of temporary
  1814
  re-employment are being made to a number of retired civil servants. In addition, it will be necessary, as during the last war, to have recourse to the employment of temporary staff. So far as administrative, scientific and specialist staff generally are concerned, a Central Register was established by the Ministry of Labour some months ago, and this will be drawn upon by the various Department's as required. Recruitment of temporary clerical and typing staffs will be effected through the machinery of Employment Exchanges. With regard to the final part of the question, I sympathise with the disappointment experienced by prospective candidates who have spent time and money in preparing for examinations, but I am afraid that suspension of examinations is inevitable.

  PETROL RATIONING.
  Mr. Hunterasked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that the ration of 25 gallons for medical practitioners in Scotland is inadequate, in view of the fact that many are undertaking the practice of colleagues who are on service with His Majesty's Forces in addition to their own practice and in evacuee reception areas they are being called upon to do more work consequent upon the increase in population; and if he will increase the ration to medical practitioners and so enable them to carry out their responsibilities to patients?
  The Secretary for Mines (Mr. Geoffrey Lloyd): I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply I gave on 28th September to the hon. Member for the Isle of Ely (Mr. de Rothschild), of which I am sending him a copy.
  Mr. Saltasked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that the petrol ration allotted to commercial travellers is in many cases only 25 per cent, of their normal requirements; and whether he will consider increasing this amount since otherwise many businesses will be unable to carry on, with considerable hardship to their employes and loss to the State?
  Mr. Lloyd: The whole question of supplies of petrol for commercial travellers is under consideration in consultation with their organisations and the other interests concerned. While I am anxious to arrive at a proper decision in this matter I must emphasise that economy in the use of petrol is essential.
  Commander Sir Archibald Southby: In view of the great urgency of this matter, will my hon. Friend expedite the investigations which are being made?
  Mr. Lloyd: Yes, Sir. I am receiving a deputation from the commercial travellers this week.

  COAL INDUSTRY.

    OIL EXTRACTION.
    Mr. David Adamsasked the Secretary for Mines whether steps are being taken to expedite and increase the production of motor benzol from gas industry sources; and whether it is intended that the maximum production from this source will be secured?
    Mr. Lloyd: The Departments concerned, acting in close collaboration with the Institution of Gas Engineers, are impressing upon the industry the importance of securing the maximum possible production of benzol from gas works.

    WAGE EARNERS, YORKSHIRE.
    Mr. T. Smithasked the Secretary for Mines the number of wage earners on the colliery books in South and West Yorkshire, respectively, at the latest date available, and the comparative figures for March?
    Mr. Lloyd: On 23rd September, 1939, the numbers of wage earners on colliery books in South Yorkshire were 95,200, and in West Yorkshire 42,400. On the corresponding date in March, 1939, the numbers were 98,900 and 44,100, respectively.
    Mr. Smith: Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied that all is being done that can be done to get the collieries fully staffed so that unemployed miners can get to work again?
    Mr. Lloyd: Every effort is being made in that direction.

    OUTPUT.
    Mr. Lipsonasked the Secretary for Mines what steps he is taking to ensure that the coal mines are being worked to their fullest capacity to produce the coal required for the home and export markets?
    Mr. Lloyd: On 13th September I asked the Mining Association and the Mine-workers' Federation of Great Britain to
    1816
    consider jointly what measures were necessary to increase the output of coal to meet the anticipated increased demand, and I am giving continuous attention to the numerous factors which affect the output of coal.
    Mr. Lipson: Can my hon. Friend say that the measures which he has in contemplation will provide that all miners who have hitherto been unemployed will be employed full time?
    Mr. Lloyd: This is a matter which the Mineworkers' Federation and the Mining Association desire to consider together in the first instance.
    Mr. Shinwell: But is not the hon. Member aware that in many coalfields miners are at the present time working only three shifts a week, due to the dislocation of the transport system, and can he do nothing about that?
    Mr. Lloyd: I am aware that in certain exporting districts, owing to the difficulties which naturally attend the export of coal at the beginning of war, there is a certain amount of short working, as the hon. Member has mentioned, but I am informed that conditions in that respect are improving. As I have said, I am in touch with the Mining Association and the Mineworkers Federation, who wish to consider this matter themselves in the first instance.
    Mr. Shinwell: But does not the hon. Gentleman appreciate that this is a matter of urgent importance, particularly from the standpoint of continuing exports of coal?
    Mr. Lloyd: Yes, Sir, I do appreciate that, and it was because I appreciated it that immediately after the outbreak of war I got into touch with the Mining Association and the Mineworkers' Federation.

  FUEL AND LIGHTING RATIONING.
  Mr. Maxtonasked the Secretary for Mines whether he can make a statement as to the rationing of coal, gas and electricity; and, in particular, will he satisfy himself that the allowances for the poorest homes will be sufficient to meet ordinary needs?
  Mr. Lloyd: I would refer the hon. Member to the statement I made on 17th July

  1817
  in reply to a question by the right hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Greenwood). In that statement I explained that I had decided not to apply any rationing to the poorest households, and the Fuel and Lighting Order, 1939, accordingly provides for the exemption from rationing of the smallest consumers of coal, gas and electricity.
  Mr. Maxton: Has the Minister nothing to add to what was said in the middle of July, when all sections of the community did not know where they were on this business?
  Mr. Lloyd: What was said in July was clear then and is clear now; that is, that consumers of under two tons of coal per annum are not rationed, and consumers of equivalent amounts of gas and electricity are not rationed.
  Mr. Maxton: This "two tons" business means nothing at all. It is less than a cwt. a week, and it is just nonsense. Will the Minister go back to his Department and try and get some statement that will have an intelligent meaning to the citizens of this country?
  Mr. Lloyd: I can do that without going back to the Department, and I can tell the hon. Gentleman that in addition to what I said with regard to the two tons, all those small consumers who can get coal in lots of less than 28 lbs., which is a frequent practice in parts of the country, are not rationed at all.
  Mr. Lawson: What is the need for this rationing when there are large numbers of skilled miners unemployed and also coal seams awaiting them?
  Mr. Lloyd: Perhaps the hon. Member will await an answer to a subsequent question; but I must point out that in addition to the general considerations which, on a long-term basis, make rationing necessary, it is essential under present conditions to conserve the stocks of coal existing in the different regions of the country, and therefore it is important that consumption should not proceed too fast, irrespective of the actual question of coal output.
  Mr. Lawson: Is the hon. Member aware that there is a general feeling in the country that the Government are doing nothing whatever to use the reserve of labour among the miners?
  Mr. Lloyd: I hope the hon. Member will await the next question.
  Mr. Stephen: Has the hon. Gentleman arranged for the staff which drove the fish trade out of the country to do the same in regard to coal?

  DOMINION PARLIAMENTS (LENGTH OF SPEECHES).
  Mr. Keelingasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he can now inform the House of the arrangements in Dominion parliaments for limiting the length of speeches?
  The Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (Mr. Eden): Steps have been taken to obtain this information, but up to the present the replies are not complete. I am, however, circulating in the Official Report a statement setting out the practice which prevails in the House of Commons in Canada.
  Following is the statement:
  Note supplied by the Clerk of the Canadian House of Commons.
  The length of speeches in the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada is limited by the following Standing Order adopted in 1927:
  "37. No member, except the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, or a Minister moving a Government Order and the member speaking in reply immediately after such Minister, or a member making a motion of 'No Confidence' in the Government and a Minister replying thereto, shall speak for more than forty minutes at a time in any debate."

  NEWFOUNDLAND.
  Mr. Lunnasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he has any information to give the House as to the position of affairs in Newfound land?
  Mr. Eden: I regret that the Newfoundland Government have not been able to report any improvement in economic conditions in the island during the past summer. Though the mining industry has been operating on its normal basis, the fishing season has been a disappointing one and logging operations were also below normal during the first half of the year. The number of persons in receipt of public relief in August was about

  1819
  45,000 as compared with 40,000 in August, 1938. The outbreak of the war has, of course, introduced many new factors, the effect of which on the economic position of Newfoundland it is difficult to estimate at present. The question of obtaining from Newfoundland supplies of iron ore, fish, pitprops and other timber for use in this country is being actively considered. Arrangements have been made to recruit Newfoundland seamen for service in the Royal Navy for the duration of hostilities and similar proposals for recruitment for the Army are under consideration.
  Mr. Lunn: Will the right hon. Gentleman endeavour to get an up-to-date report upon what is happening in Newfoundland? I should like to know whether conditions now are not worse than as disclosed in the last report, presented many months ago, and also what is being done about land settlement in Newfoundland?
  Mr. Eden: My hon. Friend may be assured that I am already going into this very difficult question. He will appreciate that war conditions in Newfoundland, as elsewhere, have created a new set of difficulties, and it is in the light of them that we must consider the situation.
  Brigadier-General Sir Henry Croft: May I ask whether any steps have been taken to assist recruiting there for the Mercantile Marine, even to the extent of granting passages to this country?
  Mr. Eden: Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member will give me notice of that question.
  Mr. McGovern: Will the right hon. Gentleman give us the assurance that although Parliamentary Government has been abolished in Newfoundland the people there will still be allowed to fight for democracy?

  EIRE (UNITED KINGDOM REPRESENTATIVE).
  Sir Stanley Reedasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs what salary and allowances attach to the office of the United Kingdom representative to Eire?
  Mr. Eden: The salary attached to the post of United Kingdom Representative to Eire is £2,500 a year, which is the same as that of the United Kingdom High Commissioners in Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, New Zealand and the Union of South Africa. The allowances attached to the post have not yet been finally settled.
  Sir S. Reed: May I ask my right hon. Friend whether that is in addition to any pension which may be drawn by the occupant of the post or any directors fees which may be drawn by the occupant of the post?
  Mr. Eden: I should like to have notice of that question, but Sir John Maffey has done considerable public service.

  AGRICULTURE.

    WORKERS.
    Sir H. Williamsasked the Minister of Agriculture the number of agricultural workers at the date of the annual returns in June, 1939; and what change this respresents as compared with June, 1938?
    The Minister of Agriculture (Colonel Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith): The number of agricultural workers, as returned on 3rd June, 1939, by the occupiers of agricultural holdings exceeding one acre in extent in England and Wales, but excluding the occupier, his wife, and domestic servants, was 606,300, representing an increase, as compared with June, 1938, of over 13,000, or 2 per cent.
    Sir H. Williams: Is it the fact that this is the first increase reported for many years?

    BUTLEY SLUICE, EAST SUFFOLK.
    Mr. Parkerasked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that the damage to the Butley Sluice, in the area of the East Suffolk Rivers Catchment Board, has rapidly worsened; and whether action will be promptly taken for its repair?
    Sir R. Dorman-Smith: I am aware that the Butley Sluice is in urgent need of attention, and I am informed that the East Suffolk Rivers Catchment Board, after carefully considering the best course

    1821
    to take, have decided to rebuild the sluice, and are making arrangements for the work to be undertaken as quickly as present conditions permit.

  UNEMPLOYMENT (COUNTY DURHAM).
  Mr. W. Joseph Stewartasked the Minister of Labour the number of persons unemployed in Durham county who are not physically fit to be absorbed into industry owing to the effects of long-term unemployment, malnutrition, and general deterioration?
  The Minister of Labour (Mr. Ernest Brown): I regret the statistics giving the desired information are not available.

  WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION.
  Mr. Ridleyasked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has now made a request to the Royal Commission on Workmen's Compensation to produce an interim report dealing with the more urgent aspects of the question; and whether such a report is likely to be produced and at about what date?
  The Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department (Mr. Peake): I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. E. Smith) on 14th September, to which my right hon. Friend cannot add anything at present.
  Mr. Ridley: Is the hon. Member aware that what may be regarded as the normal urgency of this question is being quickened by war considerations and the increase in the cost of living? Is he further aware that the request for an interim report expresses the view of the overwhelming majority of the Members of this House?
  Mr. Peake: My right hon. Friend is most anxious that this important inquiry should proceed, but at the same time there are great physical and other difficulties about carrying on with a Commission of 16 Members under present conditions.
  Mr. Buchanan: Is the hon. Member aware that a Commission previously reported in favour of increased payments, and in view of the increased cost of living
  1822
  will the Government, while awaiting this report, bring in an interim measure to implement the report of the previous Commission?
  Mr. Peake: We shall, of course, keep a careful watch on the question of the cost of living.

  CIVIL DEFENCE.

    AIR-RAID SHELTERS.
    Sir H. Williamsasked the Home Secretary whether he can make a statement as to the progress made under the Civil Defence Act in connection with blocks of flats, commercial buildings and factories, respectively?
    The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Home Security (Mr. Lennox-Boyd): Substantial progress has been made with this work; but the period of three months within which the Civil Defence Act requires reports to be made by the occupiers of factories and the owners of commercial buildings on the shelter provision which they are providing or propose to provide does not elapse until 14th November next, and until these reports have been received and digested detailed information will not be available. Reports are not required to be made under the Civil Defence Act in the case of privately-owned blocks of flats.
    Mr. Herbert Morrison: Is the Minister aware that in a very large proportion of cases nothing whatever is being done in respect of privately-owned flats, and that nothing, apparently, has been fixed up; and can the right hon. Gentleman communicate with the owners of such flats?
    Mr. Lennox-Boyd: As the right hon. Gentleman knows, there is an enabling Section in the Civil Defence Act for tenants of privately-owned flats to demand some provision from the owner of the flats.
    Miss Wilkinson: And as the hon. Gentleman knows, it is perfectly useless.
    Sir Irving Alberyasked the Home Secretary whether he has now received information showing what number of Anderson steel shelters have been refused by those entitled to receive them free; and what action he proposes to take with regard to these shelters?
    Mr. Lennox-Boyd: Before the outbreak of war, the number of eligible householders who refused to be listed as willing to receive shelters was considerable, and there was an additional smaller number who, having allowed themselves to be listed for shelters, refused them when they were delivered. Since the outbreak of war the number of refusals has been negligible, and, of those who refused shelters earlier, large numbers are now pressing their local authorities to supply them. The issue which my hon. Friend had in mind, therefore, no longer arises.
    Sir I. Albery: Can my hon. Friend say whether it will now be possible to supply the larger type of shelters?
    Mr. Lennox-Boyd: I am afraid I could not give an assurance of that kind.
    Mr. Saltasked the Home Secretary whether he will instruct local authorities to allocate a proportion of air-raid shelters to householders whose income is above £250 per annum who are prepared to pay for them; and to state immediately what percentage he will permit to be sold to such applicants, in view of the fact that men whose income is only slightly greater than that which secures free shelters are equally in need of them?
    Mr. Lennox-Boyd: With regard to the first part of the question, I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which my right hon. Friend gave to a question by the hon. Member for Lewisham, West, on 26th September. As regards the second part, it would not be practicable to lay down a fixed percentage of the supplies made to local authorities in the vulnerable areas which would be available for purchase, having regard to the varying circumstances and varying demands for shelters in different areas.
    Mr. Salt: Cannot the Minister allocate at least a certain proportion to these people, and provide some shelter for people who may be over the income limit but whose need is quite as great as the need of others?
    Mr. Lennox-Boyd: If my hon: Friend will read my answer and the previous answer he will find partial satisfaction in them.

  ALIENS (NATURALISATION).
  Mr. Anstruther-Grayasked the Home Secretary whether he will give an
  1824
  assurance that the forecast grant of working permits to refugees granted asylum in this country will not be held necessarily to qualify them for naturalisation?
  Mr. Peake: There are already many aliens who are allowed to take employment, including many domestic servants, and there is no necessary connection between permission to take employment and eligibility for naturalisation. If, however, an alien renders good service to this country during the war, account must obviously be taken of this, together with all other relevant considerations, should he subsequently apply for naturalisation.
  Mr. Anstruther-Gray: Will my hon. Friend also consider that, in the event of there being an unemployment problem after the war, it would be unsatisfactory to have naturalised aliens filling jobs that ought to be open to British-born subjects?
  Mr. Peake: I think I have made it clear that employment itself does not give any added title to naturalisation.

  JEWISH REFUGEE CHILDREN.
  Mr. Anstruther-Grayasked the Home Secretary what steps it is proposed to take to evacuate to their country of ultimate settlement the thousands of Jewish children recently admitted to temporary refuge in this country?
  Mr. Peake: These children were admitted with a view to their being maintained and educated here and being emigrated at a later date when they are old enough, if conditions in Germany were still such that they could not return to their parents. In present circumstances it would be premature to attempt to formulate general plans as to their ultimate destinations.

  SHOPS (EARLY CLOSING).
  Mr. Saltasked the Home Secretary whether, before deciding on the earlier closing of shops, he will give an assurance that the position of small shop keepers, often living on the same premises, whose services are of great value to those living in thickly populated areas who are especially useful during the hours affected by the black-out, since they are

  1825
  near at hand will be taken into consideration, as owing to the working of night shifts and increase of overtime the earlier closing of small shops during the war is likely to cause much inconvenience?
  Mr. Peake: My right hon. Friend is taking into consideration the question of the small shops with all other -relevant factors.

  HOUSE OF COMMONS REFRESHMENT DEPARTMENT.
  Commander Locker-Lampsonasked the hon. Member for Dulwich as Chairman of the Kitchen Committee, whether he can now say what steps have been taken to improve the conditions of employment of the waiters of this House?
  Mr. Bracewell Smith: The staff quarters for the waiters have been substantially improved, and the structural alterations are almost completed.
  Lieut.-Colonel Sir A. Lambert Ward: Is my hon. Friend aware that conditions of employment to-day in the Refreshment Department, could be greatly improved if hon. Members would dine here more frequently?

  FISH FRYERS, HORWICH.
  Mr. Rhys Daviesasked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster whether he is aware of the inconvenience caused to fish fryers at Horwich who are compelled to fetch their supplies from St. Helens; that Bolton is much nearer, and transport facilities better to and from the latter town; and whether he will take steps to remove this difficulty?
  The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (Mr. W. S. Morrison): Now that the scheme of control for fish which was introduced on the outbreak of war has been abandoned, I hope that the particular difficulties referred to by the hon. Member have ceased to exist.

  PARCEL RATES (ARMED FORCES).
  Mr. Hollinsasked the Postmaster- General whether he is aware that the Army Post Office is making - postal charges up to 6s. 6d. per parcel sent to members of His Majesty's Forces serving overseas and that the inland postage for
  1826
  a similar parcel is only is.; whether he will authorise the same rate for overseas parcels as for inland parcels; and whether he will consider allowing relatives and friends to send one parcel per month free of postage?
  The Postmaster-General (Major Tryon):I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member for Burnley (Mr. Burke) on 2nd October.
  Mr. Hollins: Was any reference made in the answer to the system that is now in operation?
  Major Tryon: Not directly, but as I said we are going into the whole matter with the Service Departments.
  Mr. Pethick-Lawrence: What was the answer to which the right hon. and gallant Gentleman refers?
  Major Tryon: I explained yesterday that we were going into this matter with the Service Departments, and as soon as we have come to a satisfactory conclusion I will announce it. I hope we shall be able to conclude an arrangement which will be satisfactory to those concerned and to the House.
  Mr. Shinwell: If the right hon. and gallant Gentleman thinks that the conclusion will be satisfactory to the House why cannot he announce it now?
  Major Tryon: I think it is better to arrive at a conclusion before announcing it.
  Mr. Viant: Has the right hon. And gallant Gentleman any idea when the decisions will be arrived at?
  Major Tryon: I hope it will be as soon as possible.

  MINISTRY OF INFORMATION.
  Sir Archibald Sinclair(by Private Notice) asked the Prime Minister whether the announcement that the chief regional information officers and their staffs are to be abolished means (a) that the Department of the Ministry of Information under Professor John Hilton is also to be abolished; (b) that the plan for all-party regional and constituency committees to collaborate with the Ministry of Information is to be abandoned?
  The Prime Minister: The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. With regard to the second part, the right hon. Gentleman is under a misapprehension. As stated in the public announcement on the subject, my Noble riend's purpose in putting the salaried staff of the regional organisation under notice was
  "to enable effect to be given with the least possible delay to any changes that may be found necessary."
  The regional organisation is, in fact, under immediate scrutiny, with a view to simplification and economy.
  Sir A. Sinclair: Does that mean that the fate of these constituency organisations and regional organisations is not yet decided, or that they are to be kept in being and the method of co-ordination of their work is still under consideration?
  The Prime Minister: It means that the whole regional organisation is under review. It is proposed to simplify it.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. Attlee: May I ask the Prime Minister whether he has any statement to make about the sitting of the House on Friday?
The Prime Minister: Yes, Sir. The House will recollect that last Thursday I suggested that if it were found possible to conclude the Committee stage of the Finance Bill on Thursday, there would be no need for the Government to ask the House to sit on Friday. From inquiries which have been made, I think that we may reasonably expect to complete the Committee stage of the Finance Bill by Thursday evening. In order to make this possible, I suggest that Parts I and II of the Bill should be disposed of to-morrow, and we might even begin the consideration of Part III. I am sure that Members in all parts of the House will be willing to co-operate in carrying out this programme. Accordingly, we shall not ask the House to sit on Friday of this week.
The usual statement on the business for next week will be made on Thursday.

SELECTION (CHAIRMEN'S PANEL) (PARLIAMENT ACT, 1911).
Colonel Gretton reported from the Committee of Selection; That, in pursuance of Section 1, sub-section (3), of the Parliament Act, 1911, they had ap-
1828
pointed from the Chairmen's Panel, in place of Sir Hugh O'Neill, Sir Cyril Entwistle, with whom Mr. Speaker shall consult, if practicable, before giving his certificate to a Money Bill.
Report to lie upon the Table.

WAR SITUATION.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn." — [Captain Margesson.]
3.49 p.m.
The Prime Minister (Mr. Chamberlain):In the last week events of great importance have occurred in the international field. On 26th September the German Foreign Minister paid a visit to Moscow, and on 28th September the results of this visit were proclaimed. These results were threefold. In the first place, a fourth partition of Poland has been attempted, and an agreement has been signed recognising as final the frontier between Russia and Germany. The line agreed upon was considerably more favourable to Germany than the provisional line of military occupation which had previously been laid down.
In the second place, the German and Soviet Governments have declared that their agreement has finally settled the questions arising out of the collapse of the Polish State and has created a solid foundation for lasting peace in Eastern Europe. In their opinion, the liquidation of the present war between Germany and England and France would be in the interests of all nations. Both Governments, they go on to say, will endeavour to achieve this object as quickly as possible. They assert that, should their efforts prove unsuccessful, England and France will bear the responsibility for the continuation of the war, and they add that the German and Soviet Governments will then consult together as to the measures they will take.
In the third place, an economic agreement between Germany and Russia is foreshadowed, under which Russia will supply raw materials to Germany and Germany will supply industrial goods produced over a lengthy period.
There has been in some quarters a demand that His Majesty's Government should define their attitude in the face of these developments, but I see nothing in what has happened that should lead this country to modify the attitude which it has felt it right to take.
The agreement between Germany and Russia and the subsequent partition of Poland between them has, of course,
1856
changed the position in Poland, but it by no means follows that the arrangement will enure to the ultimate advantage of Germany, and still less should it affect the aims of His Majesty's Government. There is nothing in that agreement that should cause us to do anything other than what we are doing now —mobilising all the resources and all the might of the British Empire for the effective prosecution of the war.
The reason for which this country entered the war has been frequently proclaimed. It was to put an end to the successive acts of German aggression which menaced the freedom and the very security of all the nations of Europe.
The immediate cause of the war was the deliberate invasion of Poland by Germany, the latest, but by no means the only, act of aggression planned and carried through by the German Government.
But if Poland was the direct occasion of war, it was not the fundamental cause. That cause was the overwhelming sense in this country and in France of the intolerable nature of a state of affairs in which the nations of Europe were faced with the alternative of jeopardising their freedom or of mobilising their forces at regular intervals to defend it.
The passage in the Russo-German declaration about the liquidation of the war is obscure, but it seems to combine a suggestion of some proposal for peace with a scarcely veiled threat as to the consequences if the proposal should be refused.
I cannot anticipate what the nature of any such proposal might be. But I can say at once that no threat would ever induce this country or France to abandon the purpose for which we have entered upon this struggle.
To attempt—as German propaganda does—to saddle us with the responsibility for continuing the war because we are not prepared to abandon the struggle before this purpose is achieved, is only another instance of German war technique. The responsibility for the war rests upon those who have conceived and carried out this policy of successive aggression, and it can neither be evaded nor excused.
And I would add one thing more. No mere assurances from the present German Government could be accepted by us. For that Government have too often

1857
proved in the past that their undertakings are worthless when it suits them that they should be broken. If, therefore, proposals are made, we shall certainly examine them and we shall test them in the light of what I have just said. Nobody desires the war to continue for an unnecessary day, but the overwhelming mass of opinion in this country, and I am satisfied also in France, is determined to secure that the rule of violence shall cease, and that the word of Governments, once pledged, must henceforth be kept.
These events in the international field and our reactions to them are necessarily uppermost in our minds to-day. The House will, however, wish me to give them a brief summary of the progress of the war since I last spoke.
On the Western Front some further progress has been made by the French, which has enabled them to secure useful points for observation over the German positions.
A large British Army has been transported to France and is taking its place alongside our French allies. We have reason to be proud of the efficiency with which this complicated movement has been carried out.
Reconnaissance flights, both by day and by night, are being made by the Royal Air Force Units in France, and there have been encounters with enemy fighter aircraft. An account of the heroic combat above the Siegfried Line, in which five Battle aircraft fought 15 Messerschmidt fighters has already been made public and has attracted the warm admiration of our French allies.
Aircraft of the Coastal Command have continued, throughout the week, to carry out anti-submarine and other routine patrols, escort work, and special reconnaissances, and advantage has been taken of the light of the moon to continue the relentless hunting of submarines during the night hours. A number of U-boats have been sighted and attacked.
As already announced, attacks were made on units of the German Fleet by aircraft of the Bomber Command on 29th September. As a result of one of these attacks, prosecuted in the teeth of fierce opposition, both from anti-aircraft gunfire and from enemy fighters, we suffered some losses, but the Germans have
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admitted that two of their attacking fighters were shot down.
At sea, the war against the submarine has continued with unabated vigour. On 20th September last I expressed in this House the opinion that the rapid increase in the numbers, power and efficiency of our hunting craft, together with the employment of the convoy system, would cause the submarine menace to dwindle no less rapidly. I am happy to say that events have shown my confidence to be justified. Trade is flowing to and from our ports in an ever-increasing volume. As I speak, hundreds of vessels are moving over the great ocean routes. They are protected both by convoy and by the unremitting and relentless action of our anti-submarine forces.
Between 11th and 20th September, 1,485 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 3,679,000 tons, entered or cleared the ports of the United Kingdom. During that period only 1.25 per cent, of these ships and 1.75 per cent, of the total tonnage was lost by U-boat attacks or by mines. No ship has been lost in convoy.
Between 20th and 24th September three British ships, of an aggregate tonnage of 7,627 tons, were sunk by German submarines. Since then, that is to say for a period of over a week, no British ship has been reported sunk by enemy submarine action. This may, in part, be due to the fact that the U-boats at sea at the beginning of the war are now being relieved by others putting out from German ports. But there is ample evidence that submarines are still operating round our coasts. The absence of sinkings, therefore, is, in the main, due to the successful measures adopted by the Navy.
The U-boats are being hunted from home waters where our shipping must inevitably congregate and where in consequence it is most vulnerable. German submarines, therefore, in their efforts to avoid our warships are being driven to operate in far distant waters. In those seas their menace cannot be so great; but until they can be found and destroyed they may be an embarrassment.
Another and more sinister development of the U-boat warfare is the announcement by Germany that she will regard every vessel of the British Merchant Navy as a warship. If this means anything, it means that she will

