Sitting of 1 August 1939

Preamble
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
FOLKESTONE WATER BILL [Lords].
As amended, considered.
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Sir Dennis Herbert): The Amendments in this case are all purely of a drafting nature.
Amendments made.
Ordered, That Standing Orders 240 and 262 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time. — [The Chairman of Ways and Means.]
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
London County Council (Improvements) Bill [Lords],
As amended, considered.
Motion made, "That Standing Orders 240 and 262 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time." — [The Chairman of Ways and Means.]
King's Consent signified; Question put, and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed with Amendments.
Metropolitan Water Board Bill [Lords],
As amended, considered.
Ordered, That Standing Orders 240 and 262 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time. — [The Chairman of Ways and Means.]
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Hamilton Burgh Order Confirmation Bill,
Considered; to be read the Third time to-morrow.

ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.

  DOMINION PARLIAMENTS (SPEECHES, TIME LIMIT).
  Mr. Keelingasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he
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  will ascertain and inform the House what arrangements exist in Dominion Parliaments for limiting the length of speeches?
  The Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (Sir Thomas Inskip): I shall be glad to make inquiries and will communicate the results in due course to my hon. Friend.
  Mr. Ede: Will the right hon. Gentleman consider circulating the information and making it in some way available to Members?
  Sir T. Inskip: I will take care that it is made available.
  Mr. Godfrey Nicholson: Will my right hon. Friend also make inquiries as to whether there are any arrangements by which speeches are made more audible in the Press galleries?
  Sir T. Inskip: I have no doubt that I can obtain information upon that point also.

  RHODESIAS.
  Mr. Creech Jonesasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether, recently, he has had conversations with the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia on the subject of the relations of the Rhodesias; whether any political or constitutional changes in respect to Southern Rhodesia are being discussed; and whether His Majesty's Government have yet formulated a policy in respect to Southern Rhodesia, so far as it is concerned in the report of the Royal Commission?
  Sir T. Inskip: The Secretary of State for the Colonies and I have had conversations with the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia on the subject of the recommendations of the report of the Rhodesia-Nyasaland Royal Commission concerning the relations of Northern and Southern Rhodesia. These discussions are still in progress, and His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom are, therefore, not yet in a position to make a statement as to their outcome.
  Mr. Creech Jones: May I take it that the Government at the present moment are not committed to the proposal for amalgamation between the Northern and the Southern Rhodesias, and will there be consultation with the respective political

  2125
  parties in this House before a final line is taken on the matter?
  Sir T. Inskip: With regard to the last part of the question, I gave an assurance to that effect some time ago to the hon. Member; and with regard to the last part of the question, no decision has been reached. The discussion, as I said, is still in progress.
  Mr. Sorensen: Can the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that the interests of the natives will receive primary consideration?
  Sir T. Inskip: I think it is better not to add to or embroider statements that have been made. The interests of the natives will be kept prominently in the very front of our considerations.

  NEWFOUNDLAND.
  Mr. Creech Jonesasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether there has been any reduction in recent months in unemployment, underemployment, and general distress in Newfoundland; whether any progress in the rehabilitation of the Dominion is being achieved; and when it is proposed that some steps should be taken to democratise institutions again?
  Sir T. Inskip: The number of persons in Newfoundland in receipt of public relief in June was approximately 66,800, representing a reduction of about 14,000 on the figures for May. The total for July is expected to be in the neighbourhood of 62,000, or some 5,000 less than the figure for June. A further substantial decrease is likely to take place in August when operations in the forests and on the land generally are expected to give increased employment. As regards the second part of the question, the Commission are making progress with their long-term reconstruction programme, of which an instalment is undertaken each year in addition to expenditure for current administrative purposes. Approval has recently been given, as the House is aware, to a substantial extension of the reconstruction programme, and a sum of nearly $3,000,000 (or approximately double the provision made last year) has been allocated for this purpose in the Commission's Budget Estimates for 1939–
  2126
  40. As regards the third part of the question, I have nothing to add to the replies which I gave to the hon. Member on 14th February and 28th March.
  Mr. Creech Jones:Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the improvements in employment are purely temporary or whether they are likely to be of a permanent nature; and whether, during his forthcoming visit to Newfoundland, he will take the opportunity of getting into touch with all sections of opinion in the Dominion, with a view to ascertaining their views about the restoration of a more democratic form of government?
  Sir T. Inskip: I will, of course, consider that suggestion. Most certainly I hope to get into touch with all sections of the community and give the fullest possible opportunity for the expression of all views.
  Captain Peter Macdonald: Have facilities been provided for members of the community in Newfoundland to join His Majesty's Forces, particularly the Royal Navy, at the present time?
  Sir T. Inskip: As I have said on previous occasions, all facilities exist, except so far as they are limited by the distance of Newfoundland from this country.
  Mr. Maxton: Joining the armed Forces could scarcely be regarded as a permanent industry for the development of Newfoundland.