1859
pursue an unrestricted submarine campaign. The right to arm merchant ships for self-defence is one of the well-established principles of international law. Since the war commenced, our merchant shipping has been subjected to attack without warning or in circumstances which put their crews in jeopardy by forcing them to take to the boats, often miles from land or rescue, a procedure directly contrary to international maritime law. These illegal attacks only serve to underline the importance of providing our shipping with adequate defensive equipment; and we are pressing on with this with the utmost dispatch.
Further evidence of unrestricted submarine warfare is to be found in the number of neutral merchant ships Germany has sunk. Since the outbreak of war, the total of these sinkings amounts to seven ships, of a gross tonnage of 13,194 tons. In addition, eight ships with a gross tonnage of 27,765 tons have been sunk by mines or bombing.
Evidence has been received that a German raider is operating in the South Atlantic. One of our ships has been sunk and the crew has been picked up by a neutral ship. This fresh menace will be dealt with according to prearranged plans.
The reiterated mis-statements of the German broadcasts have given prominence to the action in the middle of the North Sea on Tuesday, 26th September, between German bombing planes and certain units of the Home Fleet. The Germans have claimed the sinking of the Aircraft Carrier "Ark Royal," later changed to "Glorious" or even "Furious," and severe damage to battleships without loss to themselves. The facts are that no British ship was damaged and that all of them, the "Ark Royal" included, are carrying out .their normal duties, sublimely unconscious of these rumours. The only casualties incurred in that action were suffered by the German aircraft themselves. Four of the crew of these aircraft are prisoners in our hands.
The preparations of the Dominions, to which I have referred in previous statements, are continuing, and I should like this week to tell the House of the splendid help we are receiving from two other
1860
parts of the Empire, Newfoundland and Southern Rhodesia. In Newfoundland, arrangements are already being made to recruit for the Royal Navy some hundreds of men from the Newfoundland fishing fleet. The House will recollect the magnificent service rendered by Newfoundland men in the last war. Southern Rhodesia has mobilised its forces, and is giving us very welcome assistance by providing officers and men for service, both on land and in the air, outside the borders of this self-governing Colony.
There is little that I need say to-day about developments on the Home Front. As hon. Members know, National Registration Day was fixed by Order as Friday, 29th September. During the week beginning 17th September the local officers in charge of the enumeration mobilised their enumerators; and on the 24th September these enumerators, totalling 65,000 in Great Britain, began delivering schedules for the purpose of the returns due to be made on the 29th. Enumerators are now making their rounds for the collection of schedules and the writing and issue of identity cards.
The difficulties usually experienced by enumerators in finding people at home to receive or deliver the schedule were greatly increased by the present unusual family distribution and the black-out conditions at night. I am glad, however, to be able to say that, so far as reports are available, the whole machine appears to be working well and smoothly.
Finally, I have a statement to make about a matter which has attracted considerable attention and given rise to anxiety in the House and the country— the work of the Ministry of Information. As I stated on Thursday last, the responsibility of the Ministry for news has not extended in any way beyond the provision of means for its communication to the Press. A review has now been made of the arrangements for the distribution of news, including the question of direct contact between the Press and the Departments. The subject has been fully discussed with the representatives of the Press with a. view to meeting their convenience in the matter.
As a result it has been decided that there shall be a reversion to the practice existing prior to the outbreak of war, whereby the Press representatives had direct contact with the various Govern-

1861
ment Departments, those Departments themselves furnishing the Press with all official communications in such manner as was found most appropriate. Each Department will, therefore, now make its own arrangements for communicating news to the Press representatives.
It has, however, .been represented to the Minister that the mechanical facilities provided in the building occupied by the Ministry for the receipt and distribution of Government communications have proved of great convenience to a large section of the Press. There is no present intention to do away with these facilities, which will continue to be utilised as a channel by which official communications will be issued to the Press. In any case in which official communications are made direct by Departments, the same communications will be issued simultaneously through the central channel.
I should add that some difficulty must be expected in connection with the supply and distribution of news in time of war: the revised arrangements now proposed are intended to reduce difficulties to a minimum, and I feel sure that I can rely upon the Press to co-operate in their smooth working. The new arrangements will come into force on Monday morning next.
As regards the censorship, which is at present housed at the Ministry of Information, the responsibility for censorship must rest, like the responsibility for news and its distribution, upon the Departments which are concerned with the subject-matter. Departments will, of course, exercise their own control as regards the news that they give out. The central censorship, which is concerned with material or messages submitted by the Press (voluntarily in the case of matter for use in this country) will, as before, be operated by Censor Officers guided by the directions of the Departments.
In the event of questions arising as to any particular censorship operation, the Minister in charge of the Department affected will answer for it in Parliament. Sir Walter Monckton has been appointed Controller of Censorship; he will at the same time supervise the arrangements for the central communication of news to the Press.
4.10 p.m.
Mr. Attlee: I welcome the statement made by the Prime Minister with regard
1862
to the situation that has arisen through the forcible division of Poland between two great Powers. That fact does not really alter-the situation which caused us to enter upon this war, and the fact that Poland has been overrun is not different from the fact that almost all Belgium was overrun in the last War or that Servia was overrun. Belgium rose again: Poland will rise again. The spirit of the Polish people is not defeated. The Prime Minister is right, in my view, in saying that we must examine carefully every kind of proposal for peace, but we must deal with realities. It is no good saying that there is peace when there is no peace, and the mere reversion to a situation of the last year or so would not bring the world back to peace, because, in fact, this war began long before there was any formal declaration of war. We shall require deeds, and not merely words, before we can get any substantial basis for peace when we look at what has happened previously. I, therefore, welcome the Prime Minister's statement that this country and France stand where we are, because we are standing essentially for a real peace and not a sham peace, and for the safety of all peoples, and not merely considering only our own people. With that, as the Prime Minister said, every one of us would welcome any real possibility of ending this war, and no one would wish to prolong it any longer than is absolutely necessary.
The Prime Minister has given us some very interesting particulars with regard to our success in dealing with the submarine menace. I welcome that, because the more information we can get in this country the better. We were disturbed— I think everyone has been disturbed—at the attacks which are now being made on neutral vessels, and I hope that we shall soon hear more of the proposal for the convoying of neutral vessels, but it is a great satisfaction that at present, as far as we can see, the main attack of the submarines has been well held in check. The Prime Minister also told us something of the air warfare, which we hope to have an opportunity of discussing at greater length later on. There are one or two points I would like to raise this afternoon. We cannot go very far into the international situation, which is still so obscure. We cannot at the present time decide exactly what has been the effect of the Russo-German Pact. It is

1863
rather as if one or two great animals were engaged in some kind of struggle, and no one quite knows whether they are in agreement or whether they are fighting, or which is going to swallow which in the end.
But to turn to the home front, the Prime Minister told us something of changes in the Ministry of Information. It is time that this House should discuss Very fully the whole matter of the Ministry of Information. I understand that it is being reconstructed. In answer to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Caithness (Sir A. Sinclair) the Prime Minister explained that changes were being made in regional organisations. He also explained certain changes in regard to the giving out of news and censorship, but I think it is time that this House had a full discussion on the whole organisation of this Ministry and got the thing in some kind of perspective. I would ask, therefore, whether we could have a day next week in which the House could express its views on the Ministry of Information, so that if it is to be reconstructed it may be reconstructed more in line with the views of the Members of this House, and, I think, of the general public.
I wish to raise one or two points on the Ministry of Information, but, first of all I would like to ask as to whether the German broadcast is being given at the right time. It has been represented to me that it is failing in its object, because when the German workers would like to listen in, they get dance music, and when there is news which they might like to hear, they are at work. The second thing I have to ask is as to whether the Ministry of Information is really getting down to a proper study of the psychology of the German people? It is no good serving to another nation exactly the kind of things you put out to this nation. You have different mentalities, and I wonder whether full use is being taken of the many Germans who are on the side of democracy and who can help with advice. I would like, also, that we should be able to discuss more fully the question again of the British Broadcasting Corporation about which I asked a question the other day. That, again, is a matter of information, but, generally speaking, I think that the Ministry of Information was formed wrongly at the start. When attacking it,
1864
I do not think we would be fair to attack the present Minister who had to take over something which had been formed already before he got there. I have no doubt that he is trying to reform it and we should like to help him in that.
What the country does really need is a great deal more information. In the broadcast given by the First Lord of the Admiralty we got more information than we get in a great many news bulletins, and in a better way. I think sometimes they get more information in the Empire broadcasts than we get at home. There seems to be a kind of idea that the people who ought to know anything are the people who do not tell us. I am quite sure that that is wrong. The whole question of censorship should be discussed. I do not know that I was very pleased with the statement of the Prime' Minister that we were to have censorship in separate Departments. It is always dangerous when censorship takes a narrow Departmental point of view. You want an extremely wise and broadminded person to direct censorship.
There are a few other questions I should like to ask. We are anxious to see the legislation on profiteering introduced as soon as possible, and also the legislation for the Ministry of Shipping. There is one more point I want to raise this afternoon, and I think it is a very important one. We were all glad to hear from the Prime Minister of what is being done by the people of Newfoundland and the people of Southern Rhodesia. It is very vital in this struggle that we should make clear by deeds as well as words that we are standing for democracy and not for imperialism. We have to consider that fact in dealing with all these people who are standing together with us in this war. We must not think that because there is a war on development under self-government should stop in our Colonial Empire. The amazing unity of the British Commonwealth of Nations is due to the fact that there has been a free association of free people.
In this connection I would refer to the great country of India. The Indian people are with us in our fight for democracy, but they wish to come in not as dependants but as free and equal partners. I do not think the Indian people have been handled tactfully in this

1865
matter. I welcome the news that the Viceroy has seen Mr. Gandhi, but I think that should have been done earlier. I think the Congress, which to-day controls the government of a great majority of Indian Provinces, should have been brought in with the closest consolidation with the Government at the start. The Government must try to show more imaginative insight in dealing with the Indian people. The declaration of the Congress shows where the sympathy of the Indian people lies, and they want to do their share as equals. We should remember that declaration which was made by Lord Halifax on 29th October, that India's place in the British Commonwealth still stands. I thought that more might have been said by the Secretary of State for India in another place the other day; I hope we shall get a statement in this House, and I hope it will be one such as will show the Indian people that in this matter they are coming in on a level with us. I say that because it is an outstanding instance of the need for telling the whole world what this country stands for. The Government have shown a lack of imagination and initiative in not rallying sufficiently behind them all those forces in the world which are really with them but which need just a touch of inspiration.
4.23 p.m.
Sir Archibald Sinclair: I have listened with satisfaction to the speeches of the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition on the main issue with which we arc confronted to-day. The whole country, and I believe all parties in this House, earnestly want peace, but we are not prepared to buy peace at the sacrifice of freedom and of the moral values of our civilisation. We know that as long as this" great and powerful country of Germany is governed by Herr Hitler and the people who now surround him, we shall constantly be faced with that choice of which the Prime Minister spoke between submission to his will and war. It is, therefore, essential for us to continue with this war until that force of Hitlerism in Germany is broken. We feel no hatred for the German people. I, for my part, hope and believe that there will arise in Germany a Government more truly representative of the German people who will be prepared to make with us a peace, the benefits of which would be
1866
shared by the German people as much as by those of France and Britain. I think there are no terms of peace which such a German Government might offer which we ought not to be willing to discuss, but let us be sure that the peace when it is made is one which will secure the liberties of Europe and of our own people, and will bear within itself the seeds of permanence.
That is why it is impossible for us to contemplate a peace with Herr Hitler on the terms which he is suggesting to the world at the present time. If people ask why we cannot trust the word of Herr Hitler, if Herr Hitler tries to persuade us that we can place confidence in the pledges which he gives us, the answer is that even now he is breaking the pledges which he so recently voluntarily assumed to observe the rules of sea warfare and to make sure that the crews and passengers of peaceful ships which are attacked by his submarines shall be put into safety. Now on a flimsy pretext he is saying that German submarines will attack our merchant ships at sight. Similarly he recently gave to the neutrals of Europe a pledge that he would not interfere with their shipping except in accordance with the strict rules of warfare in order to watch that they do not carry contraband, and again on a flimsy pretext he is breaking that pledge which he has so recently given. Therefore, my hon. Friends and I associate ourselves with the answer which the Prime Minister has given to Herr Hitler this afternoon.
I was a little disappointed that the Prime Minister was not followed by the Secretary of State for Air. On the last occasion when the First Lord of the Admiralty spoke of the war at sea, I ventured to suggest that perhaps the Secretary of State for Air would speak to us on a future occasion, and I observed in certain newspapers a statement which was no doubt an unfounded rumour, to the effect that he was contemplating doing so.
The Prime Minister: I think it will be next week.
Sir A. Sinclair: I am much obliged to the Prime Minister for his information. We were, however, grateful to the Prime Minister for the account which he gave us of the activities of the Air Force, but if we pay tribute to their gallantry and skill in such actions as that at Brunsbuttel,

1867
our words must not be interpreted by the Government as a demand for frittering away valuable lives and equipment on enterprises for which there is no adequate military justification merely in order to obtain glory for British arms. This war is much too serious for that. It should be prosecuted vigorously wherever opportunities present themselves; but the lessons of the war in Poland seem to emphasise those of operations in other theatres of war in recent years—that the effective employment of aircraft is an indispensable factor in obtaining victory in the decisive struggle on land, and it follows that close co-operation with the French and British armies in France may well prove to be the most important role of the Royal Air Force during the next few months.
Let me now revert to a point on which I have spoken before in these Debates— the question of man power. I would relate my observations to the important War Office statement which appeared in the "Times" this morning. According to the communiques which were published in July it was anticipated that 34,000 recruits would be called up then and 40,000 in September, whereas according to the figures which I gave to the House last week which were taken from the public Press, only 24,000 were actually called up and trained in July and only 18,000 in September.
There is a great deal of talk about a three years' war, but it will not be a three years' war if Hitler can help it. If he can manage it he will finish it in six months. It is, therefore, urgently vital that we should do all in our power to give the utmost support to the French Army which will be bearing the main strain of the struggle during the next six months. We need the troops quickly, but they must be well trained and well equipped before they go. There are such troops in India and in our garrisons overseas, which could in part be replaced by older men, ex-service men of experience in the last war, and by young men who have been enlisted recently by some of our Territorial battalions, who could complete their training under garrison conditions in India and other places overseas. But the War Office will not touch these volunteers. I am receiving many protests from all parts of the country that there axe thousands of men who are only too
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anxious to obtain an opportunity to serve in the armed Forces of the Crown but are denied it at the present time.
The War Office says that it is a haphazard system to ask volunteers to go into the Army. The Financial Secretary to the War Office called it a haphazard system, but it seems to me to be a very natural system. In that way you would get recruits of different ages going into the Army at the same time, whereas at the present time we are getting none but young men of from 20 to 22, all of the same age. The problem does not arise under the voluntary system, because you gel recruits of all ages, and it does not arise under a conscript system which has been working 20 years, because then your conscripts are of all ages who can be called up as they are required; but it arises in our present position, and we shall soon be having units, infantry battalions and batteries of artillery, very largely, if not almost entirely, composed of men of the ages of 20 to 22 or 23. I would, therefore, strongly urge that the question of combining the advantages of the voluntary system with the conscript system should be considered. The War Office communique of this morning to which I referred, which appeared in the "Times," says that we have to some extent got these advantages because of the response to the Prime Minister's appeal in the summer to raise the Territorial Army to war strength, and then to double it; but even in that way we get nothing like what we got at the beginning of the last war, when 500,000 men came forward in five weeks. We could get a similar number now if an appeal were made for volunteers, in addition to working the system of conscription.
There is, moreover, an incidental advantage about the voluntary system. In the last war the voluntary system compelled the Government to have a recruiting system under which public meetings were held all over the country, and on platforms throughout the land the Government's policy in the war was widely stated. It seems to me that we are coming to a point at which some such effort ought to be made, in order to bring home to the people what it is we are fighting about. The country needs leadership. Let me say at once—it is an easy thing to say, because everybody agrees with it, but it would be ungracious and ungrateful if we did not say

1869
it —that we owe a great debt of gratitude to the First Lord of the Admiralty for his speech last week and his magnificent broadcast, which gave to the country a sense of purpose and power of leadership which is very badly needed. That example ought to be followed up, and we ought to have a campaign of meetings throughout the country to enlighten the people, to clarify the issues, to strengthen the national purpose and to concentrate the national effort on the vigorous prosecution of the war.
That brings me to what the Prime Minister said about the Ministry of Information. His statement about the regional committees was irrelevant to the main charges brought against the Ministry. The main complaint against the Ministry is that it is not providing us with sufficient news. What we want is a Ministry with men in it of sufficient authority over the Services to ensure that the public receive the news for which it is thirsting and to which it is entitled. What the Prime Minister said about the appointment of Sir Walter Monckton was very much to the point, and I should like to congratulate him upon it. I hope that that appointment will bear fruit. The regional committees ought to be able to perform a very valuable function. I do not know what will happen if they are disbanded. I imagine that each party would carry on its own propaganda in its own proper way. I should have thought that there was advantage in providing a means for co-ordinating the propaganda and bringing it into harmony with the general national purpose.
In conclusion, I would say that the war is now likely to enter on a new and grimmer phase. Parliament, as the First Lord of the Admiralty said in his broadcast, is the shield of democracy and the means of national expression. As we enter this grimmer phase, indeed, before we enter it, we ought in Parliament to consider very carefully the position with which the country is faced and the choices of action which are open to it. The only way we can do that fully and adequately —reverting to a proposal I have made on other occasions—is that we should have a secret Session. The people are resolute. They fully realise the very grave decisions which will have to be taken during the next few weeks. They know that many problems will have to be thrashed out and that many of those
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problems are of a nature which cannot be thrashed out in public, and I believe it would give them confidence if they knew that their representatives in Parliament were taking the only step that would enable them to thrash out all these questions in secret discussion, on the Floor of this House, when Members on all sides could speak out freely and give their counsel to the Government.
4.40 p.m.
Mr. Lloyd George: I rise not so much to take part in the Debate as to ask one or two questions of the Prime Minister. At the beginning of his very interesting statement the Prime Minister said that his difficulty with regard to even considering any proposals of peace which come from Herr Hitler himself is that he has very good reason for doubting his good faith. I quite sympathise with him in that respect; there is certainly every reason, and no one has greater reason than the Prime Minister himself. If the whole situation with regard to the question of peace were dependent upon the word of Herr Hitler I am afraid that we should have no alternative but to proceed until we got some other and better and more assured guarantee. What I want to put to the Prime Minister is this. It is clear that the statement issued last week, the combined statement of the Russian and German Governments with regard to the agreement they had arrived at, was only a provisional one. They were not putting forward any terms of peace. It was a proposal which we certainly should not contemplate. It was that we should accept as an accomplished fact the conquest of Poland and the absorption or assimilation of Poland and that we should base any terms of peace upon that assumption. We do not agree with that.
But it is quite clear from what appears in the Press—I get it from our own Press who have derived it from other sources, notably Italian sources and perhaps Russian sources—that there has been a discussion between the parties concerned, I mean Russia and Germany and Italy, of more detailed terms of peace. There is a good deal that we do not know. We do not know, for instance, what is proposed to be done with Poland, and that is a very vital matter. I was very glad that the First Lord of the Admiralty in his powerful broadcast on Sunday night did draw a distinction between the attitude of the Russian Government and that

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of the German Government. I could give many reasons, but this is not the opportunity for doing so, for treating even the partition of Poland, in so far as the Russian part is concerned, in a totally different spirit from that part which appertains to Herr Hitler and the German Government. Whether the parts of Poland which they have annexed are truly Russian is a matter for discussion. Since the announcement that it was proposed that peace terms should be proffered there has been detailed discussion in Moscow between the German Government and Mr. Stalin. What happened we do not know. There have been discussions at the invitation of Herr Hitler with the Italian Government, and let me say that I do not think the Italian Government have shown any hostility towards this country during the last few days; on the whole they have shown a friendly disposition.
We do not know, therefore, what has really passed, but it is quite clear that somebody is going to submit, whether formally or by broadcast or otherwise, detailed terms for the consideration of the Government. I think it is very important that we should not come to too hurried a conclusion. It needs very careful consideration. I agree with the Prime Minister entirely that if it depended on the statement of Herr Hitler that we should accept the conquest of Poland as an accomplished fact and enter into peace on those terms we should be dishonoured, but it is quite clear that you are going to get something which goes far beyond that. I have nothing upon which I can base this statement except what has appeared in the British Press. There are other questions which will have to be considered—not merely Poland. There is the question of Czecho-Slovakia, which in many ways is, I think, a better case, but, at any rate, it is a question which has to be considered. Not a word has been said about that by Herr Hitler or any other Government. There is also the very important question of the Colonies, which I have no doubt will be raised, and where this House might express some general opinion for the instruction of the Government.
I hope the House will allow me to continue as I feel a real sense of responsibility, and I know how difficult it is to do this sort of thing in the middle of
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a war. Everybody says that if you begin to talk like that you are weakening the Government. I do not propose to do anything to weaken the Government, but I would ask the House and the Government to pause, not to hurry to come to a conclusion if, for instance, there is a document which comes from the Italian Government or the Russian Government, which as far as we are concerned are both neutral. I hope that the Government are treating them purely as neutrals; the First Lord did so on Sunday night, and it is vital that we should. "We do not want to multiply our enemies. We have got quite as much as we can do to conquer one without adding one or two more.
Let us consider what we are doing. We are entering upon something which involves the whole life of this Empire and the whole future of our people. What I want to ask the Prime Minister is this: Suppose we get a document of that kind, it makes a difference in two respects. In the first place, it comes from neutral Governments, and, in the second place, they will be just as involved as we are in seeing that whatever terms are come to are implemented; they will not be dependent merely on the word of one Government. You will have the signatures of at least two more. The third question is that of disarmament, because no peace would be a permanent peace unless it involved some agreement with regard to disarmament.
Mr. MacLaren: And Free Trade.
Mr. Lloyd George: I do not want to express an opinion on that; naturally, economic questions would have to be discussed. The question of disarmament might involve bringing in the Far East, for the simple reason that you could not have disarmament as long as there were great armies in the Far East attacking a friendly nation. Then there would be the question of whether the United States of America should be brought in. In my judgment, if you had a conference, I will not say it would be fatal, but it would be a first-class mistake, to enter into it unless you invited not merely Russia and Italy, but also the United States of America. There you have one great Power the interests of which are not European interests, and which has not been involved in any of these European disputes and quarrels. I should like to

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ask the Prime Minister whether he does not think it desirable, when he gets a more detailed proposal—a proposal which has a backing which is less suspect, at any rate, than any one which we have had up to the present, more detailed and less tainted—that we should have a discussion on it in the House? The House of Commons ought to be consulted. In my judgment, there have been too many hasty decisions—I have protested against them at the time—with regard to the whole of this war. Whatever we do, do not let us make that mistake. We have nothing to lose—perhaps everything to gain, but certainly, nothing to lose—by taking time. If we had a broken enemy and we were pursuing him, and we were giving him time to reorganise his forces, it would be another matter; but we are only just beginning, and neither of us in that position. Let us take time.
I would also urge upon the Prime Minister, quite earnestly, the suggestion made by my right hon. Friend that our discussion should be in secret Session. After all, here you have the representatives of the people. Nobody outside would say that we are trying to keep information from them more than they would say it in regard to the Cabinet. [Interruption.] Oh, yes; you could. We had three secret Sessions during the Great War, one of them at the suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty. I never heard of a single word going out from those secret Sessions. There was not a syllable that got into any newspaper, even the pacifist newspapers that were criticising the Government. There was not a single word that got into the foreign Press. I was Prime Minister at the time, and I gave answers to the House which I would not have cared to give had they been broadcast, as they concerned military conditions. It was very satisfactory to the House, and it enabled us to go on with greater confidence. In such a session one could give reasons both for and against which perhaps it would not be desirable to have reported fully.
There is one additional reason why I urge that the Government and the House should take seriously into consideration any proposals for peace which were specific, detailed, broad, which excluded nothing, but reviewed all the subjects that have been the cause of all the troubles of the last few years. It would
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be of no use doing this unless you put an end to them. A mere patched-up peace would not be of the slightest use, because you would have to begin again. Therefore, you have to settle all the problems that are menacing the peace of the world, including the claims of Italy—I have not ruled them out of consideration. My reason is this. The fate of this war may depend not upon Britain and France and Germany, but upon neutrals. Who are the neutrals? Italy has proclaimed herself neutral. Russia has proclaimed herself neutral. Do not rule that out in too great a hurry. The United States of America are neutral. The fate of this war may depend upon the attitude of those three Powers. There are three things which they can do. One is to take sides—and we should have a real peril if we had to face three great Powers, or two great Powers, instead of one. But without taking sides, they can be either friendly or unfriendly neutrals. It makes all the difference in the world. We know that of the United States of America; the United States of America know it. They can help us as neutrals. When you come to Russia and Italy, within the limits of neutrality they can make all the difference in the world between being helpful and friendly neutrals and hostile neutrals.
My two questions to the Prime Minister are these. First, will he give the House of Commons an opportunity, if there are detailed declarations in the course of the next few days—something more to go on than we have at the present moment—will he give the House an opportunity to discuss them? He has had very solid support from the House of Commons, and, therefore, he may depend upon it that whatever discussion we had here would be from the point of view of people who are sincerely anxious to help the Government to establish right, freedom and justice in the world. The second question is whether the Prime Minister does not think it desirable that we should have a secret Session where all those who feel that they have a real contribution to make will be able to do so without feeling at any rate that when they say a thing they are saying something that may be distorted into something which is encouraging to the enemy.
5.0 p.m.
The Prime Minister: The right hon. Gentleman who has just addressed the

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House speaks with such authority in circumstances like these, that I believe I shall have the leave of the House in rising to say a few words in reply to the appeal which he has made. If I may, I will speak first of his second question which is really rather a minor matter. He asked whether I would agree that we should have a secret Session of the House. I confess I am not yet convinced of the value of a secret Session. Two different views have been put forward as to the reason for a secret Session. One, that the Government might tell the House in a secret Session what they would not venture to say in a public Session, and the other, that Members of the House would tell the Government in a secret Session what they would not venture to say to them in a public Session. As to that latter reason, surely there are opportunities for hon. Members to say anything they like to the Government if they think that it is of importance to the country, and if they do not want to say it in public they can say it in private, or they can write it. I cannot think that there is any value in a secret Session from that point of view.
I think a much more substantial ground for asking for a secret Session is the impression that the Government will be able to reveal in a secret Session, things which the House would like to know but which we should not like our enemies to know. The right hon. Gentleman says that during the last war there were such secret Sessions and that no secrets got out. Can we feel sure that there have been no developments in the last 20 years in Press ingenuity and in the technique of finding out what goes on behind closed doors? I am not thinking for one moment of the Press of this country. Even if the Press themselves were not to be trusted and I am sure that they can be, there is the censorship. What would be much more dangerous would be if something were telegraphed from here to a foreign country and reproduced there. Then we should be told that since it had appeared in a foreign country, it would be no use to conceal it here. Speaking for myself, I do not feel that I should have sufficient confidence in the secrecy of a secret Session to discuss any matter which was really important to the House but which I felt it was essential should not get to the ears
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of the enemy. Therefore, at any rate as at present advised, I do not feel disposed to think that a secret Session would really be of particular value.
Let me come to the much more important matter which was raised by the right hon. Gentleman and which culminated in his first question. The right hon. Gentleman's question was based upon a good many hypotheses. It is true that at present all we have had is what I would call an indication that some proposal might be made, but I said in my statement earlier this afternoon that I could not anticipate what the nature of that proposal might be. The right hon. Gentleman has anticipated it but he might be mistaken.
Mr. Lloyd George: All that I said, including those terms, has appeared in practically all the papers of this country.
The Prime Minister: I am not complaining in the least. We can all, of course, speculate as to what the nature of such a proposal might be. All I wanted to say was that at present we have received no such proposal, and I think it is too soon to assume that we are going to have proposals of such a detailed and comprehensive character as the right hon. Gentleman was suggesting would be made. On the other hand, it is quite possible that the offer might prove to be one which no self-respecting Government could consider at all. In such circumstances, I think really it would be wrong for me to say what the Government would do in circumstances which have not yet arisen. I will only say this in answer to the question which the right hon. Gentleman has put to me. He said, "If any such proposal is put forward, do not be in a hurry to give it an answer." I entirely agree. I see no reason why we should be in a hurry to give an answer to a proposal which really appeared to require serious consideration.
The right hon. Gentleman has complained before that we have taken decisions without consulting this House, but I would remind him that we have had to take very serious decisions because we have not had the time to come down here and put the case to the House and spend a day or two in considering it. When we gave the guarantee to Poland the matter was imminent. We did not know that Poland might not be invaded

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within a term which could be measured by hours and not by days. But a case of this kind is entirely different. I see no reason at all why the House should not have ample opportunity for seeing any proposals which may be put forward, for considering them and for hearing from the Government what they would recommend the House to approve by way of an answer. That, then, is my reply to the right hon. Gentleman. But let me once more repeat that no such proposal has yet come to us, and I think at this stage it would be premature to build any hopes upon the likelihood of such a proposal being made, although the House will realise that no man would welcome more whole-heartedly than I, any proposal which I could really feel had achieved the aims which I have described as the aims of this Government and of this country in entering into this war.
5 9 P.m.
Mr. Duff Cooper: The House always listens with deep respect and interest to anything which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) has to say at any time, and, with his great record and his long experience, no one has a better right to advise the House of Commons at the present time. In the short speech which he gave us this afternoon he put forward two considerations. First, he suggested that it was desirable that we should hold a secret Session, and, secondly, if I understood him correctly, that we should give every due consideration to any proposals for peace which might now be put forward. I must confess that I am sorry that the Prime Minister turned down the first suggestion, and, so far as I could understand, turned it down for ever, the suggestion of a secret Session. [Hon. Members: "No."] The reason that he gave for turning down that suggestion was that it would be impossible to keep what took place secret. That reason will grow in weight the longer the years go on and the longer the war continues. The more serious the position grows, the greater will be the danger of any secrets transpiring from a Session that takes place in the House of Commons. We have the right hon. Gentleman's own assurance— and he speaks as Prime Minister during the gravest years of the last war—that so far as he was aware no secrets of any
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importance ever got out as a result of a secret Session.
The present Prime Minister said that during these 20 years there may have been some development in Press technique. What has Press technique got to do with this? This is a question of treason. Does he mean that there has been any lessening of the loyalty of Members of the House of Commons, or that they are less to be trusted than they were 25 years ago? That is the only way secrets can get out. We are fighting this war in support of democratic institutions, and it may be that they will not survive, but it is a fearful confession to make at the outset of the war that they are less to be trusted than they were 25 years ago, and so, if that reason is a sound reason, it will remain sound for ever, and that is why the Prime Minister's reply seemed to me to turn down for ever the possibility of a secret Session. The other argument, that Members of the House of Commons could tell the Government in private what they thought, is really no argument at all. Anyone with any knowledge of Government technique knows that what takes place between private Members and a Minister carries no conviction to the Government as a whole, that letters from private Members to Ministers carry no weight, and that it is only when Ministers themselves meet the House of Commons in full Session that they are ever able to realise, or that we ourselves are able to realise, what the feeling of the House of Commons really is.
Having said that, I must say also that I think the strongest argument in favour of a secret Session is the speech made by the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs himself this afternoon. With all the respect which I owe to one of his high standing in the country, I must say that I deeply deplore and regret that speech. His is a name which is better known throughout Europe and throughout the world perhaps than that of any other Member sitting in this House to-day. His words will be reported, and they will be misrepresented—[An Hon. Member: "So will yours"]—Nobody will bother to report my words, but the right hon. Gentleman, with his long experience of politics, knows how his words will be misrepresented. If they had been spoken in a secret Session, they might have been valuable and helpful words,

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but being spoken in full and public Session of the House of Commons, they will go out to the world, with his name at the head of them, as a suggestion of surrender. He says that we should not lightly dismiss any terms now offered by the German Government, but what kind of terms are the German Government going to offer on the day after victory? They have just won, in a remarkably short space of time, an astounding victory. They have destroyed a vast country, an independent country; they have wiped it off the face of the map. A country that has come into existence as a result of the last war and that has been there for 20 years exists no more. Is it suggested that they are ready to offer terms that will do anything less than register that victory and stamp it on the face of Europe? Are they going now to suggest setting up again a real, independent Poland, with access to the sea? We know that without access to the sea Poland can no longer exist.
But suppose they go still further and offer such terms as we have never dreamed they would offer. Suppose they state that they will set up an independent State with its capital in Warsaw. Suppose the Soviet withdraw their frontiers many miles from Warsaw where they now lie. Is it going to be a real State any more than the Czecho-Slovakia of a year ago? A State they can eat up any Good Friday morning they choose? It is unthinkable that they will offer terms now that would not mean a defeat.
Mr. Lloyd George: I hope the right hon. Gentleman does not suggest that I proposed to accept terms of that character. I think it is very important, as my words may travel beyond this country, that I should say emphatically that I am the last man to propose that we should agree to a surrender. That is a totally different proposition. But I would consider, and I think the House ought to consider, at any rate, whether there should be a conference of the nations, which would include the United States of America as well as the others, to consider all these proposals—[Hon. Members: "What proposals? "]—I have been charged with surrender. It is the first time I have been charged with that. All that I am suggesting is what I have said. I have put it on record, and
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the right hon. Gentleman will live to regret what he has said.
Mr. Cooper: I am quite sure that the right hon. Gentleman has no more intention of surrendering and that his heart is less touched by fear than that of any other Member of the House. He has put forward what seemed to him a reasonable, moderate point of view, but I have pointed out that that will be misrepresented in Europe as a suggestion of surrender. I cannot imagine, and I do not know whether he really can possibly imagine, Germany now proposing terms which would not register the victory which they have so far won. If we gave way to such terms, everything we have spent and the lives we have lost would be thrown away, and we should be defeated, and not only defeated in this war, but we should be awaiting a major defeat in a greater war later. But it is not only a question of terms. Supposing terms were offered far more favourable than he, or I, or anybody in this House can imagine, those terms and that treaty would be signed with the same signature as signed the document at Munich a year ago. The Prime Minister has said—and we stand solid in our support of his statement— that he will make no peace with the present Government of Germany because he knows that any peace that they signed would be a peace that would never be kept, and it would not be worth the paper on which it was written.
5.19 p.m.
Mr. David Grenfell: I had not intended to say a word to-day, and I have had no consultation with any of my hon. Friends on this side, but when I listened to the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) a fellow-countryman whom I have admired all my life, I must say that I was exceedingly disturbed by the substance of what he said and by what I believe to be his gross error in timing the delivery of that speech. The Prime Minister has been accused for two or three years of pursuing a policy of conciliation and appeasement, and carrying his willingness to co-operate too far to satisfy the opinions of the majority of people in this House. I have never agreed with him personally, and I will repeat what I have said privately time and time again, that I believe the Prime Minister has been far too willing

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to compromise. The situation to-day is less manageable because of the extent to which we have given way to blackmail in the past. It is true that the situation has changed day by day since 1st September, just over a month ago. The situation is still changing and it may change again to-morrow, but there is nobody in this House who will to-day confess that the determination of the House was wrong or that the statement of the Prime Minister, repeated over and over again, was unworthy of the House or the country.
Twelve months ago the Prime Minister came back from Munich with far more satisfaction than I thought the circumstances warranted. I was disturbed very much by the extent of the settlement and the territorial changes in Middle Europe which then took place. All we then saw was that the bastions of defence for the smaller Danubian countries were being handed over to Germany. The justification for that was that the people who occupied the Sudetenland and Czechoslovakia were German by race, and the principle of self-determination and the machinery of plebiscites were put forward to defend the change and the surrenders which took place in September last year. Since then there have been rapid, extensive and far-reaching changes on the Continent of Europe. On 15th March the Germans over-ran Bohemia and Moravia and added to the Reich, in the form of a Protectorate, a disguised form of slavery in which 10,000,000 non-Germans were added to the Reich. The principle of self-determination and the machinery of plebiscites were completely set aside in that transaction.
Now there has been the attack upon Poland and a new partition. In this partition 22,000,000 new subjects, the overwhelming majority of them unwilling to be transferred, have been added to the German Reich and taken over by force after bloodshed, after treason and after horrible barbarities upon the civilian population. The German Reich now contains 20,000,000 more non-Germans. In the last 12 months 30,000,000 non-German people have been torn from their own lives and added to the Nazi regime in Germany to be compelled, not only to forswear their nationality, but to accept Nazi ideas in the government of the people and of the individual. This is
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not the end. Perhaps next month, when every day smaller countries are being coerced and compelled one by one —
Commander Sir Archibald Southby:By Russia.
Mr. Grenfell: I know what Russia has done. It has been a most despicable act. We say in this country that kicking a man when he is down is the act of a coward. Russia stepped in and kicked Poland when she was prostrate and shook hands with the aggressor. There is no word for it. I do not know what Russia proposes to do in future, but I am sure it does not reduce the crime against Poland by one iota because there have been two aggressors instead of one. Poland was a nation of people struggling to revive their national life after a century and a half of disorganisation and after the repudiation of all claims to nationality. My right hon. Friend made this speech to-day, but he has written articles denouncing the Poles, condemning and reviling the victim and not the aggressor. I do not speak with authority, except the authority of a conscience which I have kept as clear as I can all my life. I speak here in the presence of my fellow-Members and of the public who listen to our words and report them, and I say that I am a man who would give my life to see Europe freed from the menace of war and tyranny.
Mr. Stephen: Will the hon. Member allow me?
Hon. Members: Sit down.
Mr. Grenfell: I would give my life and I am willing —
Mr. Stephen: You are afraid to give way.
Mr. Grenfell: I am afraid of nothing in life. I may be guilty of shortcomings, but not of fear, and I speak here with the confidence that I shall not be misunderstood. I should like to see peace this minute in Europe. Who wants to go on? [Hon. Members: '' Hear, hear."] Yes, but there are conditions of peace. Peace itself is a condition of peace—thoughts of peace and desires for peace. I shall not try to pronounce or to picture the details of any possible offer that may come, but I would say to-day, or to-morrow, or for another year, or two years or three years of struggle in a

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cause which I believe to be just, that the conditions for the resumption of friendly contacts in Europe are the conditions which previously existed. I would sum it up in one phrase—Europe ought to be willing, ought to be ready, to discuss peace when we have gone back at least as far as the status quo ante-Munich, when the Czechs are to be masters in their own country and when the Poles are to regain their national right's—.when that has been done and the Germans are back in Germany and the Russians are back in Russia. If they want peace why do they not go back to their own country?
Mr. Stephen: Do you want to declare war on Russia?
Mr. Grenfell: When that has been done I would talk about peace, and when I am talking about peace in Europe I am not merely talking about national boundaries and the exchange of political formulas. To build up a secure peace in Britain, whether it comes soon or whether it comes late, you must first provide the firm foundations of economic order and economic justice between the peoples of Europe.
5.31 p.m.
Brigadier-General Sir Henry Croft: Ishould like to say to the hon. Member for Gower (Mr. Grenfell) that I think he was speaking not only for his country of Wales but was giving voice also to the opinions of the man-in-the-street in every part of the British Isles. It is a speech which, I think, was needed, and it was a speech of courage, and a speech supported by the vast majority in every section of the House. The speech of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) was deplorable. He was Prime Minister during those great eventful years of 1914–18 and I am certain that then if any Member of the House had, at a juncture like this, risen and made such a speech he would have torn his arguments to pieces. Here we are within a month of the start of the war and he has risen to his feet to suggest that the terms of Herr Hitler should be considered. I venture to think that we in this country have made it quite clear in entering upon this great venture that we are not prepared to consider the terms of Herr Hitler, but only the terms of a Government which represents the ideas of liberty
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and freedom which hitherto have reigned in Europe.
Regarding the right hon. Gentleman's suggestion of a secret Session, I happen to have had the honour of being a Member of the House at a time where there were, I think, two secret Sessions. I remember that I came home on leave for one secret Session imagining that we were all going to learn great facts which we had not heard previously through the Press at the front. I also remember another occasion when we had a secret Session. It is true that no great secrets got out to the public, for the simple reason that no great secrets were disclosed in this House. My right hon. Friend knows that he gave us a general story. I venture to think there is nothing in the situation at the moment which demands a secret Session. If we felt that some great tragedy was happening, that there must be a great change of opinion in this country, that a great change of policy must be considered, it is conceivable that the House should be called together in secret Session, but I cannot believe that we have any such situation to-day. I cannot believe that there is anything in the history of the war which the Government have not disclosed to this House which we should benefit by hearing. I would remind Members of this. When we have meetings upstairs of, it may be, 50, 60 or 100 Members, we know that, not through any Member present at those meetings having failed in his trust, but by a process of elimination, deductions from what Members have not said, facts transpire as to what has taken place. There is no less danger in the case of a secret Session. I believe that if at this juncture a secret Session were held the people of this country would feel there was some vital thing which we wanted to withhold from them, and I cannot believe that would help the morale of the nation.
5.35 p.m.
Mr. Buchanan: In rising to speak for only a few minutes I want to say as clearly as I can that I speak only for myself and, in so far as I can, for the division which I represent. Like the hon. Member for Gower (Mr. Grenfell) one has to take one's responsibilities as seriously as one can, and I trust that those who disagree with the hon. Member for Gower and who hold views like mine are no less brave, no less honest and no less desirous of seeing the right thing done. I would

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also say that I congratulate the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), an ex-Prime Minister, upon having the courage, at 76 years of age, to take a hostile line in this House of Commons. I say frankly that there are masses of people—at least large masses of people—who are thinking as he is thinking, and if we have a democratic House of Commons then, instead of his being abused, instead of taunts being flung across the Floor, surely at 76 he is to be congratulated on putting his point of view. [Interruption.] Well, that is my view, and I hope I shall be allowed to put it.
I want to go a step further than he has gone. I take an even stronger line about peace than he has done. We hear in the House about the great mass of people who are behind the Government in this war. I am an ordinary man in this House. I try, as all Members try, to represent my division, and I meet my constituents week in and week out, and frankly I say to the Prime Minister that I cannot find this great unanimous desire for the war. Frankly speaking, I find the reverse. And I want to say this, that in 1914 I never saw anything like the hostility to the war that I find to-day. [Interruption.] Each man for himself. I say to some of the hon. Members who interrupt that I often wish I could get a secret referendum taken in this country for or against the war. I tell those who are shouting loud about the war to-day that I have no hesitation in saying the result would shock them. Men everywhere are saying, "You went to war for Poland—to defend Poland, to help Poland." On the Saturday night on the eve of the war the Prime Minister was abused by nearly everybody in the House and could not get a decent show. You talk about democracy—democracy at its worst. That Saturday night Members shouted "What about the poor Poles? They are being killed." I ask, "What about them now, at the end of a month?" They are gone.
I came back from Poland in the last ship to leave Gdynia. What did the poor Poles think? I do not say, "What did their leaders think?" because I never met their leaders, but I met the dockers, the workers on the boats, those who sail the ships and the agricultural workers. They thought we were going to fight for the Poles by much more definite methods
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than turned out to be the case. They thought they had the great British Empire fighting for them, and I am going to say this to the Prime Minister, that if he and this Government had ever told the Poles that all they were going to do-was all they have done the Poles would never have entered the war. The simple people walking in the streets of Gdynia thought the British Empire was behind them in a sense which they have not yet seen—and Poland has gone.
Sir H, Croft: Does the hon. Member understand their language?
Mr. Buchanan: Well, I understood them through the British there who interpreted. That was all I could do. I met them and spent days with them in steamships. That is all I could do. I am not a linguist and I have not stated that I am. I apologise for my education. Blame my father for it; he is responsible.
What are we in now? When we entered this war we guaranteed Poland against aggression. Was it against German aggression or any other aggression? Here is Russia to-day, taking half of Poland. They may be different, but they have taken half of Poland. If I understood the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Gower (Mr. D. Grenfell) properly, he says that they are just as bad as the Germans. What does that mean? It means that after you have fought Germany and restored that part of Poland you have to start and fight Russia to get back that part also.
Mr. Grenfell: My hon. Friend cannot have heard the explanation that the Russians are in Poland to prevent the Germans from having it. If the Germans go out, will not the Russians go out too?
Mr. Buchanan: My hon. Friend said that the Russians were as bad as the Germans. I thought from his speech that he meant that they were even worse, but I will say that they are as bad. Now my hon. Friend is going to say that these people, who are as bad, are going to be different from the people whom they equal in badness. He has said that the Russians will walk out of Poland. Did you ever see any country, did you ever see us, walking out of any colony, after we got it?
Mr. Loftus: Corfu.
Mr. Buchanan: I do not know that place. We have not got out of India or any of those places. Anybody knows that we are taking on this business, but I do not think that the issues now are -worth the lives of millions of people that are to be poured into it. I am no war man. We are all talking about inspiration. Everybody is saying: "Inspire the people." I look at that Front Bench and at the House of Commons all over, and at all the warmongers that are in it; young men. If you want to inspire the people, let some of the young warmongers themselves march out. You are going down to my Division, where people are living in single apartments on an income which does not provide for body or soul, and young warmongers sit in this House of Commons with what are, to those other people, fabulous incomes. These young men shout for war while they themselves stay snugly at home not intending to go if they can avoid it in any possible way. [Hon. MEMBERS: "No."] Oh, yes. Only two of those in the Government who are of military age resigned their Government offices and went, the Under-Secretary of State for Scotland and the Undersecretary of State for Air. The other young men stayed. Of course, they would tell me, if I had not been so long in this House, that they are in dispensable. There are just about 200, with greater ability, ready to take their places to-morrow. They have stayed, of course.
I say frankly that, as I see this matter, it is one of millions of men arrayed behind concrete blocks against other millions of men. You say: "We cannot negotiate with Hitler." With whom can you negotiate? Suppose he is shot to-morrow, and is dead; is there any guarantee that the next man is any better than Hitler? Suppose it is Ribbentrop; will you negotiate with him? [Hon. Members: "No."] No? Then if it is some other man, will you negotiate with him? Who is it to be? As a matter of fact, you shouted the same things in the last war, that you would hang the Kaiser and do a lot of other things. You have done none of them. Looking at things as calmly and as clearly as I can, I say that my persona] view is that you ought to start negotiations now. After all, it is not Hitler that you are fighting in' Germany. I do not believe that Hitler, even if he were a greater man than he is, could to-morrow arm millions of people in Ger-
1888
many and lead them into war unless they want to go. I do not believe that the Prime Minister can do it unless he has considerable backing in the country. You talk about fighting Hitler as the representative of the German people. Either make up your mind that you are going on to smash and smash, without any result at the end, or start and negotiate now. It is said to me: "You cannot trust Hitler," but the Russian Government trusted Hitler. [Laughter.] Hon. Members laugh, but at least Russia has made treaties with the Germans. Nobody denies that. They have made pacts and understandings wth them.
Mr. Anstruther-Gray: So have we.
Mr. Buchanan: The Russians are prepared to trust them. Kindly note how different is the language of hon. Members from that of the First Lord of the Admiralty the other night, which was playing up to Russia. Italy, the whole world, with the exception of this country and France, are prepared to make an agreement. I would be prepared to take these risks. I would end, if I could, this ghastly, brutal war to-morrow, with all the consequences, and the sooner this Government and the Governments of Germany, France and Russia come together round a table and discuss terms of peace the better it will be for all. The one thing of which I am convinced is that if you go into this war you will lose millions of lives and entail colossal suffering, and that, at the end of it, some other representative, equally as bad as Hitler, will have to discuss terms with you, after all those lives are lost. Discuss terms now, and save that loss. Far from being looked down upon in the future we should in that case be looked up to. Many people who take my line are looked upon as being in the minority in the country at the moment. I would sooner lose Parliamentary seats and all that they mean than be responsible for carrying on a war that meant the colossal loss of life that this war will mean.
5.49 p.m.
Sir Henry Morris-Jones: I am very sorry that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) is not in his place. I have had the honour of being in this House for 10 years, representing a contiguous seat to that which he represents

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in Wales. I was brought up under his tutelage in the old days and had a tremendous regard and perhaps still have a great regard for his activities and services to this country and the world in the past. I want to say most emphatically that I believe the right hon. Gentleman has to-day done a greater disservice to this country, and indeed to the peace of the world, in the long run, than I could possibly have imagined he would ever have been guilty of.
It is just a month after the opening of the war, which we are told is for the freedom of mankind, for the honour of the pledged word, for decency, for fair dealing; and the right hon. Gentleman already launches a peace crusade, without anyone having made any peace proposals of any kind. I think he might have waited for peace proposals to be made before coming into the House and throwing his hands up, and endangering the victory which I am sure this country is going to attain. At the persent time, I am told, our Army is gathering strength in France, our incomparable Navy is defending the seas all over the world against German cruelty, and our Air Force is behaving in a manner which is winning the admiration of the whole world. At this time we have such a speech from the Father of the House, who represents here a division which is celebrated through its association with his name, but which I am sure will be ashamed of his speech to-day. That speech does not represent Welsh opinion. I challenge the right hon. Gentleman to go down to Wales to-morrow and make that speech. If he did so the Welsh people would emphatically repudiate it. I have not prepared a speech, but on the spur of the moment I rose to say, as the representative of an adjoining seat to that of the right hon. Gentleman, that that part of the world from which we come would not agree with what he has said.
I do not know what will be the repercussions of that speech throughout the world. I do not know what the effect will be in neutral countries. Certainly, I almost despair to think what the effect will be in Germany. It might well have a most encouraging and heartening effect on our enemy. I hope that someone will wind up on behalf of the Government in a manner which will reflect the views and feelings of the British Empire.
Mr. Max ton: Do you not trust your Prime Minister?
Sir H. Morris-Jones: I notice that the quarter in which the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs was most welcomed was that quarter in which the war has been opposed from the beginning, and which naturally would like it to be brought to an immediate conclusion.
Mr. Maxton: The point on which I interrupted was the hon. Member's statement that he wants a reply now which is worthy of the British people—that is, we understand, in contradistinction to the reply given by the Prime Minister.
Miss Rathbone: If the hon. Member seriously thinks that the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Llovd George was mischievous, does he not think that he increases the mischief by reading into the speech things that the right hon. Gentleman never said? What the right hon. Gentleman said was that no terms should be accepted that were dishonourable for Poland, but that nothing; ought to be rashly set aside. There is nothing treasonable in that.
Sir H. Morris-Jones: My reply to that is that we might at least wait until the peace terms are formulated. I think that, from that point of view, my right hon. Friend's speech was mischievous. The hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) said that I seemed to imply that I was dissatisfied with the speech of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. That is not so. We all know the debating power that my right hon. Friend has. He dealt with the point made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs in a very clear, decided way, but I should still like a more emphatic statement from the Government to wipe out for all time the effect of the right hon. Gentleman's speech.
5.57 p.m.
Mr. Vyvyan Adams: I do not know how what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) said can be either exaggerated or misinterpreted. In order to refute it, and that 1 may not be charged with exaggeration, I am going to quote recent words of the right hon. Gentleman. First let me say that I was shocked by