  SOUTH AFRICA (HIGH COMMISSION TERRITORIES).
  Mr. Creech Jonesasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether consideration has been given to the conditions prepared by the South African Government which would govern native policy and native affairs in the High Commissioner's Territories in the event of any transfer being made; whether His Majesty's Government have any observations on these conditions; and when the South African statement will be published?
  Sir T. Inskip: As I informed the hon. Member on 4th July, I have received from the Union Government a draft of the memorandum prepared by them. I am not yet able to say when the memo-

  2127
  randum will be ready for publication, and in the meantime I am not in a position to discuss it.
  Mr. Creech Jones: Is it not of the utmost importance that we should get this statement published at the earliest possible moment; and, further, may I take it that no lead will be given to the natives in these Territories with regard to their attitude towards this memorandum when it is circulated among them?
  Sir T. Inskip: The hon. Gentleman will remember that this memorandum is being prepared by His Majesty's Government in the Union of South Africa, and until the document is printed I cannot say anything as to publication or discuss what may be contained in it.

  CANADA (EMERGENCY SETTLEMENT).
  Mr. Sorensenasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether His Majesty's Government have considered the desirability, and the possibility, in the event of hostilities involving this country, of the temporary settlement of suitable infirm people, mothers and children in the Dominion of Canada?
  Sir T. Inskip: I fear that the difficulties in the way of any such scheme would be insuperable.
  Mr. Sorensen: Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that Canada would offer a greater degree of safety to certain suitable people than the East Coast of this country; and, in view of the large numbers of people enumerated in this question, will he at least make inquiries in the Dominion of Canada to see what can be done?
  Sir T. Inskip: Of course, Canada is much safer than the East coast of the United Kingdom. I understand that the proposal has been receiving consideration in Canada?
  Lieut.-Colonel Acland-Troyte: If war breaks out, how are they to get there?

  TRADE AND COMMERCE.

    CHINA.
    Mr. Arthur Hendersonasked the President of the Board of Trade whether,
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    with a view to assisting China, His Majesty's Government propose to give any guarantee for the purchase of United Kingdom goods by the Chinese Government on the lines of agreements made between His Majesty's Government and other foreign Governments?
    The President of the Board of Trade (Mr. Oliver Stanley): As stated by my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary on 6th March, and by my right hon. Friend the Secretary to the Department of Overseas Trade on 14th July in the Debate on the Overseas Trade Guarantees Bill, a proposal to give guarantees for the benefit of British manufacturers in respect of exports to China has been under negotiation for some time. Certain technical and legal questions are still under consideration.
    Mr. Henderson: Can the right hon. Gentleman say when he expects to be able to make a statement on this matter?
    Mr. Stanley: I cannot say when. There are these technical and legal questions, the settlement of some of which depends on the answers received from China.
    Mr. Henderson: Is it not the fact that the question is of great importance to the Chinese Government because of the very limited purchases they have been able to make during the last 18 months; and is it not of great importance that this matter should be expedited?
    Mr. Stanley: As I have said, the settlement of some of the questions at least depends on the answers received from them.
    Major-General Sir Alfred Knoxasked the President of the Board of Trade the value of the munitions, non-ferrous metals, rubber, and oil imported by China in the last two years, and the sources of supply?
    Mr. Stanley: As the answer involves a tabular statement, I will, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, circulate it in the Official Report.
    Sir A. Knox: Is it not a fact that the bulk of these imports come from the axis Powers?
    Mr. Stanley: My hon. and gallant Friend will see a long list of figures. He can make his own deductions.
    Following is the statement:

    Table showing the value of non-ferrous metals, rubber and mineral oils imported into China in the years 1937 and 1938, distinguishing the principal sources of supply, so far as specified in the Official Chinese Trade Returns.