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what he said. I think he may have done incalculable harm to that civilisation that he has always professed to support. This is what he said in this House on Sunday morning 3rd September, just after we declared war on Germany:
" The Government are now confronted with the latest, but, I am afraid, not the last, of the series of acts of brigandage by a very formidable military Power which if they are left unchallenged will undermine the very foundation of civilisation throughout the world."
He went on:
" The Government could do no other than what they have done. I am one out of tens of millions in this country who will back any Government that is in power in fighting this struggle through, in however humble a capacity we may be called upon to render service to our country."
The right hon. Gentleman then continued:
" I have been through this before, and there is only one word I want to say about that. We had very bad moments, moments when brave men were rather quailing and doubting, but the ration was firm right through, from beginning to end. One thing that struck me then was that it was in moments of disaster, and in some of the worst disasters with which we were confronted in the war, that I found the greatest union among all classes, the greatest disappearance of discontent and disaffection, and of the grabbing for rights and privileges."
The right hon. Gentleman ended:
" The nation closed its ranks then. By that means we went through right to the end, and after 4½ years, terrible years, we won a victory for right. We will do it again."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 3rd September, 1939; cols. 301–2, Vol. 351.]
Surely the right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that the only possible terms which can come from Hitler at this moment would be terms which confirm this latest act of brigandage. How long would it be before we should see another act of brigandage, perhaps against Belgium, perhaps against Switzerland, perhaps against France—that is one of the declared objectives of "Mein Kampf"— perhaps against the British Commonwealth of Nations? It is now nearly two years since it became abundantly clear to us that Hitler's word was without value. Before we talk of negotiations and terms of peace, we have to destroy the evil Government of Germany. Then, perhaps, we can hope for real freedom and abiding peace.
6.1 p.m.
Mr. Barr: I trust that it may be allowed to a back-bencher who does not represent
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all the views of his party to give a meed of praise and gratitude to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) for his courage in making the statement that he has made to-day. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Bournemouth (Sir H. Croft) has said that his action was deplorable, and a later speaker has said that he has done a great disservice to the country of which Wales and the whole country might be ashamed. To me it was a noble spectacle, and it was an act of great courage that he should come forward and speak as he did. No one who knows me will accuse me of lack of patriotism. I had three sons in the last war. I lost one of them, and I know what the loss even of one son means. I can say with the poet Tennyson:
" With weary steps I loiter on,
But always under alter'd skies,
The purple from the distance dies.
My prospect and horizon gone."
But I think to-day, not of one son, and many lost more, but of the millions who are to be thrown into the maelstrom if we are to carry this on to the bitter end. I know that some are often accused of "Peace at any price." It seems to me that some of my friends say, "War at any price." I recall that there were opportunities, under Lord Lansdowne and others, for peace by negotiation during the last war, and many historians have said that we might thus have got a better peace than we got by the way we trod. I do not say that that is so, but my own opinion is that we could that way have got 3 better peace than that of Versailles.
I am very far from traversing anything that my hon. Friend the Member for Gower (Mr. D. Grenfell) has said. There is no man in the House whom I more honour. No man I know is more devoted to the cause of international peace, and with some of the things that he said I entirely agree, and especially when he said that it depends on the conditions of peace. We must seek an enduring peace, and something which will give world peace as well. I listened last night to the very fine statement of the Archbishop of York. I should have welcomed from him some little more discussion, though doubtless he may give that at another time, on the Christian bearings of these questions, but what struck me was that

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he seemed to see a very easy path and a very ready and short victory coming. He spoke of a victory of the kind that he would desire as already assured. I cannot say that that is what I foreshadow. I foreshadow that, if we go forward, we are going to have the nations of Europe bleeding themselves white, and we are not to cease, according to some, until the enemy is prostrate in the dust. I remember that during the last war there were some who said, "This war must never occur again, therefore we must go on indefinitely until the enemy is fully crushed."
There is a prevalent feeling that this is to be a different kind of war from those that we have had, and that we are going to have our fine conditions of peace carried out. All wars begin with high ideals, and I have no reason to quarrel with the ideals that animate the Government in regard to this war. The last war began with high ideals. It was my privilege to review, in the "British Weekly," the volumes on "The Peace Treaties," by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs. There we see that although the last war began with the highest possible ideals, when it came to the Peace Treaties we find every nation grasping for itself. If I may say so without offence to the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher), we see this even in Russia at present. We see, not in one but in many nations, this grasping at power. Being in war seems to have that effect. In the day of Poland's humiliation and sorrow I should be the last to recall what the right hon. Gentleman said about Poland in that regard in his book, and about Italy too, how, when all the Peace Treaties had been negotiated Italy came in and had her filibustering expedition. It was every nation for itself. It was almost universal, and it is there for anyone who will read these two volumes. I think we should be chary of concluding that we have got already the terms of peace that we should desire. If we judge by the past they may be terms not so much better than those that we had at Versailles. Indeed, it occurs to me that, with the bombing of open towns, which will come, and the feelings that will be aroused by this new kind of desperate warfare, it will be very difficult for us if we carry it through to
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the bitter end, to get a better Treaty than we got at Versailles.
I certainly agree with the feeling that we cannot trust the word of Hitler and that we cannot negotiate on any terms that he has put forward. As has been well pointed out by the right hon. Gentleman himself, we seek a peace established on a much broader and more secure basis than that. But, in the end, it will come to signing treaties with nations which we can but slightly trust. Everyone has read one of the greatest speeches ever made in the House of Commons, by Charles James Fox on "A Regicide Peace." People said "You will never make peace with France. The hands of France are red with the blood of monarchs, and you will never trade with France." They said, "We will never trade with France." He said:
" If you never trade with any nation that has not done desperate and dastardly things, good God! with whom will we trade? "
While I sympathise with that, I want something much more secure and broader than anything that would come in the name of the leader of the German Government. Still I do think that the Government should give all heed to these and other considerations in a real honest, broadset desire to establish peace without going to what is called the bitter end, and it will be a bitter end, to make an honourable, lasting world peace without the slaughter of millions and millions more if we do not embrace some well-founded opportunity.
6.12 p.m.
Sir Charles Cayzer: I do not often speak in this House, and I must confess that this is one of the occasions on which I would gladly refrain from speaking, but I feel that the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) has been so misunderstood and misrepresented that I would like to say that I think it was a very gallant and courageous speech. Like other Members of this House, I was in the last war. I am a Reserve officer, and I am prepared to go out and do my bit in this war, but I would in the same way as hundreds of thousands of my fellow-countrymen, like to know exactly that for which we are fighting. It seems to me that hon. Members opposite, and not merely opposite but on all sides of the House, consider that no terms which may

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be put forward by Germany at the present time are terms we can consider. They seem to think that Germany has won the war. In that consideration I believe they are making a profound error. Germany has not won the war. She has already lost, and nobody knows that better than Herr Hitler himself. By one fatal blunder he has accomplished just that thing which he has worked against all his life, namely, preventing Russia from becoming a great, dominant, ascendant Power in Europe. Now he finds himself cut off from the East, from the Baltic and from the Balkans, and I believe that there is nobody in this world who desires peace more at the present time than does Herr Hitler.
Therefore, I believe that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs was perfectly right in making his suggestions to-night. With his vast experience he has seen the possibilities in the situation. He has seen the possibility that Germany may make a real and sincere offer of terms which should be considered. I do not think that there is a Member in this House who would consider a peace which would militate against complete freedom in Europe or which would subject the downtrodden peoples in Europe to a perpetuation of German domination, but the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs pointed out how extremely important it is at the present time for us to enlist the sympathies of the great neutral world. Their position is enormously powerful at the present time. I believe that if some offer be forthcoming from Germany which could be put forward through neutral sources, it might affordmatters which we can consider. Nobody for one moment would suggest that we, along with France, should accept peace terms until we have seen exactly what they are, and that is exactly what the Prime Minister replied to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs. I believe that if his speech had not been made by my right hon. Friend the Member for St. Georges (Mr. Duff Cooper), which so gravely prejudiced the real issue and misrepresented the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs, the Debate would have ended on an issue and a note with which the whole House would be in assent—that we in this country are
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determined to fight on until liberty in Europe is secured, but that at the same time, should a real and sincere effort be made by the other side to secure peace at the present time, we on our side would not turn it down out of hand and without consideration.
I am sorry to say that in certain quarters in this country there is a sort of attitude to-day that we must fight on, we must smash Germany and we must overwhelm her, and not consider any proposals she makes. We have no quarrel with the German people, and it is a terrible thought that our two great nations, who are so akin, as those of us who have met Germans know—I was a prisoner in Germany during the last war —should be driven on to this awful mutual destruction. Do any of us believe that if the war goes on to the bitter end we shall secure these things for which we look, and for which we alone can fight— liberty and the abolition of dictatorship? It may be that we shall destroy one dictatorship, but shall we not merely set up another in its place? If this war goes on, I do not believe that freedom will come out of it. I do not believe that justice will come out of it. I believe that horrors and miseries beyond belief will come out of it. Therefore, I add my humble voice to that of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs. I appeal to the Prime Minister, the great peacemaker, who has striven to the very depths of his soul to maintain peace, and who for the moment has failed, to try to take this opportunity, and even at this last moment to attempt to secure for Europe that peace which alone can save our common European civilisation.
6.19 p.m.
Mr. Gallacher: The First Lord of the Admiralty in his broadcast speech the other night said that Russia was pursuing a "cold policy of self-interest." What does that mean in actual life? A "cold policy of self-interest" means a warm-blooded policy of the advance of Socialism, because the Soviet Union has no other aim than that of advancing Socialism. It came into Poland after the Polish Government, and the whole organisation of the Polish Government, had collapsed. It has relieved the Polish workers and peasants from the control of the feudal barons of Poland. I cannot understand any suggestion coming from a Socialist that part of Poland should be

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handed back to the feudal barons. It will not be a question of having to fight Russia, but of having to fight these peasants and workers to try and force them under the subjection of the feudal barons once again. But that by the way.
There has frequently been expressed a desire in the House that we should endeavour to get Germany and Russia involved in war so that we could sit back and look at them destroying one another. The Prime Minister has continually worked for one aim, a Four- Power Pact. When he was asked by the Leader of the Labour or Liberal Opposition, "Why do you not bring in Russia?" or "Why do you not deal with Eastern Europe?" he generally replied, "Let us get a settlement in the West, and then we will deal with the East." When the four Powers were gathered at Munich, he thought he had achieved his aim. The Prime Minister said he wanted a settlement in the West and then he would settle the East, but instead of the Prime Minister's policy succeeding, the Soviet Union has made a. settlement in the East and now pro poses to assist in a settlement in the West. This represents the absolute and complete bankruptcy of the Prime Minister's policy. The Soviet Union is now the dominant force in Europe, and not Nazi Germany. It is a great Socialist country. No one in this House can deny that if there were a Socialist Government in Germany, we would not be facing a situation like this, and if we had a Socialist Government in this country and in France the situation would soon be settled without sacrificing young lives. But we have an Imperialist Government ready to conduct a war of extermination with Germany. The people of this country will never stand for it, let hon. Members say what they will. The Government will have to answer for the first massacre of youth that takes place. The Soviet Union makes a difference —
Mr. McGovern: That is a new story.
Mr. Gallacher: It is not a new story. I am prepared to take any speech that I have made and I defy anybody to say that I have not advocated unity in order to preserve peace. Before the war, I was advocating unity of the forces that would obtain peace. As soon as war commenced it became the responsibility of us all not to talk about a three years'
1898
war or a war to an end, but how we could bring about peace at the earliest moment. The maddest thing imaginable is to talk about a three years' war and a war to the end. We can easily have a war of extermination of the whole youth of this country and of Germany, but if we want peace we should take the first opportunity that comes for making peace. What is the new factor in any proposals that may come from Hitler or from anyone else?—that you will not only have Britain and France signing some document which Hitler may prepare, but you have the mightiest Power in Europe and as a result an opportunity to obtain the combination that can give the absolute guarantee for a lasting peace in Europe.
Anyone who understands the situation in Germany realises that Hitler never had a basis in the working-class movement. It may be that during the past years, because of some of the things he has done, he has obtained a measure of support from certain sections of the working class, but he has never had a basis in the working-class movement. He drew the Stormtroopers from other classes and never from the working class. His finances came from the big monopoly capitalists of Germany. But that was not enough. Hitler could only be maintained and advanced by the support of the big bourgeoisie of the rest of Europe and specially of Britain and France. With the developments that have taken place, all that support has been wiped away and so Hitler and his Nazis, still supported by the monopoly capitalists of Germany, have lost support of great importance for them, support from the bourgeoisie of Europe. I remember how hon. Members were delighted when Hitler talked about the Bolshevist swine, the Jewish Bolshevists, and how an hon. Member on the other side became a sort of sewer drainage of the filth that came out of Germany. They said, "Let Hitler have armaments; the stronger he is the sooner will we be able to attack the Soviet Union." That was too big a job and Hitler knew it. The Soviet Union is now in a strong position and, as an hon. Member said, the dominant nation in Europe. The only comfort that can be offered to the German people, and the German mothers, by Rudolf Hess is the Soviet Union and not Hitler.
I remember sitting in a house just after war was declared, and the mother of the

1899
family was breaking her heart over it. One of her boys had been taken away from her, and he was not much more than a schoolboy. She was sitting there crying, and the others were doing their best to comfort her. The news bulletin was being broadcast on the radio and a cold, callous, heartless voice was saying, "The War Council has met and has taken measures for a war of three years or more." I have never seen such tragedy in the face of any human being as in the face of that mother. Do not let us talk about how long we can make the war last. Do not let us say that the masses of the youth of this country and of Germany are to be sacrificed. If there is a proposal for a conference, never mind what the terms are, let us go into that conference, and see what terms we can make of it.
Mr. Magnay: What about the sacrifices of the poor people of Warsaw? Are they not to count?
Mr. Gallacher: They were terrible sacrifices, but why was it possible that such sacrifices should have been made? Why were pledges given which it was not possible to implement? When the poor people of Poland took to the barricades, when their soldiers marched out to slaughter, they expected aid. Let those who promised aid to Poland and gave no aid answer the question of the hon. Member. Let them answer not only to the people of Poland, but to the masses of the people of this country. Why should we not go into consultation—Britain, France, Germany and the Soviet Union? If it be possible to get out of a conference of those great Powers terms that would guarantee the peace of Europe, and terms that will, within the shortest possible time, mean a complete block for German aggression, we can settle in a favourable atmosphere the position not only of the Polish people but of the people of Czechoslovakia. When I speak of that settlement I speak of the Polish people and not of the Russian people who were taken over in the rape that was carried out by Pilsudski. Those lands and the industries in those territories are now in the possession of the workers of the Soviet Union, and must remain so. Hon. Members ought to pause before they do anything which will sacrifice the young lads of this country. As I said the other
1900
night, those of us who have lived the best part of our lives will commit a terrible crime against the youth of this country if we send them to their deaths, without doing everything humanly possible to find a way of escape.
Mr. Buchanan: Hear, hear.
Mr. Gallacher: Surely, we are agreed on that.
Mr. Buchanan: In view of that statement, I am wondering why the hon. Member did not vote against the Conscription Bill, which handed the workers over to the Government.
Mr. Gallacher: The hon. Member has raised that question and I will answer him. If he will read my speech he will see that I spoke against it.
Mr. Buchanan: The hon. Member did not vote against it.
Mr. Gallacher: When the Motion for the introduction of the Bill was made, the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) said that he did not want to inconvenience the Government or the House, that he did not want to waste time, and that if he and his colleagues were allowed to have a vote on that Motion, they would not oppose the Bill.
Mr. Buchanan: The vote was for or against conscription. The hon. Member did not vote against conscription. Will he tell me why?
Mr. Gallacher: I am trying to tell the hon. Member. If there had been a body of men opposing the Government, opposing conscription and willing to go to a Division, I should have gone along with them. The hon. Member for Bridgeton said, and I can quote it from the Official Report—
Mr. Buchanan: You do not vote on what he said. You vote on the Question before the House.
Mr. Gallacher: The hon. Member for Bridgeton said that if they were allowed a vote on the Motion, they would not oppose the Bill, or words to that effect.
Mr. McGovern: No.
Mr. Gallacher: I guarantee it. The vote was given not for the purpose of opposing the Conscription Bill, but for the purpose of deceiving the workers outside. When the Bill came up for Second

1901
Reading, not one of the three hon. Members, the hon. Member for Bridgeton and his colleagues, was in his place. They had had a vote on the Motion for the introduction of the Bill and not on the Bill itself. On that understanding, they did not oppose the Bill. I am not participating in trickery of that kind. The main question now before the House and the country, and especially before the masses of school lads—for they are little more than school lads—whose young lives are being affected, is to get, at the earliest possible moment, a peace that will be lasting and that will guarantee security. Nobody will object to that.
Why should any of us be afraid to meet the representatives of other nations and discuss the possibilities of peace? Of what are hon. Members afraid? Is it not because we have a Government which has been concerned all along with pursuing its own Imperialist policy first, and in trying to direct Germany against the Soviet Union? When that has failed, they are prepared to sacrifice the masses of this country in order to continue their Imperialist aims. We ought at any time to be ready to discuss peace. We know what we want and we ought to go forward with the knowledge that if we discuss the question of a settled peace in Europe, we shall have with us the mighty force of the Soviet Union. I only wish that we could get, what all the people of this country desire, above everything else, the end of this Government. If only we could get rid of this Government and get a Socialist Government here and now, it could meet these other Governments, in combination with France and the Soviet Union, and guarantee peace and a new and better life for the people of this country.
6.41 p.m.
Mr. McGovern: I have listened to the Prime Minister's statement and to the proposal put forward by the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) and to other speeches since. I listened with amusement to the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher). I could not take his speech seriously. His speeches change from week to week because his policy has to be settled from day to day, and we cannot accept his speeches as a serious expression of working-class thought in this country because the hon. Member takes his orders from a foreign Government.
1902
He has told us to-day that he is in favour of a conference. That is a great change within less than a month. The day after war was declared the "Daily Worker" told us how to win the war, and a week ago I was handed a pamphlet which was being sold in Glasgow under the name of Harry Pollitt, who is associated, I believe, with the hon. Member, indeed, I think is his master, which told us how to win the war. I read the pamphlet coming from Glasgow to London and it contained proposals for winning the war against the Nazis of Germany. Last Saturday the "Daily Worker" said that we must back the conference proposed by Stalin and Hitler. If the hon. Member for West Fife changes his policy and his words in such a short space of time in order to coincide with the expressions of Stalin and Hitler, he becomes in effect Hitler's mouthpiece in this country. Hitler desires peace at this moment. I desire peace. I desire that there should be no wars at all, but I am not going to be associated with the treacherous act which is to be imposed on this country.
What is more. If we go back to the various stages of the last few years those who have stood for peace have been attacked from every street corner. We were ridiculed when we stood for peace when Abyssinia was conquered. The hon. Member for West Fife went round the country and said we were pro-Fascist because we were against sanctions and against war. When Czecho-Slovakia was over-run we wanted peace, and we were called Chamberlain's allies and Hitler's allies. To-day, Poland has been raped, and the hon. Member for West Fife wants peace; he wants Hitler to get away with the rape of Poland. Why? Because Stalin has seen fit to join Hitler in the merry game of grab that is going on in Central Europe. The hon. Member for West Fife talks about his speeches. He must remember that street-corner methods will not do in this House. He is able there to get loud-mouthed Communists around him and put over any story as long as it comes from Russia. But some of us in this House have memories. I do not propose to waste the time of the House but I have dug out a number of speeches of the hon. Member and they are all full of venomous attacks on the Nazis and those associated with the Nazis. He wanted Ribbentrop cleared out of this country,

1903
and he wanted the Prime Minister who associated with Ribbentrop to be cleared out. He wanted some houses in this country purged because they had harboured Ribbentrop and other Nazis. He is so pure that he would not breathe the same air as Ribbentrop and Hitler and his allies.
I was never taken in by those speeches. I remember the thousands marching down Whitehall on the Sunday when I came back from Germany after my cycle tour, and I heard the insistent cry by young men of the Communist party "Stand by Czecho-Slovakia." That could not be done only by the tongue. If it could be done by the tongue then the Communists would have the first place in this country. But it had to be done with rifles, and bullets and machine guns, and bombs and all the paraphernalia of war. It must always be noted that the people who have been insistent on standing by Abyssinia and Czecho-Slovakia and other countries never intended to do any of the fighting themselves. Many of them are trained for the purposes of war because they deserted the Socialist movement in 1914 and joined the Army. They are trained men, but the fighting was always to be done by the simple trade unionists and people whom they would send to the front to fight for the great peace front. At that time we were told the simple story that if Russia joined with France and Britain—and we must remember that Russia has a pact with France, a military pact, although the "Daily Worker" last week said that "that wretch Blum has sold the pass in France"—the peace front would defend Poland and Rumania, and all these border States. This is the logic of the position to me. If Stalin joining Britain and France would ensure peace then Stalin joining Hitler assures war. That is not a stretch of imagination.
I said in this House a year ago that you had better ride on the tail of a lion than on the head of a fox and that Russia was prepared to play any card which meant world war. I believe that still. I believe that Stalin joined with Hitler because he wanted to ensure war. He invited other nations to send their military advisers to Russia to take part in discussions, but that was all window-dressing, because for Russia to have joined with Hitler, without making a pre-
1904
tence of lining up with the Peace Front, would not have been accepted by the country. Therefore, Stalin played the window-dressing card. We know that from February Stalin was having discussions with Hitler about joining the war with Hitler. On the Sunday on which war was declared, I pointed out—and my remarks were resented even by some Labour Members—that the mobilisation of the Russian army at the rear of the Polish army meant either that Russia intended to hold a part of the Polish army on that frontier in order to aid Hitler, or that she meant at the proper moment to tear away part of Poland for her own use. That rape took place.
The apology we get in the country is one that has to be answered. It is that if Stalin had not joined Hitler, Hitler would have had the whole of Poland, and that, therefore, Stalin saved half of Poland. Let us consider the consequences. Hitler has handed over the Christians, the capitalists, the landlords, and indeed, the Communists, for it is as dangerous to be a Communist in Russia as it is to be one in Berlin. These people are handed over to Stalin. Stalin hands over to Hitler the Jews, the Communists, the Socialists, and the Catholics. But the apologists of Stalin do not tell us that instead of defending and retrieving the half of Poland, Stalin was responsible for handing over these people into the hands of Hitler— no, their programme and policy had always been that if Stalin stood by Britain and France, Hitler would not dare to move. Therefore, the speech made by the hon. Member for West Fife was hypocritical in the extreme, and would not take in a nine-years-old schoolboy. It was a face-saving attempt by a man belonging to a party which is completely discredited throughout the world because of the actions of the Russians at this stage.
To-day, we have the spectacle of Poland beaten to her knees. My hon. Friends and I opposed the pledge that was given to Poland; we could not agree to the giving of a pledge which called for the lives of the workers in this country to defend it. We had our own ideas about the ruling class of Poland, and we gave expression to those views. But to-day there is a more difficult proposition. I heard the speech made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon

1905
Boroughs. I am never prepared to hear turned down or treated with contempt a proposal of any kind, but I say that in my honest estimation, if the Government of this country made peace now, they would be handing over to Hitler more than he would have got if the war had never taken place. I say that only for the purpose of making an analysis. We are told, on the other hand, that we must go on. There are some people, like the right hon. Gentleman the Member for St. George's (Mr. Duff Cooper), who v/ant to go on, but there is no attempt made to define the end. When people talk about going on, they should face up to what they mean in a responsible manner.
In Berlin, in the Hitler club, at two o'clock in the morning, I was discussing the prospect of war with a Nazi, a young man who had been at Edinburgh University for three or four years. I said to him, "If you go to war, isn't there a chance of a tremendous rising in Germany?" I will give to the House that young man's answer, and I ask hon. Members seriously to consider it. He said, "McGovern, the German nation has had one defeat in war. They know what that defeat meant to them. When the Peace Treaty of Versailles was imposed upon them, the French and British bankers imposed a peace that took our coal from our mines, that took 150,000 head of cattle from our fields, that left our children without milk and nourishment, that took 25,000 engines and 150,000 railway carriages from us, that took away all our shipping, that imposed a tremendous monetary penalty upon us as a nation, although we had not been responsible for the war in any way if one accepts the Socialist dictum that economic struggles are the cause of war; but,"he said," 1,000,000 of our children died of malnutrition, mothers could not even give sustenance to their children, we had 8,000,000 or 9,000,000 unemployed walking the streets, bare of back and without boots or shoes on their feet; we went through the most intense poverty and suffering, without fires, without proper food, with families of five or six unemployed. To-day,"he said," no matter what your ideas are, whether it is because of militarism or not, these people are in employment, they are earning wages, there is no unemployment in
1906
Germany; we have brought in half a million workers from other countries to carry out our industrial task." He then said, "We only require to say to these people, ' There is a chance of a repetition of that 1918-1933 tragedy,' and every German will respond and die for the Fatherland, giving his last drop of blood, rather than surrender to those Allied bankers as in 1918."
There is the answer. He made me ponder and think deeply. I have said before and I say again that there is only one revolt that can take place in Germany to-day, and that is a revolt by the military. But a military machine does not revolt when it is having tremendous victories; it revolts, as did the Russian army, in disaster, defeat, demoralisation, hunger and sacrifice; but it does not run away and surrender in the conditions we see in Germany to-day, after Poland has been polished off with a one-month's campaign. That is what I envisaged last year with regard to Czecho-Slovakia. I gave Czecho-Slovakia one month, and I believe that the whole country would be by then overrun and bombed by the German forces. This being the situation to-day, many hon. Members want to go on and on. It was easier to get into the war than it is going to be to get out of it. There has been a tremendous change in this country within one month, a tremendous change in the minds of the people of this country about the prospect of carrying on the war. Only the other Sunday in Glasgow my hon. Friend the Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) addressed a meeting of 2,000 or 3,000 people, and they were unanimously against the war. On the last three Sundays I have addressed meetings in my division, each of at least 1,000 people, and every meeting was completely unanimous against the war. Those at the meetings were given an hour-and-a-quarter to question me on my stand in relation to the war and I say to the Members of this House, "Take heed when you talk of going on and on."
This is not 1914. There was tremendous enthusiasm in 1914. On the very spot where I addressed a meeting last Sunday I saw an anti-war speaker, in 1914, a fortnight after the war broke out, chased for his life. There was scarcely anyone then to defend him. To-day the people have seen what war