    Commodity and Country.

    1937

    1938.

    Non-ferrous Metals:

    Thousand Gold Units.

    Thousand Gold Units.

    Aluminium: Ingots, slabs, grains, sheets and plates—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,120

    1,010

    Of which from:

    Canada

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    380

    417

    Germany

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    281

    110

    Switzerland

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    106

    386

    Norway

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    258

    79

    Brass and Yellow metal: Ingots, bars, rods, sheets, plates, tubes and scrap—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,278

    466

    Of which from:

    Germany

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    830

    371

    Japan

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    330

    19

    Copper: Ingots, slabs, bars, rods, sheets, plates, tubes and; scrap—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    2,332

    592

    Of which from:

    United States

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,565

    249

    Germany

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    350

    241

    Japan

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    337

    80

    Lead: Pigs, bars, sheets, pipes and scrap—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    633

    315

    Of which from:

    Canada

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    397

    247

    Australia

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    50

    8

    Japan

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    47

    15

    United Kingdom

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    31

    16

    Tin: Ingots and slabs—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    117

    226

    Of which from:

    British Malaya

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    98

    117

    Hong Kong

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    7

    32

    United Kingdom

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    10

    24

    Zinc: Powder, spelter, sheets and plates—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,585

    372

    Of which from:

    Belgium

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    824

    234

    Canada

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    443

    89

    Nickel:

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    101

    25

    Of which from:

    United Kingdom

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    43

    21

    Canada

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    27

    —

    Japan

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    11

    (a)

    India-rubber, crude, old or waste, and Gutta Percha, Crude—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    4,066

    1,992

    Of which from:

    Netherlands East Indies

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,812

    568

    British Malaya

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,357

    737

    United States

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    204

    310

    French Indo-China

    …

    …

    …

    …

    422

    123

    Mineral Oils—

    Total

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    44,040

    30,442

    Of which from:

    Netherlands East Indies

    …

    …

    …

    …

    25,458

    12,475

    United States

    …

    …

    …

    …

    …

    16,592

    16,123

    (a) Less than 500 gold units.

    Particulars of imports of munitions are not available, such imports being excluded from the Official Trade Returns.

    JAPAN.
    Mr. Dayasked the President of the Board of Trade the amount and particulars of exports from the United Kingdom to Japan for the 12 months ended the last convenient date?
    Mr. Stanley: As the answer involves a table of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Mr. Day: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the figures are for regular intervals during the year?
    Mr. Stanley: The hon. Member will be able to see from the answer.
    Mr. Shinwell: Will the statement which the right hon. Gentleman proposes to publish in the OFFICIAL REPORT contain all particulars of munitions exported from this country?
    Mr. Stanley: I have given particulars in response to previous questions.
    Following is the answer:
    Statement showing the total declared value of merchandise exported from the United Kingdom and consigned to Japan (including Formosa) during the 12 months ended March, 1939, distinguishing the principal groups of commodities so far as these particulars are readily available.

    Description.

    Declared Value.

    £000

    Exports of the produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom—

    Non-ferrous metalliferous ores and scrap

    78

    Pottery, glass abrasives, etc.

    10

    Iron and steel and manufactures thereof

    190

    Non-ferrous metals and manufactures thereof

    90

    Cutlery, hardware, implements and instruments

    33

    Machinery

    704

    Woollen and worsted yarns and Manufactures

    21

    Chemicals, drugs, dyes and Colours

    93

    Vehicles (including locomotives, ships and aircraft)

    19

    Miscellaneous articles wholly or mainly manufactured

    69

    Other descriptions

    233

    Exports of imported merchandise

    379

    Total

    1,919

    Mr. Priceasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that guns on the three Japanese planes
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    brought down in Chungking on 3rd May were Lewis auto-guns, serial number A52016, made by the Birmingham Small Arms Company; and whether he will state the number of licences granted for the supply of such guns to Japan since January, 1937?
    Mr. Stanley: I am not aware of the source of the report to which the hon. Member refers but I am informed that the number he quotes is that of a gun supplied to Japan in 1933. As regards the latter part of the question, it would be contrary to the public interest to state the number of export licences which have been granted for a particular country for weapons of a particular description. I can say, however, that no licence for Lewis guns or machine guns destined for Japan has been issued since September, 1937.