1907
means. They know more about it. In the cinemas they have seen the work of the bombing planes and the wreckage in Barcelona, in Madrid, and in Valencia. They have seen what happened in China and Abyssinia. There is no glory in war. It is a hideous monstrosity. There is nothing to be proud of in goading and hounding young men on to the battlefield and to their death in the name of freedom. I was told by a Conservative Member to-day that in Hyde Park last Sunday he heard a Socialist speaker 70 years of age addressing a huge crowd including soldiers. The speaker asked, "Can anybody here tell me what we are fighting for?" He said, "I do not mean that in the ordinary sense, but I put the question to any man in this audience." He gave them 15 minutes to reply, and not an individual in that audience could tell him what we were fighting for.
It is no good to tell me and to tell the workers that we are fighting for freedom and democracy against Fascism or Nazism. Fascism and the Nazi system have been thrown up, because a previous system has gone down and has been unable to exercise its instrument of government in a proper and constitutional way. Those systems have been thrown up by forces which are always in the background, ready to be used in moments of insurgency and insurrection. It is a case of the ruling class with its back to the wall fighting to preserve its interests. We are told that we are fighting to destroy Hitler. We have always had a bogy man. In the Boer War it was Kruger. In the last war it was the Kaiser. In this war it is Hitler. God knows who it will be in the next war. We went into the last war, with the Czar as an ally, to fight for freedom and democracy. We go into this war with Colonel Beck, to fight for freedom and democracy. I would say this to the hon. Member for Gower (Mr. Grenfell). When Czecho-Slovakia was being raped. Colonel Beck ordered his forces to go into Czecho-Slovakia and to tear away part of Czecho-Slovakia. When the ravens were looking on with lustful eyes at the conquest, he descended on Teschen and tore it away from bleeding Czechoslovakia. Then they whine to Britain and France to save them from the reptile, with whom they made pacts along with
1908
Hungary, to descend upon and break up the State of Czecho-Slovakia.
We are told that we must restore Poland. Must we also restore Czechoslovakia? Why not restore Abyssinia and put the Negus back on his throne? The Communists said to the Negus at a presentation of addresses in London at the Abyssinian Embassy, "Your aims are our aims." Are we to restore the Negus? Why not? Why not make war on Italy and take away Abyssinia from her? Why not go right back? Let us be realists and accept things in a realistic manner. We are told that Hitlerism is to be destroyed. How long will it take? The hon. Member for Gower said whether it was a year, or two years, or three years, he was prepared to go on. We are in for another Thirty Years War if you are to remove Hitler. I say that frankly. I think Britain and France to-day are in the greatest jam they were ever in, in their lives. I do not say it with glee. Do not misunderstand me. But I do not believe that they can defeat Germany. [Hon. Members: "Rubbish! "] Hon. Members say "Rubbish," but that is my opinion and it is based on a study of the position, because I believe that the German youth, in spite of all that is said, is behind Hitler and will fight to the death to preserve Hitlerism.
We are told that we are out to crush Hitlerism. There was a reasonable chance of crushing Hitlerism before Russia joined the merry gang. At that time you had the opportunity of the blockade, the most potent weapon which this country had. Is it not the case now that Russia is going to supply Germany with oil, just as she supplied Italy during the Abyssinian campaign? If hon. Members doubt that, let them remember General Goering's words. He made a speech a week ago last Saturday which I heard relayed in English over the wireless. He said, in effect, "We are told that we have not food and raw materials, but would anybody deny that Russia has food and raw materials? "What did that mean except that there was an agreement to supply food and raw materials to Germany, by Stalin and his henchmen at the Kremlin?
Mr. A. Edwards: The hon. Gentleman has said that he is basing his argument on a careful study of the position. He is drawing a rather gloomy picture which

1909
will go out to the world and is saying that we cannot beat the Germans. Will he now give the House some information about just what it is that Russia is in a position to supply to Germany? Can he give us something other than the statement of Goering? Will he give us something on that point from his own study of the position?
Mr. McGovern: I do not think that would be very difficult. We are told, if the reports in the Press are correct, that Poland alone produces 800,000 tons of iron ore and several million gallons of oil and petrol. Russia has tremendous resources in petrol and in food.
Mr. Edwards: What resources? Would the hon. Member give us the figures?
Mr. McGovern: The hon. Member asks me in the middle of a Debate in the House of Commons suddenly to throw back at him the exact figures of production. If I had known that he was going, to ask me for those figures, of course I should have had them.
Mr. Edwards: Is it not the fact that Russia is barely able to supply her own requirements in oil?
Mr. McGovern: That statement may be satisfactory to the hon. Member, but I know that Russian Oil Products are sending millions of tons of petrol and oil annually to the Glasgow Corporation alone.
Mr. Edwards: The figure of exports from Russia for the last year is less than 1,000,000 tons, and that represents her export surplus.
Mr. McGovern: If I were going into this matter more closely and in detail as I could do —
Mr. Edwards: I think the hon. Member should do so.
Mr. McGovern: I can assure the hon. Member that not only is Russia exporting oil to this country, but that part of the finance gained from her oil exports is used in propaganda in this country.
Mr. Silverman: I have been waiting for a long time to know what exactly it is that the hon. Member is advising the House to do.
Mr. McGovern: The hon. Member must wait and draw his own deductions from
1910
my speech just as I have to draw my deductions from his speeches, because very often I do not know what he is asking the House to do. Russia, I say, joining in this combination, has made it extremely difficult at this stage because of the fact that certain chemicals, minerals, oil, and food can be supplied to assist Germany. We must not forget either that Germany recognised that this war was going to take place and conserved tremendous food supplies. She is able to terrorise Rumania and almost every country throughout the Balkans and Central Europe, and she is sitting with the prospect of waging a war on one front, on the West. She can allow the French and British to dash themselves against these Western fortifications, she can take a tremendous toll and throw them back periodically to their former positions, and she can maintain a struggle of that kind for a very long time. We might sacrifice 3,000,000 men; we might get to our three years' limit, and we have not then defeated Hitlerism. Are we still going on saying that we have to fight to the last man, but that the last man shall be a man inside this House? I do not see many uniforms in this House. I have been rather staggered at how few uniforms I have seen worn by men who wanted to conduct this war to the last man.
In this situation we are asked to consider terms if they are proposed. I am not saying to the Government that they must of necessity accept the terms that are proposed. I believe that Germany would not expect us to accept them just now, because they have a few things to do along with Comrade Stalin yet, and there is a number of countries bordering on Russia and Germany that are to be put under their heel. They have to clear the decks throughout the Balkans and Central Europe, to remove French and British influence, both trading and military, from those areas. From my angle, the war narrows itself down to this—and I have said it so often that I do not want to repeat it if I can help—that it is a war between Britain and France, which have tremendous Imperial power and resources, which have raw materials, which have Empires, and which have yellow, white, and black slaves who work at very low pittances and from whom tremendous profits are wrung, and Hitler, a rising Imperialist Power, Italy, and Japan, the

1911
younger nations coming up. They want Empires, and if you want and believe in Empires, they are as much entitled to believe in them as you are. If they see that the only way to get them is by challenging the power of Britain and France, naval, military, and in the air, then that is their job, and the struggle to-day is between these two Imperialistic sections.
One thing that I was taught by Labour party speakers when I was a boy of 18, when I entered the Socialist movement, was that wars spring from the economic rivalry of nations, and that economic rivalry is the beast. Hitler wants the yellow man and the black man, he wants the El Dorado of profit, he wants raw materials, he wants power, and in the clash the struggle comes, and we throw the workers on to the battlefield. We say that we are fighting for democracy, freedom and liberty. Hitler says to the German nation, "You are fighting to the death to preserve your nation against the encroachments of the Imperialist bogies of the West." In that situation to-day we have the suggestion that we should discuss peace terms if they are advanced. All that I can say to Members of this House is that I do not think peace can come soon enough. I recognise the difficulties of the Government in accepting terms at this time, when Hitler and Stalin have raped Poland between them and when the hammer and sickle and the Nazi emblem fly side by side.
There are many people who are carried away by the actions of Russia because they see in Russia a great Socialist State. I do not. I see it, if I may use the word, as a bastardised system between National Socialism and Nazism, with national ownership as the basis and a terrorist bureaucracy at the top, and I see in Germany a private profit-owning system that Hitler has gripped by the throat and that with political revolution in Germany could be turned to the same system as Russia with very little trouble. Whether it be Stalin or Hitler, I loathe their actions against their fellow-men in each country, I loathe their actions against the people of Poland, I loathe the economic struggles that take place periodically when the youth of the world are hurled into the tremendous struggle to kill one another, to disembowel, and blind, and draw asunder humanity. I urge Members of
1912
this House to be careful in demandine that this shall go on and on to the end, because in the end Hitlerism may still be there; and remember that revolutions can come not only in Germany, but could just as easily come in this country and in France if you got the youth of these nations into action to preserve their real liberty and to down their real aggressors throughout the ages.
7.17 p.m.
Mr. Magnay: I did not intend to speak to-day, but I have heard so much during this Debate which to any freeborn Englishman is intolerable that I feel compelled to rise in this Mother of Parliaments on this occasion. I do not propose to follow the last two speakers, for one reason because they have talked for over an hour, and I cannot traverse all the statements they have made, but there has been the impression that because they speak at such great length and all are for the most part from Glasgow, unless you talk with a Glasgow accent you will not get into the kingdom of God, and it is not true.
Mr. Maxton: How do you know?
Mr. Magnay: The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) said that in Glasgow, after a quarter of an hour's interval following a speech of his, no one could tell him the cause of the war.
Mr. McGovern: I said Hyde Park.
Mr. Magnay: Nobody would expect anything else from Hyde Park, because there you get just a conglomeration of fortuitous atoms, and there is no community of interest or communal life in London. They are totally different from any other part of the country, and no one would take the opinion of London for a stable opinion on anything. If anyone in Glasgow could not say what the cause of the war is, it amazes me, because the hon. Member himself, only five minutes ago, said precisely, in terms that could not be bettered, why the war must come.
The hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher), representing the Communist party and Russia, said it was quite wrong for us to talk about sending our boys to fight for this their country. I suppose it is not wrong then for Russia to occupy Poland with an army of soldiers including millions of boys. It is wrong for us to say our boys should fight, but right when

1913
the Russians go as the grave-digger, once Hitler and his army of brigands have conquered Poland, to bury the body and take wages in kind if not in cash. It is amazing for anyone to say that they do not know why we are at war. Anybody could tell them in the north country, but we might expect that, for we are properly educated. They will tell you that this is a fight between democracy and dictatorship. There are various causes for dictatorship in various countries. In Russia it was one cause, in Germany it was political collapse, in Spain it was financial collapse, in Portugal it was something to do with religion, and it was something else in Turkey. Whatever the cause, the result is the same—chaos and bewilderment, fear, the collapse of Government, the setting up of a dictator and the laudation, and even the worship, of the dictator. In Russia is the Lenin tomb where his body can 'be worshipped, and there are Lenin corners in the schools where the very name is worshipped as a diety. Whatever the cause, the inevitable result of dictatorship is the loss of liberty.
Mr. Buchanan: Is the hon. Gentleman speaking about the same country with whom three months ago we tried to get a pact so that she should be our friend?
Mr. Magnay: It is the same country but for reasons given by a speaker in the House not long ago —
Mr. Buchanan: But your Government were negotiating with it.
Mr. Magnay: We were negotiating and all the time they had a private wire from the Kremlin to Berlin and put themselves up to the highest bidder.
Mr. MacLaren: It is a pity you did not bid enough.
Mr. Magnay: Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will tell the House what happened. I hope we shall have a White Paper so that we can discover what happened in our negotiations with Russia, and I suspect that those folk who are criticising me now will have little to say. I rose to lament the fact that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) should talk as he did to-night, that we should go cap in hand to Hitler—[Interruption.] That will be the impression given by his speech throughout the world—that he has been
1914
put up to throw a straw in the wind to see what terms could be accepted.
Mr. Lipson: The hon. Member says that the right hon. Member was put up to make that speech. Will he say by whom?
Mr. Magnay: What I said was that it will be said in the world to-morrow that the right hon. Gentleman was put up to throw a straw in the wind.
Mr. Lipson: By whom?
Mr. Magnay: By interested parties in this country to see what the other side will think about peace negotiations. I very much regret the right hon. Gentleman's interposition to-day. It will give the very worst impression. We are pledged to take care to the best of our ability of the rights of Poland. She is down and out within a month, and the body has hardly been interred when the right hon. Gentleman says that we should consider terms of peace. Some of the hon. Members for the Glasgow area say that they are sure the country is not agreed about the war going on. I would tell them, however, that any Government which wavered in the slightest about this war would be down and out to-morrow, and would deserve it. That is the feeling in the country. I have the greatest respect for my old political chief, but I regret his speech to-night. It is easy to say a good word in the wrong place and at the wrong time, and I think his speech was ill-timed and badly advised. It will cause the gravest concern throughout the world and it ought to be repudiated at the earliest moment as not representing the views of the Government and of the electorate.
7.27 p.m.
Mr. Lipson: It is clear from the course which the Debate has followed that there is a definite cleavage of opinion in this House on the issue raised by the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George). I think that that cleavage of opinion reflects a cleavage throughout the country. There are those who think that we ought at all times to be willing to consider proposals for peace. There are others who say that we must not listen to proposals for peace because we have not yet destroyed what is called Hitlerism. I am not sure whether we shall ever destroy Hitlerism, because I remember

1915
that in the last War we were out to destroy Prussian militarism. We carried on that war to the end as we are told to do to-day. To-day we have Hitlerism, and is it anything better than Prussian militarism, or is it not something infinitely worse? I am not sure that those who criticise the right hon. Gentleman for making that speech are really the true democrats that they claim to be. In a democracy and in this House, which is the home of democracy, we must be prepared to listen to speeches that we do not like just as much as to speeches that we like.
If it was ill-advised from the point of view of the war that the right hon. Gentleman should have spoken as he did, it is not his fault that that speech had to be made in open session. It was his opinion, speaking as an ex-Prime Minister, with a full sense of responsibility, that a certain attitude should be adopted towards peace proposals which we are told are to be forthcoming. That speech had to be made, and I am wondering whether, after that speech and the Debate that has followed, the Prime Minister will think that the case against a secret Session is quite as strong as he thought it was earlier in the day, because there have been a good many things said in this Debate which could have been said in a secret Session without the possible repercussions they are likely to have. I think more use might be made by the German Government of the remark of the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) that we can never defeat Germany than of the speech of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs. But those who criticise that speech also criticise the Government, because I think there has been an unnecessary amount of heat brought into this Debate. Really there is not all that difference between the point of view of the Prime Minister in the reply which he made and the speech of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs. The right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs asked that any peace proposals that may be made should be considered. The Prime Minister said they would be considered. The right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs asked that they should not be dismissed in a hurry. The Prime Minister assured us that they would not be dismissed in a hurry. He further
1916
asked that this House should be given an opportunity of expressing an opinion upon those proposals, and I think the Prime Minister gave his consent to that. So, really, there is not all the difference that some have tried to make out between the attitude of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs and that of the Prime Minister. But we have to take into account the attitude of neutrals in this war, and I am wondering what argument might be used by the Isolationists in America, at a time when America is considering her attitude towards the Neutrality Act, if we were summarily to reject any proposals that came to us from the other side. America would be told that if she repealed the Neutrality Act she would be helping on the continuance of the war and that we had put ourselves definitely in the wrong by refusing to discuss terms.
It has been suggested by hon. Members that such terms as could possibly come from Germany must be rejected because Germany has won the war, but I think the advent of Russia into the scene has altered the position, not only for this counry and for France but also for Germany. It is possible that Germany may, in view of all the issues that are raised by the advent of Russia into the war, and her increased importance in Europe adopt a more reasonable attitude. Anyhow, I am sure the right thing for this House to do is to say that we are prepared to listen to proposals, that we are not going to condemn them beforehand. We may be sceptical as to whether it is possible under present conditions for proposals to be made which we can accept, but if they are proposals which we can with honour accept it is a duty which we owe to the people of our country and to civilisation that we should not lightly turn them aside. Given good will, we can get a much better solution of Europe's troubles now than if we have to leave them to be settled at the end of a long and bitter war; and if these proposals should open the door for a lasting peace then I hope we shall see that, so far as we are concerned, that door is left wide open to see if a real peace is possible.
7.35 p.m.
Mr. Tinker: During the course of this war there will be many occasions such as we have had to-night when passions run

1917
high and we do not give due consideration to remarks made by people who, we think, are not altogether so wholehearted in the prosecution of the war as we should like them to be, but I think we ought to try to examine them in the proper perspective. I do not put upon the speech of the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) the construction which many Members have. I cannot imagine that a man who, on 3rd September, made a speech such as he made in support of the Government's policy in prosecuting the war, can at this moment have any desire to lead us to a dishonourable peace. I read his speech in this way—that for diplomatic reasons he did not want it to go out to the world that, whatever offers might be made to us, we were not prepared to listen to them. He was saying to the Government that whether they came from Hitler or Stalin, or from whatever quarter of the world they came, the Government should listen to them and examine them and, if it were at all possible, put them before the House of Commons for the House to decide whether to accept them or not. Viewed in that light I do not think that strong exception ought to be taken to that speech. I am rather inclined to think that it will go out to the world more emphatical and embittered because of the extreme criticism which has been passed upon it, and I do hope the right hon. Gentleman will take an early opportunity of trying to make as clear as he can what his intentions were when he made that suggestion to the House of Commons.
Now I should like to turn to the speech of the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern). He recounted the instance of the young man in Germany who visualised what happened after the last War, when the Germans were subjected to treatment to which no country ought to be subjected. I can understand the citizens of Germany feeling that if that experience had to be repeated they would fight strongly to retain their present position. I would ask the hon. Member for Shettleston whether, knowing what Germany went through at that time, he agrees with Germany adopting the same attitude towards others, because so far as I know Germany is carrying out the same policy towards the countries that it conquers as it was subjected to after the Great War. Does he hold with that kind of thing? If not, what does he think
1918
we ought to do in this country? Does he think that because we are a big and powerful country we ought to stand on one side, waiting until the blow falls on ourselves, and then, and then only, make a stand? That is not the outlook of a man such as I have always regarded the hon. Member for Shettleston to be. He is about as pugnacious and as belligerent a man in fighting for his rights as I know. As one who has tried to get fair play throughout the world I say that when we see that kind of thing taking place it behoves us to make a stand at some point. I thought the country took a false step in not taking its stand at the time of Munich.
The hon. Member for Shettleston has been in Germany and has seen the massed legions of Germany, and they imbued him with the fear that nothing could stand against their might. During the Great War I stood and watched the American troops coming to join us. I was at many of the base camps on the French coast. I thought nothing could stand in the way of the British armies and their allies. Yet we were held up year after year. So it is not wise to be impressed always by a show of force.
I ask the hon. Member, what would he do if they should launch an attack on this country as they have attacked others? Would then be the time to take a stand against German aggression? If so, does the hon. Member expect that he would get any help from anybody after we had been watching nations trampled underfoot? I think he will agree with me that we enjoy a measure of freedom in this country greater than any other part of the world, not excepting America. That is shown by what he has told us about the opinions he expressed at meetings in Glasgow. Would he be doing the right thing by humanity in waiting until we could not resist the onslaught of mighty Germany?
Mr. McGovern: I do not want to indulge in a Debate upon this point with the hon. Gentleman, but since he asks me a question, I say that I see in this recurring struggle a struggle between two sets of ruling classes whose aims are the same, rent, profit and interest, to pay the least possible wages, to give the lowest standards to the workers and to extract the maximum out of the situation. If they are contending for spheres of influence and for war materials and it becomes

1919
a struggle between ourselves and one country which has no Empire and which has gone down further to disruption than we have, I am not prepared to take part in that struggle.
Mr. Speaker: The hon. Member has answered the questions which were put to him, and he must not carry the point any further.
Mr. McGovern: I know that that would be out of order, Mr. Speaker, but I was only giving an explanation.
Mr. Tinker: I am rather glad that the hon. Member did make those remarks. I agree that we have ruling classes, but we have in this country an opportunity of overturning our ruling class by constitutional methods, if we can persuade people into giving us their support and after we have put our case before them. This is illustrated by what the hon. Member said about a no-war campaign in which he took part in Glasgow. If we can persuade the vast mass of the people, what is to stop us from removing these capitalists by constitutional means? If Hitler came —and that is not beyond the bounds of possibility if he goes on conquering place after place and terrifying everybody—and if it came to our turn, that measure of freedom would be swept away. I can men imagine the hon. Member and myself —we are not entirely dissimilar in temperament—standing shoulder to shoulder trying to retrieve the situation from what has happened. Before we arrive at that position I want to make my stand to prevent it happening.
The hon. Member asked what we were fighting for. I think I have made my position clear. I believe that the Hitler regime is the wrong thing for the world. The hon. Member smiles. I have heard it said that we talk in this House but are not prepared to fight.
Mr. McGovern: I was not smiling at the hon. Member's talk, but at the Undersecretary.
Mr. Tinker: Taunts have been made many times that many of us are talking but are not prepared to risk our lives. I went in 1914. I am now an elderly man. I have offered my services in this present conflict, but I am told that I am too old. I am physically fit, but I recog-
1920
nise my age. I am not wanted for the time being, but I may be wanted later on. I do not ask other people to do a job in which they will risk their lives without being prepared to give my own. I hope that hon. Members will not throw that taunt at others. We are not trying to hide behind anybody in this fight for freedom, and I hope that the taunt will not be used again. I want the Government to prosecute the war until we are able to get better terms than we are likely to get at the present time. I do not rule out the possibility of getting some kind of terms, but if we were prepared to step down we should hand over to Hitler and those behind him the thought that they were invincible, and that, although we had entered into war, at the first sign of any threat against them these Britishers who govern the world had cried off and were prepared to climb down. We do not want that to happen.
I did not expect to speak to-night, but I did not think it right to allow the speeches to go out from the working-class movement, and not to be as courageous as some hon. Members in putting a point of view. I trust that our point of view will go out, just as theirs will do, to show that there are many in the working class that are prepared to go on until we get justice and freedom for the Polish nation and other nations. It may be a long time coming. I did not enter into war expecting that it would be a speedy war. It would have been cowardice to do so, if we knew that we should win. I saw tremendous difficulties when we took on Germany, which is a well organised nation, and I can see greater difficulties, now that Russia is behind it. The hon. Member wanted to know the reason we are fighting. It is in the hope that we can bring the war to a successful conclusion and, when we have beaten Germany, can give to the German people and others the same rights as we shall enjoy after the war.
7.48 p.m.
Mr. Silverman: The Debate has gone on for some hours and I would not willingly prolong it if there were not one thing that might usefully be said which so far has not been said. I think it is true to say that the people of this country have no enthusiasm for this or for any war, but they would not be willing, in the main, now that the war has started, to let it end on such terms as would restore

1921
the world to the position in which it was —or to anything like that position— before we started. It was a position in which we were continually stumbling along from one crisis to the next, never knowing what was to happen, and without any kind of order, stability or security. I think the people of this country would not go back to that now, and that they are prepared to fight until some kind of order, based on stability and justice can be secured.
At the same time, we may be making a mistake in continually allowing the initiative, both in war and peace, to be on the other side. This Debate has been confined unnecessarily to considering whether we would or would not consider proposals or peace terms made to us. There is general agreement that it would be; folly, if terms of peace were proposed to us, to allow them to go unexamined. I do not know anybody who thinks that they ought to be cast aside unexamined. But 1 would have liked to hear someone, with more authority than I can pretend to have, say in his Debate: "Why should we consider only whether we should or should not entertain, discuss and go into conference about proposals made to us? What is to prevent us from making our own proposals? "What is to prevent us from looking at the situation realistically and making up our minds what kind of world and what kind of Europe we want, and on the questions that will have to be decided in conference some time or other? Having made up our minds as to what proposals we have to make on what terms we ourselves would be prepared to make peace, we should announce them to the world—enemy nations and neutral nations alike—and say that we are prepared to come into conference with anybody who is prepared to meet us on these terms. What could be lost by having something more positive, something more constructive, than the mere reiteration of the phrase, "Hitler must go"? You cannot expect to maintain a long war—if, unfortunately, that tragic necessity should arise—on a mere negative of that sort. People will not fight for a negation.
1922
It may be that you hold the view that no kind of peace is possible unless the Nazi regime in Germany is removed. If that is one of the things you regard as essential, say so by all means; but do not stop there. You have to say what you would do then. Suppose that the Nazi regime went, suppose that the abnoxious individual went, what then would you propose? I think it is precisely that which the German people are waiting, with great anxiety, to hear. I hope the opportunity will be taken to take the initiative out of the hands of the others. We are the leaders of progressive world opinion—not Germany, not Russia, not Italy. Are we leading it? We are certainly telling those people in Germany that they ought to get rid of their Government, but are we telling them what will happen if they do? We are not. Are we telling the neutrals what we would like to put in the place of this Europe overrun by the horror of war? We are not, and I think we should be.
It may be that it would have been better if so long a Debate had not taken place, but since it has taken place, it would have been a pity, I think, to let it come to an end without someone urging that we should state our aims more positively than anyone has stated them so far. It is possible that the war might go on for many years before we got peace. You could create a European desert and call it peace, and give it the permanence of the grave. The objects that we regard as essential for the maintenance of civilisation may require a long war. If so, we should not be afraid of it. But neither should we assume that that is going to be necessary. Now, while people are in the mood to talk, talk to them. It is not necessary to talk on their terms; but if you tell them what are your terms and invite them to talk on your basis, you take the initiative out of their hands, you take the leadership, and perhaps you do something to acquire a long-wanted diplomatic success for ourselves.
Question, "That this House do now adjourn," put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Five Minutes before Eight o'Clock