    FLOUR.
    Mr. De la Bèreasked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in arriving at the standard or official price of flour which is announced from time to time, the price of blended flour is taken into this calculation; and whether he will make inquiries from some of the larger bakers in this country and find out at what price they have been buying flour;
    Mr. Stanley: I presume that my hon. Friend refers to the official price of flour in London. I understand that this price relates to flour made from a hypothetical blend of the wheats available at the time. My hon. Friend is aware that at his instance the Food Council are making certain inquiries into the relationship between the official price of flour and that paid by the bakers.
    Mr. De la Bère:Is my right hon. Friend aware that, by pressure, the Millers Mutual Price-Fixing Association compels bakers to buy flour at uneconomic prices, and as a result the bakers in turn have to pass on these uneconomic prices to the consumers of bread; and is he further aware that the Food Council is a voluntary body with no powers, and is it not simply being used as a smoke-screen to lull the public into a state of false security?
    Mr. Stanley: The hon. Gentleman's question is extremely unfair. Because of what he asked me, and in order to assist him, and at his suggestion, I have asked

    2133
    the Food Council to inquire into this matter, and, therefore, we ought to await the result of that inquiry. I should like once again to contradict the statement which the hon. Gentleman always makes in the form of a question, that the Millers Mutual is a price-fixing organisation.
    Mr. A. V. Alexander: Is not it the fact that at the moment the Food Council has a representative inspecting flour invoices of bakers, and that this inspection includes those of the Co-operative Societies, who are not in the combine?
    Mr. Stanley: That is so.
    Mr. De la Bère: Is it not vitally necessary that this policy of laissez faire and unawareness should cease?
    Mr. De la Bèreasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will ask the Food Council to ascertain from the Millers Mutual Association what percentage of American subsidised flour is contained in the grist of the flour which is being sold to the bakers in the London area?
    Mr. Stanley: Imports of flour from the United States are negligible compared with our consumption. The matter is not one that concerns the Millers Mutual Association.
    Mr. De la Bère: Is it not a fact that Kansas wheat is being blended with other wheat, and that the Millers Mutual do derive great benefit from that 5s. American subsidy?
    Mr. De la Bèreasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will, with a view to preventing a complete monopoly, have some inquiry made regarding the practice which has become prevalent during 1939 of the milling combines purchasing bakery businesses throughout the country at inflated prices in order to have an outlet for the flour which is produced by the Millers Mutual Association?
    Mr. Stanley: Perhaps my hon. Friend will be good enough to communicate to me any evidence he has in support of his allegations.
    Mr. De La Bère: If I do see the right hon. Gentleman, will he really conscientiously go into this matter? Is it not in the interests of the public that the matter
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    should be inquired into? I cannot sit still here day after day and see nothing done.
    Mr. Speaker: The hon. Member must remember that we all have to sit here day after day.

    CANNED BEEF (IMPORTS).
    Mr. Silkinasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the existence of a quota for the import of canned meat is operating to restrict the amount of food stored against a national emergency; and whether he will take steps to remove or enlarge the quota?
    Mr. Stanley: I presume that the hon. Member is referring to canned beef. I have seen no evidence that the quantities recommended for importation from time to time by the International Beef Conference have been inadequate to meet the demand.
    Mr. Silkin: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that as the result of the advice given to house wives to store canned food there is likely to be a considerably increased demand for these goods?
    Mr. Stanley: I can only say what has happened so far. At the moment the supply is equal to the demand. The whole purpose of the council is to see that the supply meets the demand. If the demand increases they will take the necessary steps to increase the supply.
    Mr. Alexander: Is that answer given in spite of the fact that adequate reserves are being accumulated for emergency?
    Mr. Stanley: Yes, Sir.

    GERMANY AND AUSTRIA.
    Mr. Dayasked the President of the Board of Trade particulars of the total declared value of merchandise imported into and exported from the United Kingdom in trade with Germany and/or Austria for each of the years 1937 and 1938?
    Mr. Stanley: The hon. Member will find the desired particulars on pages 188 and 191 of the issue of the monthly Trade Accounts for January last.
    Mr. Day: Can the right hon. Gentleman tell me whether there is a very large adverse balance against Great Britain?
    Mr. Stanley: Perhaps the hon. Member will look at the figures.