  FAR EAST SITUATION.
  FAR EAST SITUATION.
  ARMAMENTS LIMITATION.
  ARMAMENTS LIMITATION.
  COLONIAL AFFAIRS (PARLIAMENTARY CONSIDERATION).
  COLONIAL AFFAIRS (PARLIAMENTARY CONSIDERATION).
TRADE AND COMMERCE.
  GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE (QUOTAS).
  GREAT BRITAIN AND FRANCE (QUOTAS).
  RAW MATERIALS, CONTROL.
  RAW MATERIALS, CONTROL.
  EXPORT LICENCES.
  EXPORT LICENCES.
  HOUSING.
  HOUSING.
  MATERNITY AND CHILD WELFARE (MILK).
  MATERNITY AND CHILD WELFARE (MILK).
  FIGHTING SERVICES (MEDICAL TREATMENT—DEPENDANTS).
  FIGHTING SERVICES (MEDICAL TREATMENT—DEPENDANTS).
  NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE (STAMPING OF CARDS).
  NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE (STAMPING OF CARDS).
CIVIL DEFENCE.
  CAMPS.
  CAMPS.
  AUXILIARY FIRE SERVICE.
  AUXILIARY FIRE SERVICE.
  MINISTRY OF HEALTH (STAFF).
  MINISTRY OF HEALTH (STAFF).
  SIERRA LEONE.
  SIERRA LEONE.
  PALESTINE.
  PALESTINE.
  PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE.
  PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE.
MINISTRY OF SUPPLY.
  TIMBER (PRICE).
  TIMBER (PRICE).
  EXPERIMENTS ON LIVING ANIMALS (POISON GAS).
  EXPERIMENTS ON LIVING ANIMALS (POISON GAS).
  ENEMY MERCHANT SHIPS (LOCATION).
  ENEMY MERCHANT SHIPS (LOCATION).
  LONDON-BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY SERVICE.
  LONDON-BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY SERVICE.
MINISTRY OF INFORMATION.
  STAFF (CLASSIFICATION AND QUALIFICATIONS).
  STAFF (CLASSIFICATION AND QUALIFICATIONS).
  1. HEADQUARTERS STAFF.
  1. HEADQUARTERS STAFF.
  NEUTRAL COUNTRIES.
  NEUTRAL COUNTRIES.
  DOMINIONS AND COLONIES.
  DOMINIONS AND COLONIES.
  POSTER CAMPAIGN (COST).
  POSTER CAMPAIGN (COST).
  BROADCASTS (ADVERTISEMENTS).
  BROADCASTS (ADVERTISEMENTS).
  NAZI LEADERS (INVESTMENTS ABROAD).
  NAZI LEADERS (INVESTMENTS ABROAD).
WEST INDIES.
  LABOUR CONDITIONS.
  LABOUR CONDITIONS.
  BARBADOS.
  BARBADOS.
  JAMAICA.
  JAMAICA.
  BRITISH HONDURAS.
  BRITISH HONDURAS.
  BERMUDA.
  BERMUDA.
  BRITISH GUIANA.
  BRITISH GUIANA.
  TRINIDAD.
  TRINIDAD.
SCOTLAND.
  HERRING FISHING INDUSTRY.
  HERRING FISHING INDUSTRY.
  ISLE OF LEWIS (COMMUNICATIONS).
  ISLE OF LEWIS (COMMUNICATIONS).
  EDUCATION (NECESSITOUS EVACUEES).
  EDUCATION (NECESSITOUS EVACUEES).
  BANK FOR INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENTS (GERMANY).
  BANK FOR INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENTS (GERMANY).
UNEMPLOYMENT.
  INSURANCE FUND.
  INSURANCE FUND.
  POTTERIES TOWNS.
  POTTERIES TOWNS.
  ASSISTANCE (STATISTICS).
  ASSISTANCE (STATISTICS).
  RATES OF EXCHANGE.
  RATES OF EXCHANGE.
  INCOME TAX.
  INCOME TAX.
  CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (ASSETS).
  CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (ASSETS).
  WASTE PAPER (COLLECTION).
  WASTE PAPER (COLLECTION).
FOOD SUPPLIES.
  BREAD AND FLOUR.
  BREAD AND FLOUR.
  GLUCOSE.
  GLUCOSE.
  COAL RATIONING.
  COAL RATIONING.
AGRICULTURE.
  HOLIDAYS WITH PAY.
  HOLIDAYS WITH PAY.
  TITHE (BANKRUPTCY PROCEEDINGS).
  TITHE (BANKRUPTCY PROCEEDINGS).
  HIRE-PURCHASE AGREEMENTS.
  HIRE-PURCHASE AGREEMENTS.
BRITISH ARMY.
  CADET FORCE.
  CADET FORCE.
  RESERVE OFFICERS (PROMOTION).
  RESERVE OFFICERS (PROMOTION).
  TERRITORIAL ARMY STRENGTH.
  TERRITORIAL ARMY STRENGTH.
  COMPULSORY CHURCH PARADES.
  COMPULSORY CHURCH PARADES.
  CLOTHING.
  CLOTHING.
  MARRIED SOLDIERS (ALLOWANCES).
  MARRIED SOLDIERS (ALLOWANCES).
  WAR SITUATION.
  WAR SITUATION.
Preamble
The House met at three of the clock, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.

SOLICITORS (DISCIPLINARY COMMITTEE) BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
3.5 p.m.
LORD WRIGHT: My Lords, I beg to move that this Bill be read a second time. It is a very short and simple measure. It involves one alteration of the Solicitors Act of 1932. The point of the Bill is to increase the number of members of the Disciplinary Committee from seven to nine and to enable the Committee to sit in more divisions than one, so long as there are not less than three members at the sitting of any division. It is not, of course, an emergency or a war measure, but the Committee are very anxious to have this change, as a good deal of delay has been experienced under the present system. The Bill has come to this House from another place, where it has passed through all its stages, and I apprehend that there should be no objection whatever to this very useful measure.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(Lord Wright.)
On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

EDUCATION (EMERGENCY) BILL. [H.L.]
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
3.6 p.m.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF EDUCATION (EARL DE LA WARR): My Lords, I cannot say that it gives me any satisfaction to ask your Lordships to give this Bill a Second Reading. Nor, I think, is it to be wondered at that I should say that, as it involves a retrogression—a temporary one, it is true, but nevertheless a retrogression—in the field of education. But the hard facts of the present situation
1212
have to be faced, as I hope to show your Lordships, and they make necessary this backward step. Your Lordships will remember that it is now only three years since you gave your assent, unanimously, to a measure which provided for the raising of the school-leaving age from fourteen to fifteen. It was to date from September 1 of this year. The purpose of this Bill is to suspend that provision, and I will venture to give your Lordships, as briefly as I can, the reasons which have led His Majesty's Government to take this decision.
The Government scheme for the evacuation of school children was designed primarily to safeguard the lives of our young people, and though, of course, the need for the continued education of the children was not lost sight of, we undoubtedly find ourselves at this time faced with educational conditions that are all too painfully different from those which we envisaged when we passed the 1936 Act. In all evacuation areas, and indeed in some neutral areas—though here I hope the position will very soon be remedied—the elementary schools are closed, and even when all the schools in the reception areas are open, as most of them are already, the conditions under the evacuation scheme, such as the double-shift system, for instance, will be such as to make the extra year at school of very little value. In this connection your Lordships will remember that the Board always, in making a case for the raising of the school age, made it clear that they envisaged the last year being of a somewhat different character and of definite use to the growing child.
Now, this is the position, and I think your Lordships will share my view that in present conditions it would really be little short of a fraud on the parents to compel them to send their children to school between fourteen and fifteen, instead of allowing them to seek employment, as they could do before the 1936 Act was passed. It would, of course, be open to them to leave their children at school after fourteen on a voluntary basis, and, for myself, I certainly hope they will do so, unless they have some suitable employment in view for their children. There are one or two other reasons for the Bill on which I might venture to touch. Under existing conditions exemptions are likely to be given very freely, indeed on a wholesale basis. Your Lordships will

1213
agree that this would be a very bad precedent for normal times. Moreover, the procedure is an extremely complicated one, and it would be very difficult to find people to-day to undertake the task of granting or refusing exemptions conscientiously.
There is one other point. Some of your Lordships may ask whether the postponement of the appointed day applies equally to the provision in respect of grants for non-provided schools which are contained in Section 8 of the 1936 Act. The answer is in the negative. It is, of course, true that owing to the scarcity of building labour and materials some proposals for voluntary senior schools, which would otherwise have materialised, will fail to do so under the provisions of Section 8 of that Act. That is a hardship, but I have looked very carefully into the matter and I cannot see that a remedy for it can be found here and now on a basis that is likely to be fair. In the first place the duration of the war is obviously uncertain, and equally uncertain is the interval of time which will elapse between the end of the war and the resumption of normal building conditions. In these circumstances, the best course would be to review the whole position after the war, and I would here and now, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, be prepared to undertake that we should then give sympathetic consideration to the possibility of legislation to meet cases which have failed to materialise owing to causes beyond the control of the promoters or the authorities. I hope your Lordships will agree that that is probably the most practicable and the fairest way of dealing with that rather unsatisfactory situation.
In conclusion, I should like to emphasize what I said at the beginning of my remarks—namely, that this Bill is a postponement and not a repeal of the principle of raising the school age from fourteen to fifteen, which the Act of 1936 embodied. That principle has been accepted by the Government and by the country, and there can be no question whatsoever of going back on it or failing to put it into effect as soon as circumstances permit. I beg to move.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.— (Earl De La Warr.)
3.14 p.m.
LORD STRABOLGI: My Lords, my noble friend Lord Snell has been called out of the House and has asked me to express our views, which I shall do very briefly. In the circumstances of to-day we cannot oppose the introduction of this Bill. The only thing is that on the Committee stage we may ask your Lordships to agree to an Amendment defining a little more clearly the date of the postponement—in other words, pinning the Government, or whichever Government is then in office, a little more closely to introduce again the upper age limit as soon as possible after the conclusion of hostilities.
3.15 p.m.
THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: My Lords, I may be forgiven one or two sentences on this matter, for two reasons. One is that I have always been among those who pressed for the raising of the school age, but in view of the circumstances so clearly indicated by the noble Earl I am convinced this is not the time to proceed with what otherwise would have been a very welcome extension of the educational facilities of the country. The other reason is that I am, naturally, greatly interested in the building of voluntary senior schools. It was our great desire to co-operate with the Government in the provision of these most necessary schools, but at the present time, owing to the immense preoccupation of local education authorities with other matters and owing to the obvious difficulties of securing labour, materials, and the like, it has been quite impossible for many of these schemes, which had already reached almost the point of completion, to fulfil the obligation imposed by the Act of 1936 to have reached completion or reasonable prospect of completion by September, 1940. I fully recognise the reasons which have led the noble Earl to consider that it would not be appropriate to deal with this matter by legislation at the present time, but I welcome his assurance that when the war is over and the time comes for reviving some of these schemes, which through no fault of the promoters it has been impossible to carry out, the Government will give full consideration—I know they will—to the possibility of any legislation that might cover and exonerate those bodies for any failure to comply with the exact provisions of the Act.
On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

EDUCATION (EMERGENCY) (SCOTLAND) BILL. [H.L.]
Order of the day for the Second Reading read.
3.17 p.m.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA AND BURMA (THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND): My Lords, the reasons for this Bill are the same, of course, as those which have been given by my noble friend for the similar Bill affecting England. The necessity for a separate Bill for Scotland is due to differences, with which your Lordships are all familiar, between English and Scottish law. I need not, therefore, travel over the ground which has been already covered by my noble friend when explaining the necessity for the English Bill, and I need, perhaps, make reference only to one or two points which are peculiar to the Scottish Bill, to the Second Reading of which I am about to ask your Lordships to agree.
In the case of Scotland it was provided by the Act of 1918 that in due course the school-leaving age should be raised from fourteen to fifteen, and under the provisions of that Act the change was to be brought about by an Order. The time for the issue of that Order had not come when a further Act was passed in 1936 which, so far as this matter is concerned, took the place of the Order and laid down September 1, 1939, as the date on which this change should be made. Clause 1, therefore, of the Bill now before your Lordships provides that that date shall be erased, and that in its place the date shall be described as "the appointed day," which is to be appointed by my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for Scotland. In paragraph (b) of subsection (1) in Clause 1, your Lordships may find the language a little bit difficult to follow, as is often the case with Parliamentary enactments. The paragraph reads as follows:
"Subsection (2) of Section one shall have effect as if for the reference therein to the first day of September, nineteen hundred and twenty-five there were substituted a reference to the date of which the appointed day is the fourteenth anniversary."
1216
That simply refers to the provision in the original Act to the effect that if a boy between the ages of fourteen and fifteen had already left school—he might possibly have left school for six months—he should not be recalled to school after having been away for that period under the provisions of the Act. Subsection (2) of Clause 1 merely protects the local education authorities who may have already spent money in anticipation of the change which was expected to come about on September 1, 1939. If this provision were not here inserted any expenditure, if this Bill becomes law, would of course have become illegal, and the purpose of the subsection therefore is to protect the local education authorities under that head.
Clause 2 deals with the question of the issue of by-laws largely for controlling the employment in various occupations of children between the ages of fourteen and fifteen, and the effect of it is to render inoperative by-laws which have already been passed in anticipation of the change coming about on September 1. That is to say, by-laws affecting children between the ages of fourteen and fifteen on the assumption that the original arrangement had been brought into operation will have no effect, but by-laws affecting children under the age of fourteen which have already been made will of course continue to have effect, and the local authorities are given power to pass such new by-laws as may be found desirable. That is an explanation of the clauses of this rather complicated Bill, and, as your Lordships will see, the effect of it is precisely the same as that of the similar Bill to which your Lordships have already given a Second Reading in the case of England. I beg to move that the Bill be now read a second time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.— (The Marquess of Zetland.)
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, may I ask the noble Marquess who has particularly referred to these by-laws affecting children between the ages of fourteen and fifteen, or the noble Earl opposite (Earl De La Wan), whether in view of the unfortunate necessity of taking this course, which we all recognise and regret, the Government are able or propose to do anything with respect to these children at this age, so as to provide them with some

1217
form of co-ordinated or organised occupation in clubs or in schools or in any other form? We all remember that there was a very unfortunate development during the last war, and it would be good service if steps could be taken to prevent as far as possible that recurring. It was, I remember, particularly children of this age who were affected.
EARL DE LA WARR: My Lords, the noble Marquess has asked me to reply to the noble Lord. I think perhaps it would be most appropriate if I referred the noble Lord to the debate that is shortly to follow to-day. I shall be making a statement then on what I agree with the noble Lord is a most important subject, in reply to a Motion put down by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Winchester.
On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

COURTS (EMERGENCY POWERS) (SCOTLAND) BILL. [H.L.]
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
3.25 p.m.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT CALDECOTE): My Lords, I beg to move that this Bill be read a second time. Its purpose is to do for Scotland what the Courts (Emergency Powers) Act, which received the Royal Assent on September 1, did for England. That Act was drafted in fact so as to apply also to Scotland. It was drafted as a United Kingdom measure with Scottish clauses, but difficulties have already arisen in interpretation and in applying the provisions of the Act, due to the wide differences between English law and Scottish law both in substance and in terminology. I understand that these difficulties are likely to grow in number if matters remain as they are, and that it would be necessary to obtain decisions probably in the Court of Session in order to clarify the position. In these circumstances it is thought desirable to have a separate measure passed which would achieve as nearly as possible the same results as in England but framed in terms to fit Scottish law. I have satisfied myself that this Bill carries out that intention.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
On Question Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

EXECUTION OF TRUSTS (EMER GENCY PROVISIONS) BILL. [H.L.]
Order of the Day for the Second Reacting read.
3.27 p.m.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR: My Lords, I beg to move that this Bill be read a second time. The purpose of the Bill is to enable trustees who are engaged on war service to delegate the exercise of their functions to another person. In the last war it was found convenient that this power should be given to trustees and two Acts of Parliament were passed in 1914 and 1915 giving effect to that purpose. This Bill corresponds to that legislation, but there are some modifications which in part are due to changes that have been made in the meantime in the general law. In some respects the powers conferred by this Bill are less restricted than those that were given by the war legislation to which I have referred. Clause 1 of the Bill, which is the main clause, gives effect to the main intention of the Bill. Subsection (5) of Clause 1 is a provision similar to one contained in the 1914 legislation by which persons absent from the United Kingdom and unable to return owing to the war were given the like powers as are given to trustees on war service.
Clause 2 provides for the protection of the delegating trustee as long as he acts without negligence and in good faith, and without negligence in choosing his attorney, while the attorney himself has precisely the same duties and responsibilities as if he were himself a trustee. Clause 3 of the Bill is a machinery clause relating to the powers of attorney by which the delegation of functions takes place. Clause 4 is required to regularise transfers of stock by an attorney. Clause 5 provides for cases where an infant engaged on war service dies and the trustees of a settlement have done some act in exercise of their powers. In such cases when you are dealing with trustees the trustees themselves are completely protected if the act was done without actual notice of the death. The other clauses are the interpretation clause and

1219
the clause which provides that the measure shall not extend to Scotland. I have had the great advantage of a discussion on the terms of this Bill and its objects with my noble and learned friend Viscount Maugham, and I have his permission to say that the Bill meets with his approval.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House.

CINEMATOGRAPH FILM INDUSTRY.
3.30 p.m.
LORD STRABOLGI LORD STRABOLGI rose to ask His Majesty's Government what is their policy during the present war with regard to the British cinematograph film industry, especially on the production side; and to move for Papers. The noble Lord said: My Lords, my right honourable friend Mr. Greenwood, the Deputy Leader of my Party in another place, was approached on the subject matter of my question, and I also have been approached, and owing to pressure of work in another place my right honourable friends and Lord Snell thought it well to raise the matter in your Lordships' House. As a matter of fact the debate on the Films Bill of 1938 was very much better in your Lordships' House than it was in another place and so I venture to agree that it is more appropriate that this question should be raised here. Before 1914 the British film industry was in a very strong position. Then came the world war of 1914–18 and British production practically closed down. What was then the pioneer industry at Hollywood took advantage of the situation—small blame to it—and secured a virtual monopoly. There were also great technical advances at that time. When the last Great War ended the British film-producing industry had practically ceased and for seventeen years since has had an uphill struggle to try to get back to the position held previously.
The first reason that induced me to raise the matter is that we do not want that state of affairs to occur again. I believe that is also the Government view. The film-producing industry, I am informed, still has labour and material and is carrying on on a reduced scale, but
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those concerned in it want to be assured as to the future. In the last Great War all the men were taken from the industry, but the industry was not then so important, people had not recognised its importance for entertainment and in moulding the public opinion and, to speak bluntly, as a means of propaganda, disguised or open. There is now uncertainty and the people in the industry want to know in particular whether the Government have any intention of tampering with the Act of 1938 establishing a quota which the industry wish to have maintained. Another reason why this great industry should be kept alive is that if we have to rely entirely or too much on American films that will mean spending more dollars than we may be able to afford and will affect the exchange.
This matter of British films, I understand, is now partly the responsibility of the Ministry of Information, but I was very glad to hear through the usual channels, when I arrived for to-day's sitting of your Lordships' House, that the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, is going to reply to this debate. There is a very efficient branch at the Board of Trade which has dealt with the film industry and administered the Film Acts for years. The officials in that branch of the Board of Trade know all about the subject. But now a vast film organisation has been duplicated in the Ministry of Information. It consists of a great number of highly-paid people. They are very distinguished people, so they must be highly paid. Their names guarantee that they will have large salaries. I would like to know in due course what those gentlemen are to do. If the film department of the Board of Trade carries on I do not know what the department under the noble and learned Lord, Lord Macmillan, will have to do. I should like to take the opportunity of suggesting to the noble and learned Lord that if his Department is proposing to make propaganda films he should be very careful. The obvious propaganda film never creates the effect intended. All films, of course, have some propaganda value. The most reverend Primate will bear me out in that. Even the Hollywood rule, that good shall always triumph over evil, has a propaganda value. All films must have a happy ending if they are to pass the Hays organisation in the U.S.A. and British films going to America also must

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have a good ending. That is disguises propaganda, but one must be careful of films which are blatantly propagandist.
The film department of the Ministry of Information consists of a distinguished body of people under Major Sir Joseph Ball, who before the present war was, I understand, Director of the Conservative Party's Research Department. It is only a coincidence, of course, that all these gentlemen have held, or still hold, high office in the Central Conservative organisation. We know that they are efficient as propagandists because of the undeserved successes of the Conservative Party in recent General Elections. Therefore, if they know anything about films and know what they have to deal with, and can use this form of propaganda as efficiently as in recent Elections, on our enemy or even on our friends, I dare say there is good reason for their appointment. Then there is a gentleman named Sir Patrick Gower, who was I believe the chief publicity officer in the Conservative Central Office since 1929, and two others are Mr. Henry Brooke, a Conservative Member in another place, and a Mr. Oliver Bell, described as a director of the Film Institute, who was also formerly on the staff of the Conservative Party. As I say, it is only a coincidence that they all come from the Conservative Central Office, and I do not care as long as they are efficient and do not cost too much money.
THE EARL OF GLASGOW: I am sorry to interrupt the noble Lord, but he has just used the word "Party," I think, three times. I understood that now there is no Party and we are all united in One cause.
LORD STRABOLGI: I hope the noble Earl will forgive me if I say that if the Government continue on their present headlong career to destruction there will be Party. If they do not show more foresight and courage in the crisis in which we are placed there will be enough Party to clear them out of office. I am sorry to have to say that just now, when there is a so-called Party truce. We want to win the war and we will support any Government in that, but I had to rise to the bait of so gallant a fisherman as the noble Earl.
I want now, if I may, to say a word about the news reels, which are very popular and interesting, particularly at
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the present time. Since the outbreak of the present war a flood of news reels has come from Germany. Those news reels have flooded the picture theatres in neutral countries and even have been shown here. I am very glad that they should be shown here because they will be very good for recruiting if recruits are needed. They show the German Army and Air Force and Navy—cameramen are given full facilities on both the Eastern and Western fronts, the only requirement being that of course the German forces shall be shown to the best advantage—and Mr. Hitler is shown surrounded by his Generals reviewing his troops and so on. But very little news reel has come out of this country. There have been a few magnificent pictures of the landing of our forces in France, but compared with the German output we have done very little—so little, in fact, that in neutral countries unsophisticated people think that the only people who are doing anything in the war are the Germans.
The news reel industry is a very large industry and very well organised. The head of one of the greatest Anglo-American news reel concerns in the world, with a distributing organisation which has been functioning successfully for years, offered to distribute any news reels of our magnificent forces throughout the world free, gratis and for nothing. But that did not suit the Ministry of Information. Not a bit of it. I understand that they propose to build up their own distributing organisation, a task which would take many months, and I am informed—I hope wrongly—that it would cost about £50,000. The Anglo-American offer of distribution has been turned down, and in any case no reply has been received according to my information. That is the information I am given. I have given notice of this particular matter to the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, and I sent a note also to the noble and learned Lord, Lord Macmillan. I hope this report I have on the cost is not so, and is an exaggeration—to put it mildly. But at any rate this offer to distribute these news reel films free and gratis through all the Scandinavian and Spanish-American countries, and so on, everywhere, has been rejected or not taken advantage of. If it had been the Board of Trade who had had this offer, I am perfectly certain from what I know of the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, and his chief, if I

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may say so with respect, that those news reels would have gone out quickly enough.
One other matter. A suggestion was also made that what are called "talkie" pictures—if your Lordships will forgive the slang: I mean cinematograph films of people speaking—should be made of leading statesmen in this country explaining why we entered into this war, and should be distributed in North and South America and everywhere else in the world. Nothing has happened. That may be wise; I do not know. It may be that some of our leading statesmen in this country would be better off the screen and the less the unsuspecting neutrals heard and saw of them the better. Judging from some of the effusions we have had from them on the wireless, I should rather think so. But there are certain people in this country—I am speaking, of course, not only of the supporters of the Government—whom the neutral public would like to hear on the screen in that way. It might be good. On the other hand, I quite see the point: you do not wish to be accused of propaganda. I know we must fight this war in a very gentlemanly way, and if we have propaganda in certain countries it might do more harm than good. I accept that. But I do not believe that some of the German leaders would have refused if they had had that offer. It would not have been made to them, but it is a means of reaching some hundreds of millions of people and by word of mouth giving the British case in this great struggle. It has not been taken advantage of. As I say, there is probably a good explanation for all these things.
May I just end as I began, my Lords? The British film industry for producing films, is, I believe it will be agreed, of importance. We wish it to be in a position during these coming months and years to produce good films giving the British point of view and showing the British institutions and what, indeed, we are fighting to preserve. We cannot leave that entirely in the hands of foreigners. Therefore the British film industry should be kept alive if it is at all possible. I know I have the sympathy of my noble friend Lord Templemore, and I presume also of the noble and learned Lord who is doing such good work in reorganising
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the Ministry of Information. I beg to move.
3.43 p.m.
LORD TEMPLEMORE: My Lords, the noble Lord opposite has raised a most important question. I am very glad that he appears to be in his very best form this afternoon. He must have had some very good news over the week-end! My noble friend Lord Glasgow indeed did the House a service in these drab days, because he elicited from the noble Lord some very extraordinary remarks: he very nearly made a Party attack on His Majesty's Government, which is very refreshing in these times.
LORD STRABOLGI: Not yet!
LORD TEMPLEMORE: The noble Lord made what is too common in these days, a kind of veiled—it was not very veiled—attack on the Ministry of Information which is so ably represented by my noble and learned friend beside me. With the permission of the House, I am not going to deal with those points, but my noble friend Lord Macmillan will be very pleased to do so when I sit down. What I propose to deal with are the matters germane to the film industry which were raised by the noble Lord, and in order to do so I will, with your Lordships' permission, just run over a few points connected with that film industry so that we may know exactly where we stand and what is being done.
As your Lordships are aware, the cinematograph film industry is regulated by the Cinematograph Films Acts, 1927 and 1938. The 1938 Act continues the quota scheme initiated by the Act of 1927, under which, broadly speaking, every film renter has to acquire a certain length of British films proportionate to the total length of films that he acquires for distribution in Great Britain, and every exhibitor has to show a certain length of British films proportionate to the total length of the films that he exhibits. At the present time the proportion or quota laid down for renters in the Act of last year is 20 per cent. for long films and 15 per cent. for short films, and the quota for exhibitors is 12½ per cent. for long and short films alike.
The Act also imposes restrictions on the blind and advance bookings of films, provides for the registration of all films before distribution or exhibition, and

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defines what may be regarded for purposes of registration as a British film. In addition, it brings those employed by makers of films within the scope of the Fair-wage Resolution of the House of Commons, and constitutes the Cinematograph Films Council to advise the Board of Trade on matters relating to the industry. The Government feel—and representatives of the industry with whom they have been in touch agree—that certain at least of the provisions of the Acts may not be appropriate to war-time conditions. The most obvious instance is perhaps that of the exhibitor's quota. In view of the possibility of interruption due to local restrictions on opening, or to air raid warnings, it may be found impossible on grounds of equity to take action against an exhibitor for failing during a given period to exhibit the requisite proportion of British films.
Further, the administration of the Acts normally involves the employment of a considerable staff, whose services are now urgently needed for work more directly connected with the prosecution of the War. This points to the desirability for simplification, provided this can be accomplished without interfering with the objects for which the Acts were passed. On the other hand, there are certain sections of the Act—for instance, that dealing with wages and conditions of employment—which it is certainly desirable to retain. Another point that requires consideration is that in normal times it is estimated that the revenue earned in this country by American films represents an annual outflow of some five or six million pounds sterling. At a time when our foreign exchange resources are of such vital importance, it seems inevitable that means should be found to curtail this expenditure in a drastic manner. The issues raised by this problem are delicate and complicated, and they are being actively considered by the Government at the present time. The action required under this head may well radically alter the position of the film market and thus upset the basis on which the existing Acts rest.
But while the Government are satisfied that for the reasons already given the existing scheme of regulation needs to be modified, they recognise fully the need for ensuring that these modifications do not lead to a cessation of British film production such as occurred during the last
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war, to which the noble Lord opposite referred. They recognise, too, that the film industry has now its own contribution to make to the War effort. The President of the Board of Trade has been in touch with the producing interests and is fully informed as to their attitude. He has given them an assurance that the necessary changes shall only be made after consultation with those concerned and that there will be no avoidable delay in reaching a decision. The issues raised are complicated and difficult, and the interests not only of the various sections of the industry but also of the public must be taken into account.
As I said at the beginning of my speech, the noble Lord has raised, in addition to the matters I have dealt with, certain matters which are closely connected with the Ministry of Information, and my noble and learned friend beside me will deal with these, as he is so well able. I can only say in conclusion that the whole matter is under consideration as a matter of urgency by my right honourable friend and his advisers at the Board of Trade, and His Majesty's Government hope very shortly to put an end to any uncertainty which may exist in this important matter.
LORD STRABOLGI: Before the noble Lord sits down, did he say that the renter's quota would remain even if the exhibitor's quota is removed?
LORD TEMPLEMORE: So I understand.
3.50 p.m.
THE MINISTER OF INFORMATION (LORD MACMILLAN): My Lords, since the noble Lord opposite has invited me to supplement in some respects the reply which has just been made on behalf of my right honourable friend the President of the Board of Trade, I am very glad to have an opportunity of giving a little information on this aspect of the activity of the Ministry of Information. It is true that we have a film section in the Ministry; it is true that it enjoys the services of the gentlemen who have been alluded to by my noble friend; but I am happy to relieve his anxieties with regard to the financial aspect by saying that none of them receives any salary. These three gentlemen in particular whom he singled out for praise are giving their services voluntarily. Another point which I think

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will be consoling to my noble friend is that, so far from desiring to supersede existing agencies, it is the wish of my Department to use the existing trade organisations to the full. Sir Joseph Ball is well aware of their efficiency and the admirable equipment which they possess, and it would be most unfortunate if that were duplicated in any fashion. It is therefore the policy of the Department to avail themselves of those existing facilities.
On the general question, I should like to associate myself with my noble friend who has just spoken and to say that the Ministry of Information is fully alive to the value of the film as a means of publicity. In the present war the three means of reaching the people—nay, there are four—are the Press, the wireless, the films and, of course, the ordinary normal channels of personal oratory. The films in the last war played some part, but the industry was still in its infancy then. In this war we hope that as a vehicle of publicity it may be of the greatest possible value. It is valuable of course from the point of view of maintaining the general morale of the country, as providing entertainment and diversion, but it has other useful functions to perform, and I for one am of opinion that the Films Division of the Ministry has a most important contribution to make to our national war effort. Plans for carrying out those functions have already been made and much preliminary work has already been done in connection with them. I am satisfied that the plans which we have in hand and the steps which have been taken are all in the right direction. But it is manifest that, if we are to achieve anything through film publicity, the film industry must be maintained. It is only through the efficiency of a flourishing British film industry that we shall be able to attain the results which we hope to attain. The industry must continue, not only for the purpose of so-called propaganda work, but for the purpose of its ordinary exhibiting work, which I regard as in itself of the greatest importance. I can assure my noble friend opposite that we shall in the Ministry of Information do all that we can to strengthen the hands of the President of the Board of Trade in maintaining this important industry. I have
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every sympathy with it in the difficulties which it has had to encounter and I fully realise its value.
Now addressing myself to the two special points that were raised, first with regard to news reels, the news reels are very valuable indeed, because they have that element of actuality which makes a picture attractive. The difficulty in the way of producing news reels of the type desired was that at the beginning of the war there was an absolute embargo laid upon any photographs of military subjects. The Ministry of Information realised early how unfortunate that would be if it were absolutely without exception. I am happy to say that, through steps which have been taken by the Ministry, there has now been a relaxation of that order and the position now is that in the case of duly authorised photographers they are permitted to take photographs of subjects which previously would have been banned. Consequently it is now possible to take some news-reel photographs of actual military matters which can be pictured and exhibited without any detriment to real military considerations. We have, so far as I know, had no offer of free distribution of such news reels. The difficulty and the complaint I have had to encounter hitherto—and I have had several complaints to deal with—has been rather that news reels could not be taken at all, not that we were not availing ourselves of facilities which existed. I can assure the noble Lord that we are most happy to avail ourselves of any means whereby we can get distribution for nothing. It is perhaps one advantage of having a Scotsman as Minister of Information, that I can assure you that these matters will be very carefully attended to, and anything that one can do by way of economy, by using services that are offered to us, will be gladly done. But the difficulty about news reels, to which we are thoroughly alive, will be overcome now that authorised photographers are being permitted to take these photographs, and I hope we shall be able to have a number of them released.
The other matter to which the noble Lord alluded in rather sarcastic tones was as to the desirability of photographs of members of the Government. That is a form of "frightfulness" to which we have not yet descended. Whether it

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would be effective as a form of propaganda or not I am really at a loss to know. But, joking apart, there is of course, as there is in everything the noble Lord says, a point, and the point is this, that I think one or two selected personalities might possibly have some news value and some attractive value; but so far as that is concerned, we have been making suggestions that perhaps a distinguished speaker on some occasion might not only have his words distributed but also his personality reflected in a photograph. That has been discussed and one or two approaches in that direction have been made. I think the noble Lord recognises that it is a comparatively minor point, but it is one of those things that may have some value and we shall not lose sight of his hint. I can conclude as I began, by saying that, so far as the Ministry of Information is concerned, we are fully alive to the importance of the film as a vehicle of publicity, and when in the course of a few days we have had our overhaul of the Department and I am allowed, with the abatement of criticism, really to attend to my work, which hitherto has been to some extent impeded by the generous criticisms to which I have been subjected, I shall, I hope, be able to give an even more satisfactory answer to the noble Lord's questions.
LORD STRABOLGI: My Lords, I beg leave to thank both the noble Lords. It is not often that have the privilege of getting a double reply from the Government and I am very grateful to them. I do hope, if I may address the noble Lord, Lord Templemore, that this decision will not be long delayed, because delay is bad for the industry. I thank the noble Lord, Lord Macmillan, also. With regard to those gentlemen giving their services free, I am very glad to hear it. I think there ought to be far more voluntary service in this war. Too many people are paid for what ought to be voluntary work. But that does not matter if they know their work and do it properly, and I know the noble Lord will see to that. About the distribution there is a conflict of evidence and I must bring the noble Lord the evidence on which I based my remarks. With regard to "talkie" pictures (if I may use a slang term) of leading statesmen in this country, I hope the Government are not going to be timid about this. They will
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be perfectly safe if they start with the members or your Lordships' House who either hold Government office or are leaders of Parties. I am sure that such pictures would be very popular. If that is successful they might take the plunge into the "frightfulness" of photographing members of the Cabinet who are Members of another place. I beg leave to withdraw.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.

THE WAR: THE RUSSO-GERMAN DECLARATION.
4 p.m.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, I beg to ask His Majesty's Government whether they have any statement to make on the international situation.
THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (EARL STANHOPE): My Lords, in the last week events of great importance have occurred in the international field. On September 26 the German Foreign Minister paid a visit to Moscow, and on September 28 the results of this visit were proclaimed. These results were threefold. In the first place, a fourth partition of Poland has been attempted, and an agreement has been signed recognising as final the frontier between Russia and Germany. The line agreed upon was considerably more favourable to Germany than the provisional line of military occupation which had previously been laid down. In the second place the German and Soviet Governments have declared that their agreement has finally settled the questions arising out of the collapse of the Polish State and has created a solid foundation for lasting peace in Eastern Europe. In their opinion the liquidation of the present war between Germany and England and France would be in the interests of all nations. Both Governments, they go on to say, will endeavour to achieve this object as quickly as possible. They assert that should their efforts prove unsuccessful, England and France will bear the responsibility for the continuance of the war, and they acid that the German and Soviet Governments will then consult together as to the measures they will take. In the third place, an economic agreement between Germany and Russia is foreshadowed, under which Russia will supply raw materials to Germany and

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Germany will supply industrial goods produced over a lengthy period.
There has been in some quarters a demand that His Majesty's Government should define their attitude in the face of these developments, but we see nothing in what has happened that should lead this country to modify the attitude which it has felt it right to take. The agreement between Germany and Russia and the subsequent partition of Poland between them have, of course, changed the position in Poland, but it by no means follows that the arrangement will enure to the ultimate advantage of Germany, and still less should it affect the aims of His Majesty's Government. There is nothing in that agreement that should cause us to do anything other than what we are doing now—mobilising all the resources and all the might of the British Empire for the effective prosecution of the war.
The reason for which this country entered the war has been frequently proclaimed. It was to put an end to the successive acts of German aggression which menaced the freedom and the very security of all the nations of Europe. The immediate cause of the war was the deliberate invasion of Poland by Germany, the latest but by no means the only act of aggression planned and carried through by the German Government. But if Poland was the direct occasion of war, it was not the fundamental cause. That cause was the overwhelming sense in this country and in France of the intolerable nature of a state of affairs in which the nations of Europe were faced with the alternative of jeopardising their freedom or of mobilising their forces at regular intervals to defend it.
The passage in the Russo-German declaration about the liquidation of the war is obscure but it seems to combine a suggestion of some proposal for peace with a scarcely veiled threat as to the consequences if the proposal should be refused. His Majesty's Government cannot anticipate what the nature of any such proposal might be. But we can say at once that no threat would ever induce this country or France to abandon the purpose for which we have entered upon this struggle. To attempt—as German propaganda does—to saddle us with the responsibility for continuing the
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war because we are not prepared to abandon the struggle before this purpose is achieved is only another instance of German war technique. The responsibility for the war rests upon those who have conceived and carried out this policy of successive aggression, and it can neither be evaded nor excused. His Majesty's Government would add one thing more. No mere assurances from the present German Government could be accepted by us. For that Government have too often proved in the past that their undertakings are worthless when it suits them that they should be broken. If, therefore, proposals are made, we shall certainly examine them, and we shall test them in the light of what I have just said. Nobody desires the war to continue for an unnecessary day, but the overwhelming mass of opinion in this country, and we are satisfied also in France, is determined to secure that the rule of violence shall cease and that the word of Governments, once pledged, must henceforth be kept.
These events in the international field and our reactions to them are necessarily uppermost in our minds to-day. Your Lordships will, however, wish me to give you a brief summary of the progress of the war since I last spoke. On the Western Front some further progress has been made by the French, which has enabled them to secure useful points for observation over the German positions. A large British Army has been transported to France, and is taking its place alongside our French Allies. We have reason to be proud of the efficiency with which this complicated movement has been carried out. Reconnaissance flights, both by day and by night, are being made by the Royal Air Force units in France, and there have been encounters with enemy fighter aircraft. An account of the heroic combat above the Siegfried line, in which five battle aircraft fought fifteen Messerschmidt fighters, has already been made public, and has attracted the warm admiration of our French Allies. Aircraft of the Coastal Command have continued, throughout the week, to carry out anti-submarine and other routine patrols, escort work, and special reconnaissances, and advantage has been taken of the light of the moon to continue the relentless hunting of submarines during the night hours. A number of U-boats have been sighted and attacked. As already announced, attacks were made

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on units of the German Fleet by aircraft of the Bomber Command on September 29. As a result of one of these attacks, prosecuted in the teeth of fierce opposition, both from anti-aircraft gunfire and from enemy fighters, we suffered some losses, but the Germans have admitted that two of their attacking fighters were shot down.
At sea, the war against the submarine has continued with unabated vigour. On September 20 last the Government statement expressed the opinion that the rapid increase in the numbers, power and efficiency of our hunting craft, together with the employment of the convoy system, would cause the submarine menace to dwindle no less rapidly. His Majesty's Government are happy to say that events have shown our confidence to be justified. Trade is flowing to and from our ports in an ever-increasing volume. At this moment hundreds of vessels are moving over the great ocean routes. They are protected both by convoy and by the unremitting and relentless action of our anti-submarine forces. Between September 11 and 20, 1,485 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 3,679,000 tons, entered or cleared the ports of the United Kingdom. During that period only 1.25 per cent. of these ships and 1.75 per cent. of the total tonnage was lost by U-boat attacks or by mines. No ship has been lost in convoy. Between September 20 and 24 three British ships, of an aggregate tonnage of 7,627 tons, were sunk by German submarines. Since then, that is to say for a period of over a week, no British ship has been reported sunk by enemy submarine action.
This may, in part, be due to the fact that the U-boats at sea at the beginning of the war are now being relieved by others putting out from German ports. But there is ample evidence that submarines are still operating round our coasts. The absence of sinkings, therefore, is, in the main, due to the successful measures adopted by the Royal Navy. The U-boats are being hunted from home waters where our shipping must inevitably congregate and where in consequence it is most vulnerable. German submarines therefore, in their efforts to avoid our warships are being driven to operate in far distant waters. In those seas their menace cannot be so great; but until they
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can be found and destroyed they may be an embarrassment.
Another and more sinister development of the U-boat warfare is the announcement by the German Government that they will regard every vessel of the British Merchant Navy as a warship. If this means anything, it means that they will pursue an unrestricted submarine campaign. The right to arm merchant ships for self-defence is one of the well-established principles of International Law. Since the war commenced, our merchant shipping has been subjected to attack without warning or in circumstances which put their crews in jeopardy by forcing them to take to the boats, often miles from land or rescue, a procedure directly contrary to international maritime law. These illegal attacks only serve to underline the importance of providing our shipping with adequate defensive equipment; and we are pressing on with this with the utmost possible dispatch. Further evidence of unrestricted submarine warfare is to be found in the number of neutral merchant ships which Germany has sunk. Since the outbreak of war, the total of these sinkings amounts to seven ships, of a gross tonnage of 13,194 tons. In addition, eight ships with a gross tonnage of 27,765 tons have been sunk by mines or bombing. Evidence has been received that a German raider is operating in the South Atlantic. One of our ships has been sunk and the crew has been picked up by a neutral ship. This fresh menace will be dealt with according to prearranged plans.
The reiterated misstatements of the German broadcasts have given prominence to the action in the middle of the North Sea on Tuesday, September 26, between German bombing planes and certain units of the Home Fleet. The Germans have claimed the sinking of the aircraft carrier "Ark Royal," later changed to "Glorious" or even "Furious," and severe damage to battleships without loss to themselves. The facts are that no British ship was damaged and that all of them, the "Ark Royal" included, are carrying out their normal duties, entirely unmoved by these rumours. The only casualties incurred in that action were suffered by the German aircraft themselves. Four of the crew of these aircraft are prisoners in our hands.

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The preparations of the Dominions, to which I have referred in previous statements, are continuing, and your Lordships will be glad to hear also of the splendid help we are receiving from two other parts of the Empire, Newfoundland and Southern Rhodesia. In Newfoundland, arrangements are already being made to recruit for the Royal Navy some hundreds of men from the Newfoundland fishing fleet. All of us will recollect the magnificent service rendered by Newfoundland men in the last war. Southern Rhodesia has mobilised its forces, and is giving us very welcome assistance by providing officers and men for service, both on land and in the air, outside the borders of this self-governing Colony.
There is little that need be said to-day about developments on the Home Front. National Registration Day was fixed by order as Friday, September 29. During the week beginning September 17 the local officers in charge of the enumeration mobilized their enumerators; and on September 24 these enumerators, totalling 65,000 in Great Britain, began delivering schedules for the purpose of the returns due to be made on the 29th. Enumerators are now making their rounds for the collection of schedules and the writing and issue of identity cards. The difficulties usually experienced by enumerators in finding people at home to receive or deliver the schedule were greatly increased by the present unusual family distribution and the black-out conditions at night. His Majesty's Government are glad, however, to be able to say that so far as reports are available, the whole machine appears to be working well and smoothly.
Finally, there is a matter which has attracted considerable attention and given rise to anxiety in the House and the country—the work of the Ministry of Information. As the Prime Minister said on Thursday last, the responsibility of the Ministry for news has not extended in any way beyond the provision of means for its communication to the Press. A review has now been made of the arrangements for the distribution of news, including the question of direct contact between the Press and the Departments. The subject has been fully discussed with the representatives of the Press with a view to meeting their convenience in the
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matter. As a result it has been decided that there shall be a reversion to the practice existing prior to the outbreak of war, whereby the Press representatives had direct contact with the various Government Departments, those Departments themselves furnishing the Press with all official communications in such manner as was found most appropriate. Each Department will therefore now make its own arrangements for communicating news to the Press representatives.
It has, however, been represented to my noble friend the Minister of Information that the mechanical facilities provided in the building occupied by the Ministry for the receipt and distribution of Government communications have proved of great convenience to a large section of the Press. There is no present intention to do away with these facilities, which will continue to be utilised as a channel by which official communications will be issued to the Press. In any case in which official communications are made direct by Departments, the same communications will be issued simultaneously through the central channel. My noble friend Lord Macmillan has asked me to add that some difficulty must be expected in connection with the supply and distribution of news in time of war: the revised arrangements now proposed are intended to reduce difficulties to a minimum and he feels sure that he can rely upon the Press to co-operate in their smooth working. The new arrangements will come into force on Monday morning next.
As regards the censorship, which is at present housed at the Ministry of Information, the responsibility for censorship must rest, like the responsibility for news and its distribution, upon the Departments which are concerned with the subject matter. Departments will, of course, exercise their own control as regards the news that they give out. The central censorship, which is concerned with material or messages submitted by the Press (voluntarily in the case of matter for use in this country) will, as before, be operated by censor officers guided by the directions of the Departments. In the event of questions arising as to any particular censorship operation, the Minister in charge of the Department affected will answer for it in Parliament. Sir Walter Monckton has been appointed Controller of Censorship; he will at the

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same time supervise the arrangements for the central communication of news to the Press.
4.20 p.m.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, I beg to thank the noble Earl for the statement that he has made to the House and to say that I do not propose to-day to inaugurate a discussion upon it, but I shall put a Motion on the Paper which will enable your Lordships to comment upon it to-morrow. In doing so I would like to say that I think there may be rather more discussion to-morrow than there has been on previous occasions. If Parliament, which on the whole has done so well during recent weeks, is to maintain this position it must do more than merely formally receive these statements that are made. Therefore, whilst we shall try to co-operate as far as possible with the Government, I think there may be a little more criticism to-morrow than there has hitherto been.
4.22 p.m.
LORD PONSONBY OF SHULBREDE: My Lords, may I respectfully suggest to the noble Earl the Leader of the House, in view of what my noble friend has just said and in view of the fact that I do not think there is a single member of your Lordships' House who wants to say anything in a speech which would in any way embarrass the Government or be useful to the enemy, that it would be advisable on these occasions of the discussion after the statement for this House to meet in Secret Session? I would ask the Government to consider that, because, although reticence is the chief quality of your Lordships' House, I feel that after a statement like the one we have heard to-day there are a good many members of your Lordships' House who would like to speak their mind rather openly, and I think that would be for the public good and also for the Government good.
EARL STANHOPE: My Lords, the Government will certainly consider the suggestion made by my noble friend Lord Ponsonby, but if the Session is to be secret I do not quite see how it is to be to the public good. During the last war I believe Secret Sessions were held on several occasions. I think I only attended one, because I was serving overseas throughout the period, but I
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understood that the Secret Sessions were by no means always secret, and that a good deal leaked out afterwards as to what had been said by various individuals and as to the general position that was disclosed in those Sessions. But certainly the Government will consider the matter and come to a decision about it.
LORD STRABOLGI: My Lords, as the noble Earl must be aware, my Party has been considering this matter for another place. Though we expect discretion on the part of Ministers in a Secret Session, a person might inadvertently betray information, but a Secret Session does give opportunity for Peers who are not members of the Government to speak with greater freedom than they can under present conditions. We do not expect secrets from the Government, but we may be able to give the Government a few home truths.
EARL STANHOPE: My Lords, that may be so, but if those "truths" happen not to be truths, it is obviously right that the Minister should refute them, and then he may have to say more than he ought.