    SCRAP IRON AND SCRAP STEEL.
    Sir John Mellorasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will make a statement indicating the quantities and destination of the scrap iron and scrap steel exported during the past three months from the United Kingdom, and the quantities and origin of the scrap iron and scrap steel imported into the United Kingdom during the same period; and whether he is satisfied that the arrangement between the British Iron and Steel Federation and the Scrap Merchants Federation, under which the latter have agreed to offer to the former all available

    Quantity of iron and steel, scrap and waste, fit only for the recovery of metal, imported into and exported from the United Kingdom during the three months ended 30th June, 1939. distinguishing the principal countries of consignment.

    Imports into the United Kingdom.

    Exports from the United Kingdom (United Kingdom goods)

    Country whence consigned.

    Quantity.

    Country of destination.

    Quantity.

    Tons.

    Tons.

    Total imports

    …

    …

    …

    165,382

    Total Exports

    …

    …

    …

    23,377

    of which consigned from—

    of which consigned to—

    Eire

    …

    …

    …

    …

    8,578

    Eire

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,221

    Netherlands

    …

    …

    …

    4,148

    Germany

    …

    …

    …

    6,443

    Belgium

    …

    …

    …

    21,255

    Netherlands

    …

    …

    …

    1,273

    France

    …

    …

    …

    …

    18,421

    Belgium

    …

    …

    …

    6,645

    United States

    …

    …

    …

    109,868

    Italy

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1,231

    China

    …

    …

    …

    …

    2,302

    RUMANIA (OIL).
    Mr. Crowderasked the President of the Board of Trade what steps have been taken by the Rumanian Government to implement their undertaking in the Protocol, dated nth May, 1939, to introduce the legal conditions likely to lead to an expansion of the oil industry in Rumania and to simplify machinery of export control with a view to stimulating the exports of oil products?
    Mr. Stanley: I am informed that the drafting of a comprehensive Mining Law has reached an advanced stage. As regards the machinery of export control, I understand that some difficulties have already been removed and that other possible measures are under consideration.
    Mr. Crowder: Is it not a fact that the Rumanian Government promised definitely that a modification of the mining law would be promulgated within six
    scrap in this country at a price which is settled between the two bodies, is effectively preventing the export of any scrap which is required for purposes of national importance?
    Mr. Stanley: As the answer to the first part of the question involves a number of figures, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement showing the desired particulars. As regards the second part, I have no reason to suppose that the arrangements to which he refers are not effectively preventing the export of scrap required for purposes of national importance.
    Following is the statement:
    weeks after the British delegation left? In view of the fact that large credits are given to Rumania, will my right hoc Friend do his best to press the Rumanian Government to take action as soon as possible?
    Mr. Stanley: I am sure the Rumanian Government are as anxious as we are that they should implement their promise by introducing legislation, and I have said that it is already in an advanced stage.

    FILM INDUSTRY.
    Mr. Sorensenasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has taken or proposes to take action to prevent film studios from being closed down in a time of national emergency, either through being taken over as office accommodation for London firms, or for similar reasons; and whether he will ensure that film production will not unnecessarily be curtailed?
    Mr. Stanley: Discussions as to the appropriate use of studio space in time of war are at present proceeding.
    Mr. Sorensen:Is the right hon. Gentle-man aware that at least one studio has already been provisionally secured by a city concern for office use in an emergency? Does it not appear that the cinema industry just then might be very useful to the country?
    Mr. Stanley: All these matters have to be considered from the relative value of the purpose for which any premises could be put. I do not think that anyone could contemplate that in time of war the cinema industry is likely to continue completely unaffected.

    Table showing, in respect of each description of cotton apparel separately recorded, the declare value of exports from and imports into the United Kingdom during the year 1938 distinguishing the imports consigned from Japan (including Formosa).

    Description.

    Exports, United Kingdom goods.

    Imports.

    Total.

    of which from Japan.

    £000

    £000

    £000

    Fabric gloves of cotton, including fabric containing cotton shaped for making into or lining gloves.

    18

    218

    2

    Knitted, netted or crocheted goods (hosiery):

    Underwear (including knitted, etc., shirts):

    Of cotton or of which the chief value is cotton.

    248

    96

    82

    Stockings and hose:

    Of cotton or of which the chief value is cotton

    102

    296

    67

  MERCANTILE MARINE.
    ATLANTIC SERVICES.
    Sir Irving Alberyasked the President of the Board of Trade whether, when considering applications by liner companies operating Atlantic routes for inclusion in the provisions of the Shipping Defence Bill, he will give an assurance that he will endeavour to obtain better, more frequent and cheaper communication between this country and Newfoundland, Bermuda and the West Indies, and to make it a condition that more of the liners sailing to Canadian ports shall call at St. Johns on the outward and home-ward voyages; and will he refuse assistance where agreements exist with foreign shipping companies which limit the nature of the services which may be made available to British Dominions and Colonies?

    COTTON APPAREL (IMPORTS AND EXPORTS).
    Sir Percy Harrisasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state for the last available date, the annual total exports of cotton apparel from this country; total imports under the same heading into this country; and value of such imports from Japan?
    Mr. Stanley: I regret that it is not possible to furnish the precise information desired, as the official trade returns only distinguish certain descriptions of apparel made of cotton; but I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement showing the particulars available for the year 1938.
    Following is the statement:
    Mr. Stanley: If the occasion arises, the considerations referred to by my hon. Friend will be kept in mind.
    Sir Douglas Thomsonasked the President of the Board of Trade (1) whether the Imperial Shipping Committee is considering the present services to and from the West Indies and this country; whether their attention has been drawn to the new British competition with the existing British lines; and whether they have made any report;
    (2) whether his attention has been drawn to the intrusion of the Blue Star Line into the West Indies trade with serious results for the existing lines; whether he is aware that this line serves the trade only in one direction and that the existing lines cannot maintain their full services in face of this competition and are withdrawing the only British

    2139
    passenger service that has for long competed with foreign passenger services; can he say in what country these Blue Star Line vessels were built; and whether he will investigate if this recent development is in the interests of British shipping as a whole?
    Mr. Stanley: I am aware of the developments in the West Indies trade referred to. According to the advertisements in the Press, the new outward cargo service from the United Kingdom by Blue Star Line is carried on by nine vessels, five of which were built in the United Kingdom. The Imperial Shipping Committee is at present engaged upon an inquiry into West Indian shipping facilities, and I am informed that their attention has been drawn to the new service and that they are considering its effects. I am not in a position to comment on the matter in advance of their report, which I understand may be expected in the autumn.
    Sir D. Thomson: Is my right hon. Friend aware that the existing passenger service is being withdrawn in the next month, and may be withdrawn before the report is published?
    Mr. Stanley: When a matter of this kind is under consideration by a committee of this importance, it cannot be dealt with before the report is issued.
    Mr. Kirk wood: Does not this give the lie to the statement that competition is essential?
    Sir I. Albery: Is it not a fact that the principal competition in the West Indies service is by larger and faster foreign vessels?
    Mr. Stanley: That is another point which the committee is considering.

    SHIP RESERVE.
    Mr. David Adamsasked the President of the Board of Trade whether any second-hand tonnage has been

    Vessels in respect of which negotiations to purchase have been completed.

    Merchant Ship Reserve.

    Name of Ship.

    Built.

    Tonnage.

    Normal Trading Speed in Knots

    Gross.

    Deadweight.

    "Celtic Star"

    …

    …

    …

    1918

    5,574

    7,318

    10½–11

    "Transit"

    …

    …

    …

    1919

    3,091

    5,150

    9

    "Manchester Producer"

    …

    1916

    5,106

    8,570

    12½

    "Trade"

    …

    …

    …

    …

    1912

    5,848

    9,000

    9–10

    "Pentridge Hill"

    …

    …

    1917

    5,119

    8,035

    9

    "Polycarp"