JUVENILE WELFARE.
4.25 p.m.
THE LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTERhad given Notice that he would call attention to the serious problem of juvenile welfare and the intensification of that problem brought about by war conditions; ask His Majesty's Government what steps they propose to take, particularly in view of the suspension of the National Fitness Council, to set up machinery for dealing with the problem; and move for Papers.
The right reverend Prelate said: My Lords, I mean to detain your Lordships only a short time in asking the Question which is on the Order Paper in my name, but I should like to say a few words in support of the subject that is raised and also to make suggestions to the noble Earl who is to reply. During the past few years since the last war there has been a most remarkable development in organisations for the benefit of the adolescent, especially those between the ages of fourteen and eighteen. No doubt in the first case they were often supported mainly with the negative purpose of keeping

1239
boys and girls from the streets, but increasingly they have become positive agents of the greatest importance for developing both the body and the mind of those who are to be the future citizens of the country. They have helped these boys and girls to use rightly their leisure time. I am not sure that it is always realised that while 114 hours in the week are spent in eating, sleeping and working, there are 54 hours which on an average are available for leisure.
I think it is true to say that last winter the various organisations for the youth of this country had never reached a higher pitch of excellence and efficiency than they did at that time, and now, quite suddenly and abruptly, a very large number of these organisations and clubs are in danger of being brought to an end. Many of them have already been brought to an end, and this is due partly to the fact that some of the leaders and managers of these clubs have been called away. Some have been called up to serve in the fighting forces, and others have volunteered to do different forms of National Service. Without leaders it is impossible to hold a successful club. But that is not all. A large number of the buildings which were used for club purposes have been commandeered or have been taken, sometimes by unauthorised persons, some for work in connection with the national effort, and the result will be that during the late autumn and this winter there will be a very large number of boys on the streets at night with nothing whatever to do, loafing very often at the street corners, or roaming about restlessly looking for some interest.
Now this happens at the very time when it is most important that organisation for juveniles should be as strong as possible. Juveniles are feeling as much as anyone the strain and the anxiety of our times. Their excitement shows itself often in restlessness, sometimes in noisiness and occasionally in acts which bring them within the reach of the law. During the last war I was in Portsmouth, and after the first year of the war one of the most difficult problems we had to deal with was the problem of the juvenile. So far as the boys were concerned they formed themselves into gangs, fighting with one another, and sometimes making themselves a real
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nuisance to others who were using the streets. There was nothing really inherent in the way of wrongness; it was the natural expression of high spirits and overstrained minds but it was undoubtedly a nuisance. It was impossible to suppress it by the ordinary methods of police action, and it was found necessary to form a large youth council whose sole purpose was to provide various kinds of recreation in the evening for these boys and girls.
Now that is the kind of problem which has already arisen in many of our towns to-day. There are large numbers of boys and girls who find the clubs to which they have been accustomed to go in the evening closed, and their ordinary recreations have come to an end. And I would remind the House that on this occasion this does not only affect the towns, but has occasioned a very serious problem in the country to which a large number of children have been evacuated from the dangerous areas. I am speaking at this moment only of some of the older children who have been quite suddenly placed in a country village. So far in most places things have gone on perfectly well. The evenings have been light and the children have found plenty which is new and of interest to them. But I cannot imagine what some of these children will do in the long winter evenings. They have always been accustomed to the brightness and excitement of the streets of the town and they will become restless if they are kept in all the evening. They will become unhappy, they will write to their parents asking them to move them away, and they undoubtedly will be a source of inconvenience to their hosts. Something I am quite sure will have to be done for these children.
There is the problem as I see it, and I would like, if I may, quite briefly to make three or four suggestions for the consideration of the noble Earl the President of the Board of Education. I hope that he will issue a circular to all the education authorities in the country bringing home to them the urgency of this problem and making suggestions to them as to how they may best meet it. I know that some education authorities have already taken action, but there are other education authorities who are quite unaware that there is any problem, and there are still other education authorities

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who, knowing that there is a problem, have not the slightest idea as to how they may best meet it.
I hope the noble Earl will issue a very strong circular making suggestions. I hope he will also do his best to see that buildings are available for clubs and various other organisations. Some buildings have been taken over quite unnecessarily. Lately I have been meeting a number of country clergy asking what they can do in their villages for these children, and again and again I have had the reply, "Our parish hall has been taken over for national defence purposes." At first I accepted that difficulty, but I heard it so frequently that at last I asked what it really meant. I found on investigation—I am speaking of country parishes, not towns—that it meant that some person, occasionally authorised but frequently unauthorised, had put up a large A.R.P. notice, had put an ambulance and some equipment into the hall, and then claimed the hall exclusively for the duration of the war. That is really nonsense. In many cases we have been urging that one small section of the hall might be used for this purpose and the rest of the hall might be made available for recreation and so on. I hope the noble Earl will be able to make his influence felt in this matter, and that he will encourage local education authorities to allow schools which are not now used for ordinary education to be used for club purposes in the evening.
But it is no use having club rooms unless there are leaders, and here I would like to express the hope that the noble Earl will make a very strong appeal for voluntary help. There are a number of people who are too old to take much part in many forms of National Service, and who are most anxious to do something. He might make an appeal to them. I am thinking also of another section of the population from which he might be able to draw a large number who would help in this way. There are a large number of boys who have just left their public schools who are not old enough yet to be called up for the Army but many of whom will feel—or their parents will feel—that it is not worth their while going to the University. During the interval between leaving school and joining the Army they might well be asked to help the clubs and other organisations. I have
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some reason for believing that such a request would meet with a very favourable response.
I received only this morning a letter from one who is especially qualified to speak on this matter. I will tell the noble Earl the name of the writer afterwards, but I am not authorised to mention it here. The writer said:
"There will, I anticipate, be quite a number of boys who will want to leave school at eighteen and a half and will be reluctant to go up to the University for such a short and uncertain time and will want some way of filling in the months intervening between school and military service. I believe that a call for volunteers from the President of the Board and, say, the National Council of Social Service might get quite a healthy response."
I think many of those boys leaving school would be thankful to feel that they were taking some active part in the work of the nation at the present time. Of course they would need training—I am not under any delusion about that—before they were able to take over clubs on their own responsibility. There is one other suggestion I should like to make, and that is that the noble Earl should appoint some committee—a committee of experts, a committee of those familiar with this subject—who would concentrate on thinking out what may best be done to solve what is really a very important problem for the future of the nation. I beg to move.
4.37 p.m.
LORD SOMERS: My Lords, I do not intend to keep your Lordships more than a minute or two, but I should like to say that those of us who are interested in the youth movement are intensely grateful to the right reverend Prelate for having brought this subject before your Lordships' House. I do not think I need impute ignorance to the noble Earl who is going to reply for the Government of the fact that buildings have been taken, without any real reason, from various movements interested in youth and used for other purposes. I feel certain that he will do his level best to get these buildings back to their original purpose. I would also like to urge, if I may, that the Government should make some definite pronouncement upon the value of the work done by leaders in the voluntary institutions. We have had from time to time rather half-hearted words from His Majesty's Government saying

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that this work is of national importance, but I think your Lordships will agree with the right reverend Prelate that it is all-important at the present time that those in the age group fourteen to eighteen should have their civic education continued.
I would like to see leaders made available. They can be got back from temporary jobs to which they have gone, to do the work which they took up first of all. Personally I have urged upon leaders that the work they are doing is of national importance, but it is very difficult to persuade them because we are all of one family. If someone outside the organisation—speaking for the Government say—would definitely state that the work is of importance during this emergency, we could get back many people who have been definitely trained for this purpose. I am sure the noble Earl will give every consideration he can to the suggestions made by the right reverend Prelate. We in the youth organisations are delighted and grateful that the right reverend Prelate has brought the matter before your Lordships.
4.40 p.m.
THE LORD BISHOP OF ST. ALBANS: My Lords, may I intervene for a moment before the noble Lord replies? I should like to support the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Winchester from my own experience of the last few weeks, both in country and town. The difficulty has arisen again and again that buildings which were erected for purposes of educational and social work among the young and among adults have been taken over and are really not being used, though they are prevented from being used for the purpose for which they were built. I only hope that whatever is said on behalf of the Government to-day will make it easier for those of us who are responsible in this matter to bring pressure to bear on local authorities.
Children who have been brought into the reception areas in large numbers have only half a day in school, or in some cases three days out of six in school and three whole holidays. Unless they are looked after, I am quite sure that when the winter months come some of the admirable foster-mothers who have been provided to look after these children will refuse to go on, and I shall not blame them, because the burden is very heavy.
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They are doing their best and are delighted to do it, and in many cases are doing admirably; but when it gets dark at four o'clock and they have two, or three, or perhaps four, extra children to look after, we are asking too much of them. I agree that we can get voluntary workers, but if our buildings are taken away the thing becomes perfectly impossible.
4.43 p.m.
EARL DE LA WARR: My Lords, I think we must all feel grateful to the right reverend Prelate for raising this subject. If I detain your Lordships for a few minutes in replying to the debate, I am quite sure you will forgive me. It gives me the opportunity of making clear the Government's policy in regard to those young people, of whom we speak rather impersonally as juveniles or adolescents but who are really just as human as you or me: young boys and girls between the ages of fourteen and eighteen—or perhaps I should say between the ages of fourteen and twenty, when they come under the Militia Act.
I have always felt that even in peace time the treatment of this age-group forms one of the largest gaps in our Social Services. They are provided for as to rather more than one-third in full-time schools, secondary schools and junior technical schools, in technical institutes and evening institutes, in boys' and girls' clubs, and by the body represented by the noble Lord, Lord Somers, the Boy Scouts. Many of these boys' and girls' clubs are doing quite magnificent work, but no doubt many of them are suffering from most inadequate buildings and equipment. When you add to that the black-out, the general strain of war, the fact that an increasing number of their fathers and perhaps of their elder brothers are joining up, that possibly also some of their mothers are evacuated, and that frequently, as the right reverend Prelate and the noble Lord, Lord Somers, said, the club premises have been taken for some other purpose, I think we begin to see the sort of problem with which we are faced.
I am very glad the right reverend Prelate mentioned the village side, because there is no doubt that the social life of some villages, particularly in the long evenings, is going to be most severely damaged unless we can get back some of the buildings for the purpose for which

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they were intended. The boys and girls of whom we are speaking are the soldiers and skilled workers of two or three years hence. It is on their health and their intelligence and on the development of their characters that the future of this country depends. If the war is still going on in two or three years' time, then it will be for them to join the Army or to work as producers of munitions of war. If the war is over, it will be for them as workers and as citizens to help to rebuild the life of the country after the waste and ruin of this tragic struggle. Some of us have been a little shocked about the ways of life and the conditions of a certain proportion of the evacuees, particularly, I think, of adults more than children; but I hope that those who have suffered, as they may have, from these things will be brought to realise that it is due largely to the circumstances in which great masses of our people are compelled to live even to-day. From the age of fourteen, when a boy or girl leaves school, over the majority of them all supervision and authority of any social kind ceases. In war time virtues and vices are magnified, and what is a tragic wastage in peace time becomes in war time a festering sore.
The right reverend Prelate has already reminded your Lordships of what happened during the last war: it was that we waited until 1916, when that struggle had been going on for two years, before anything was done, and that then the demoralisation and the delinquency amongst the young had grown to such an extent that the Government was forced to take action. I hope that now we will take action from the beginning. The Central juvenile Organisation Committee was then set up under the Home Office. At about that time Mr. Fisher was invited to come into the Government and play his part as President of the Board of Education and he set to work, even in the midst of war, preparing what became known as the Fisher Act of 1918. A very great tragedy it was that that Act was never really put into force. I think the position to-day in regard to adolescents would have been entirely different from what it is, if that Act had been put into force.
But, though the day-continuation school provisions—which made allowance for a part-time release from industry for seven
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or eight hours a week of young people between the ages of fourteen and eighteen—were not brought into operation, one important section remained. The right reverend Prelate referred to the part that the local education authorities have played in this problem and the part that they could play. Under one of the sections of that Act—Section 86, I think it was—local education authorities were given power to make provision for young people of the age that we are discussing; but, owing to the fact that they have other calls on their finances and their energies, they have, with very few notable exceptions, as the right reverend Prelate has already said, been able to do comparatively little under that provision. I will certainly take note of the suggestion of the right reverend Prelate that we should circularise the local education authorities as to the urgency of this problem. I think he would be interested to know that already, as a matter of fact, before the war broke out, we had been doing so, and I am quite sure that one of the first proposals the new Committee, about which I will speak in a minute to your Lordships, will probably be with regard to such a suggestion.
It was really in order to try to meet some of these problems that the National Fitness Council was set up. Those of your Lordships who are familiar with this work will know that that organisation did quite excellent work, and I would like to take this opportunity of thanking the noble Lord, Lord Aberdare, and all his colleagues, both at headquarters and in the areas, for all the enthusiastic work that they did. I think that, in our desire to bring everybody who was interested into the work, there is no doubt that the Government did create a rather cumbrous machine. That was not the fault of the Council or of the area committees, but there is no doubt that that machine was extremely slow-working. I think we must all regret the inevitable suspension of the National Fitness Council during the war—inevitable if only because in these times a machine is essential that can act quickly and can act directly. But let us be quite clear that the suspension of the National Fitness Council does nothing but make our problem more pressing. The enthusiasm engendered by that body will only turn to disillusionment unless

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something is done to preserve and develop facilities.
We have been considering this problem during the last few days in order to decide what new machinery we should erect for dealing with this problem in war time. The Government have come to the conclusion that the best way of proceeding is that the Board of Education should make itself more directly responsible for this work than in the past, and I am accordingly setting up a special branch in the Board of Education for dealing with this problem. This branch will be responsible for the administration of such grants as may be made available. The Board will thus be in direct contact with the local education authorities and with the voluntary bodies who are doing the work in the country. Now, one of the main difficulties in the past, and one which unfortunately the National Fitness Council was never able entirely to overcome, was that of the lack of contact and understanding between the local authorities and the voluntary bodies. Local authorities, in fact, definitely resented, under the machinery of the National Fitness Council, having to approach the Board through an outside body. I am happy to be able to say now that all the parties have expressed their willingness to co-operate and to help on the new basis. The Government will be able to rely on the experience and advice of a Committee—just such a committee as the right reverend Prelate suggested—whose task it will be to advise me on matters affecting England and Wales and the Secretary of State for Scotland on matters affecting Scotland.
I think your Lordships might be interested to hear the names of the Committee. Mr. Kenneth Lindsay, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board, will be Chairman, and Mr. Ralph Assheton, who is Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour, will co-operate on the Committee, as it were. I think we are all aware of the amount of work and experience that the Ministry of Labour has had in the past in dealing with this problem. Then the noble Lord, Lord Aberdare, who was formerly Chairman of the National Fitness Council, has consented to serve. Now we come to the representatives of the voluntary bodies. Sir Wyndham Deedes will come on as representing the National Council of Social Service. With him will
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be associated Miss Curwen, who is Vice-Chairman of the Standing Conference of National Juvenile Organisations, and Mr. Oyler, who is Chairman of that body. Sir Percival Sharp will serve for the general association of local education authorities, but I am happy to be able to say also that Mr. Charles Robertson will come on as representing the London County Council. He is Chairman of their Education Committee. Finally, one who is a very respected member of another place, one who also is well acquainted with the problems of Wales and who is also a Member of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, Mr. George Hall, has consented to serve.
In addition, it has been arranged—and I think your Lordships will agree that the work of the Committee is likely to gain very much from this fact—that Scotland should co-operate directly in this work, and therefore Captain McEwen, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Scotland, will be a member, together with the Honourable M. Upton, who is Vice-Chairman of the Scottish Fitness Council, and Mr. E. M. Wedderburn, who is a member of the Scottish Central Council of Juvenile Organisations. In addition, Sir David Milne-Watson has consented to act as an adviser to the Committee on all matters affecting juvenile employment and industry, and I think all your Lordships will be very glad to hear that I have been fortunate enough to obtain the services of Lord Dawson of Penn, who will act in a similar capacity as regards medical and health questions. Both those gentlemen, I felt, it would have been improper for me to ask to serve on a Committee which was going to deal to a large extent in detail, but I am happy to feel that we shall have their services without their troubling to attend to all those details. Then representatives of the Home Office and other Government Departments will keep in touch with the work of the Committee, and will attend when matters come up of interest to them.
So much for the machinery—machinery which, I hope, will give the central guidance and drive that this work has hitherto lacked. But what of its task? Firstly, the question of premises. Your Lordships will realise that for the moment, with the shortage of labour and materials, new construction is likely to be out of the question, but there is this immediate

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problem, to which I have already referred, of examining with the appropriate Service Departments—and there I include the Civil Defence as well as the military—whether it may not be possible to restore at least some of the buildings which were taken during the first shock of the war. I do not think I need emphasize that statement. But there is the further question of using some of the evacuated schools in the towns, and other buildings of a similar type, even if it has to be done on a rather makeshift basis for the time being. And, secondly, co-ordination. The local authorities and the voluntary bodies have each of them made their contribution in the past, sometimes working together, but sometimes rather painfully unaware, I think, of what each other was doing. Now this co-operation, where it has existed, has to be strengthened. Where it does not exist it has to be brought to life. In fact, I should say that the marriage of the work of the local education authorities and the voluntary bodies was leaving each free to make their own peculiar contribution to perhaps one of the most important features of this new machinery we are creating.
And finally—a point that has already been referred to—there is the question of leadership. Even before war broke out both the Board and the National Fitness Council had already come to the conclusion that one of the best ways of helping this work among juveniles would be to encourage the provision of leaders and organisers, both whole-time and part-time; but with the coming of war this need has become very much intensified. The fact has already been mentioned that numbers—which I hardly like to contemplatc—have been already lost by the movement to services often of certainly no greater national importance than this. Those who can return to this work, having left it, should return to it, and I would venture to make this very definite appeal on behalf of His Majesty's Government, stressing the importance that they place on this work. But I would also appeal to a vast number of patriotic men—and women too—who volunteered to work and have not had their services accepted as yet, to realise what good work they could do in this direction; some perhaps over-age for the firing line, others, just leaving school,
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and not in the mood or the mind to go to the Universities for a year or two before they join up, as otherwise they might have done, and who are wondering how they can serve their country at the present moment. I cannot think of any better way of doing it than this, and I would be prepared to join in an appeal to them, and perhaps an appeal, to begin with, to the headmasters of schools, to help them to realise how useful they might be.
I have tried to touch briefly on just some of the tasks that must first, I think, come before this Committee. I want to assure your Lordships that we are going to pursue them with energy and with a due sense of their importance. I cannot help feeling that there is perhaps sometimes a danger lest in a period of emergency and war we tend to feel that everything of long-term value must be thrown overboard, and that the really practical man should think only in terms of wanting to win the war. But I ask myself, are we in fact going to have a morale necessary for winning the war if we make no effort to preserve, and even to develop, those things for which we say, and we feel, we are fighting? Or can we afford, even taking the shortest of views, to neglect our young people, whether we regard them as workers, or as fighters, or as future citizens? Surely the real fact is that the long-term and the short view are here quite indistinguishable. I think this debate has shown quite clearly that your Lordships take the view, which I believe is the view of the majority of people in this country, that if we win the war on the field of battle but the generation following us are not up to facing the struggle—and I think we have all by now recognised that there are going to be some very hard struggles in the future—then indeed we shall have scored only a very partial victory.
I do not believe myself that the conflict of interests and ideals that this country represents is going to be settled finally on the field of battle or in any treaty. It is going to be decided by the health, the skill, the intelligence, the staying power, and the character of the individual members of the different nations during the years, whether they be of war or of peace, that are ahead of us. They will be years during which there is not going to be any room for frills or luxuries, and when every proposal is

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going to have to pass the stern test of basic need. But I do not think a single member of your Lordships' House would for a moment contend that to prepare our coming generation for the future is a frill or a luxury. I earnestly hope that everyone who has applied himself, or is thinking of applying himself, to this problem will feel that in so doing he is performing a vital national service, and I trust that we may feel that we may proceed on our task with the knowledge of your Lordships' good will.
5.9 p.m.
THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: My Lords, the noble Earl has just concluded his admirable speech by expressing a hope that his proposals will have the good will of your Lordships. I cannot refrain from giving myself the privilege of being the first to assure him—I am sure on behalf of your Lordships—that the good will is most cordially given. I venture to hope that his speech will be very widely reported, or at least that it may be the basis of some such circular as he may contemplate issuing to our local authorities. Sometimes those of us who raise particular matters to bring to the attention of the Government are not always very fully satisfied with the Ministerial replies, but I doubt whether there has ever been a matter raised by any member of your Lordships' House which has had so immediate and so satisfactory a response from the representative of the Government. I congratulate the noble Earl and his Department, and the Government if I may say so, on recognising so fully a vitally important problem.
I alluded to it in a few sentences when speaking a short time ago here about allowing boys of this age to volunteer for National Service in their spare time, or their whole time if possible. Perhaps the noble Earl will forgive me if I say he might reconsider his reply to that matter in the light of the very excellent speech he has made to-day. Meanwhile I endorse every word the noble Earl has said as to the need for not allowing the stress and preoccupation of the war to diminish the importance of this matter. The importance of the character and capacity of the future citizens becomes more obvious the more we think of it. Many of these boys themselves, if the war lasts, may be called up for active service, and all of
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them will be citizens at a very difficult time when the war is over which will make demands on the citizenship of this country of a quite peculiar kind. I wholly agree with what the noble Earl said about the grave misfortune that that large vision of the Fisher Act was not more immediately put into operation at the close of the last war, but in this respect, at any rate, we can make some endeavour to return to its principles.
I specially noted with pleasure the three plain points of the noble Earl's statement. First, that he has instituted a special branch of his Department to deal with this most important problem; second, that he has endeavoured to bring local education authorities and general and voluntary organisations together, and is assured of their consent; and, third, that he has appointed a Committee which, so far as I can recollect the names, seems to be an admirable body to give advice to the Board of Education on this matter. I need not dwell further on the points which have been made by the Bishop of Winchester and by the noble Earl himself, but I am very glad he recognises the growing importance of preserving premises so far as possible for these young people both in town and country. The possession of power is apt to be very intoxicating to those who are not accustomed to it, and appears very often in the country to have run to the heads of those gentlemen entrusted with it. I am quite certain that a great number of mistakes have been made in the premature commandeering of premises which might have been used for better purposes and in cases where other premises equally suitable were available. Nothing could be more timely than some reminder from the Government that those who represent the Civil Service Departments in different parts of the country should be a little more careful in their choice of the premises which they commandeer.
As to what has been said about leadership, it needs no words of mine to reinforce it. I am very much impressed by the noble Earl being able to say that he has the wish of the Government behind him in expressing the hope that numbers who have, from very patriotic motives, already addressed themselves to some form of National Service and have left their leadership of great movements such as the noble Lord, Lord Somers, represents, should be induced to return

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and to regard that as National Service quite as great as that which they have undertaken. In conclusion, I should like the noble Earl to understand, speaking on behalf of a great many people in different parts of the country, that we thank him for the statement he has made.
5.15 p.m.
VISCOUNT DAWSON OF PENN: My Lords, the right reverend Prelate has given your Lordships a very clear picture of the disadvantages which are entering into our local life on account of the activity of the A.R.P. It is only natural that a body which was roused by enthusiasm all over the country should in course of time represent what one might call an amorphous effervescence. The time has now come to bring it down to some more reasonable proportions. I would draw the attention of the noble Earl to this point. A.R.P. work is taking far too much of the attention of the local authorities. It is occupying too much of the attention of the local health authorities, and I would point out that this winter there are not only the difficulties to which the right reverend Prelate has referred, but there will be, almost inevitably, difficulties connected with the health of the younger people. You cannot introduce large numbers of new children into an area without importing a certain number of risks where infectious disease is concerned. We have to bear in mind that there are two ills in particular—measles and diphtheria—which will require the closest attention of the local health authorities during the coming months. It is no secret that these authorities have been considerably overworked in these past months—overworked in such a way that almost their more proper duties have become impaired.
It is inevitable, but it is a matter of regret, that the National Fitness Council has come to an end. It was doing considerable work under great difficulties, and on the whole it did its work well. It is some solace to us that the noble Earl has been able to announce a substitute to take its place, and perhaps in the circumstances of the war it will be a more efficient substitute. But I would like to call his attention to the fact that the body he is setting up will involve considerable expenditure of public money. Any war necessitates the curtailment and end of a large amount of public expenditure, and
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if that expenditure is involved in what I may call the furniture of our material civilisation, what matter? What does it matter if our furniture has to last for a few more years? But there are certain matters which will not brook delay, and amongst these matters there is none so important as everything that concerns the rearing and production of a healthy race to follow on those who have to take the responsibility of this war. We must apply the whole of our thought, without delay, to the question of those who are going to take our place and remake the world after the war is over. I can only hope that the scheme the noble Earl has put before us is but a foretaste of a larger policy on behalf of the Government concerning our population.
This is a very grave matter, and one which is inclined to slip out of the public view. We are concerned with making the very best of the children and youth we have, and doing everything, as the noble Earl himself said, to make them strong and fit in body and character, because on them the future nation depends. He went so far as to say that the war will not be won by the armies, that it will be won by those who are being trained now in order to remake the world after the war is over. Therefore I do appeal to the Government not to be content with this scheme of the noble Earl's, good as it is, but to set to work seriously to face the larger problem of population. They can leave it largely in the hands of experts, but it needs to have Government backing.
In regard to our population question I would point out that it is in a very serious position, and I can illustrate that by quoting briefly three facts. First, we are at present failing to replenish ourselves to the extent of 24 per cent., and that has been going on for some time. If you take one hundred women through the whole of their reproductive life, if our population is to be maintained they must produce in girl babies enough to replace the population. One hundred women must produce one hundred girl babies between them. That just keeps it level. In 1881 those hundred women were producing 150 girl babies—too many no doubt under our present circumstances. By the beginning of this century they were just replacing themselves, and now those one hundred women are only producing seventy-six. There is a fact

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nothing can alter. We are not replenishing ourselves.
I come to the second fact. Our population contains a steadily decreasing proportion of young people, and a steadily increasing proportion of elderly people. In 1931, taking the people under twenty and the people over sixty, the people under twenty in that year were three to one. Now that has steadily gone down. The proportion of youth has steadily gone down. In the next year (1940) it will only be two to one, and if the present trend goes on by 1962 those under twenty and those over sixty will show an equality. In other words the producers will equal the pensioners. That is the second fact that we cannot get away from. I am not so sure of this, but I think you will find that the only reason our total population has not begun to go down is that medical science has enabled the elderly to live much longer. Now I come to a third and even more significant fact. In 1921 we had 12,000,000 under fifteen at school; by 1951 we shall only have 6,000,000. How can a nation go on prospering and being great with such a steady decline in its youth and its production of children? I do not believe this question is insoluble. There is no nation in the world like the British who will undertake the reform of a thing if it is once convinced it is desirable, and as far as making it desirable, that is a matter of propaganda.
Another matter that ought to be considered is this. It is quite clear that the facilities for children to be born and the facilities for educating children must be greatly increased. This is one of the few countries where the children of the vast majority of the middle classes pay for their own children's education in public schools. It is my belief that this war will see the end of that for a very large number of this class, and that we shall have to assimilate our lives to those of most other civilised countries—for instance, France, the United States and Scandinavia—where the vast majority of the children are educated at the public expense in the secondary schools. I was recently in Sweden and made inquiries of what was the custom in that country. I found, if you took the whole of the country, that ninety per cent. of the children of the total population were educated in elementary schools, that when
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they had been in the primary schools a certain while they passed to the secondary schools, and that very little expense was expected of their parents until they reached the time when they wished to go to the University. In short I would suggest that the noble Earl, following up his own expression of opinion, should quietly face this question, and that this policy of increasing the population should be seriously undertaken by His Majesty's Government and not put off. It will not do to put it off; it has got to be seen to now. A scheme should be prepared so that these married couples who are otherwise willing to bear children should be saved some of the expense in return for the great service they do for the nation thereby.
5.28 p.m.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, if I detain your Lordships for one minute it is because we should not like it to appear as though those of us who sit on these Benches (when anybody does sit on them) are uninterested in this most vital question, and I should not like the right reverend Prelate to feel we were not grateful to him for introducing this matter to your Lordships' House. I would like also to recognise the value of the statement which the noble Earl has made on behalf of the Government. It appeared, as far as I could follow it by listening, to be constructive and hopeful for the future. I cannot say how much I personally feel the importance of this great matter. Boys very frequently go to the devil because nobody else seems to want them, and we ought to remember that the genius of a boy, if it is there, has to be encouraged by association, by leadership and in all kinds of ways. I speak in the presence of the most reverend Primate and the right reverend Prelate when I say I do not believe there is any joy that old people have that is quite so great as that which comes from seeing young people developing their personalities for future service. But we cannot regard that as being a mere automatic thing; it has got to be encouraged. Therefore I hope what the noble Earl has said will be followed up and that great good will come of it. The only remark I will make on what the noble Viscount who has just sat down said about what happened in 1931 is that it is not the only incident of that year which has to be regretted.
THE LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER: My Lords, I only rise to thank the noble Earl for his reply. I knew that he would be sympathetic, but he has been much more than sympathetic: he has given us a most practical and helpful answer. The reply, if I may say so, is satisfactory in every way, and I hope that great publicity will be given to it. I withdraw my Motion, with the leave of your Lordships.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.

SOLICITORS BILL. [H.L.]
Order of the 24th of July last committing the Bill to a Committee of the Whole House discharged, and Bill (by leave of the House) withdrawn.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
EARL STANHOPE: My Lords, may I remind your Lordships that I propose that we should meet to-morrow at three o'clock?
House adjourned at half-past five o'clock.