    …

    …

    …

    1918

    3,577

    5,412

    11

    bought by the Government for the reserve of merchant ships; and, if so, will he give particulars of age, size, speed and other relevant data in each case?
    Mr. Stanley: Negotiations for the purchase of six vessels for the Merchant Ship Reserve have been completed, and I expect that the contracts will be signed shortly. With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate details of the vessels in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Mr. Bellenger: Will it include the price paid by His Majesty's Government for these vessels?
    Mr. Shinwell: Can the right hon. Gentleman say why it is that one vessel which was offered some months ago for £17,500 has been purchased by the Government at £20,000, and it is a vessel 20 years old?
    Mr. Stanley: Perhaps the hon. Member will put down a question.
    Mr. Shinwell: Did I not ask that question in the course of the recent Debate and did not the Government fail to reply?
    Mr. Stanley: If the hon. Member will put down a specific question I will reply.
    Mr. Kirkwood: If what the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Shinwell) says is correct, what action are the Government going to take in the matter?
    Mr. Stanley: Very careful arrangements are made for these ships to be valued, and I am perfectly prepared to trust the valuation of those who advise us.
    Sir P. Harris: Can the right hon. Gentleman say on whose advice he acts in these purchases?
    Mr. Stanley: I have an advisory committee, and I have the Board of Trade surveyors.
    Mr. Shinwell: What do they know-about values?
    Following are the details:

  UNIT TRUSTS.
  Sir Joseph Leechasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he proposes to make regulations under the terms of the Prevention of Fraud (Investments) Act, designed to prevent agents or representatives of unit trust concerns calling without previous introduction or invitation on bankers, solicitors, accountants and other professional persons, for the purpose of selling on commission, units or sub-units?
  Mr. Stanley: The conditions which authorised unit trust schemes must fulfil are specifically laid down in the Act. These conditions do not include a requirement such as my hon. Friend suggests, and I see no sufficient reason for its imposition.

  BRITISH ARMY.

    ASSISTANT-ADJUTANT, QUEEN'S WESTMINSTERS.
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the assistant-adjutant of a Territorial unit, the Queen's Westminsters, is a prominent member of the British Union of Fascists and participates in public demonstrations of that body; and whether he proposes to relieve this officer of his commission?
    The Secretary of State for War (Mr. Hore-Belisha): I am informed that this officer is not a member of the British Union of Fascists, but that he attended a meeting in which he took no active part.
    Mr. Gallacher: Is it not notorious that he did and does take an active part, and is it desirable that members of Hitler's fifth column should hold commissions in the Army?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I have answered the question in accordance with the particulars supplied to me by the commanding officer.
    Mr. Gallacher: Will the right hon. Gentleman make an effort to get better information, because the information he has is somewhat similar to that given to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs?

    MILITIAMEN (FATIGUES).
    Commander Sir Archibald Southbyasked the Secretary of State for War
    2142
    whether any men of the Regular Army have been moved out of their barracks and put under canvas in order that the barracks may be occupied by members of the Militia, and whether instructions have been given that militiamen are not to carry out the ordinary fatigues usually performed by private soldiers of the Regular Army?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The answer to the first part of the question is "Yes, Sir." As regards the second part, the instruction is that the employment of militiamen on fatigues will be restricted as far as possible, and the object is to enable the maximum amount of time to be devoted to training. Militiamen will, however, be trained in administrative and sanitary duties in the field, which are part of the education of every soldier.
    Sir A. Southby: Is my right hon. Friend aware that the militiamen are only too anxious to share all the phases of Army life as well as those of the Regular Army?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Yes, Sir.

    FOOD SUPPLIES.
    Mr. Turtonasked the Secretary of State for War (1) whether he is aware that the Fourth Green Howards, during the period of their summer camp at Halton, were fed on eggs produced in the United Kingdom, and that during the week ending 23rd July, the eggs they consumed were produced in Lancashire and Yorkshire; and whether he will direct the attention of messing officers to the fact that the cash messing allowances are sufficient to provide the troops with home-produced eggs for their breakfast;
    (2) whether any Territorial or Militia camp is supplied with home-produced meat; and whether any of the units in these camps are permitted to commute their meat allowance into a cash allowance wherewith to purchase home-produced meat?
    Mr. E. J. Williamsasked the Secretary of State for War whether he has considered a communication from the Glamorgan Branch of the National Farmers' Union making a request that the forces should be fed on home-produced meat; and what steps he proposes to implement this request?
    Mr. De Chairasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will give an assurance that the new Militia shall be fed on home-grown beef, so that their period of compulsory service will not be putting into the pockets of Argentine beef- producers money which might otherwise be going into the pockets of United Kingdom farmers?
    Mr. Sextonasked the Secretary of State for War the weight and value of home-produced meat supplied to the Militia during the period of training; and the quantity and value of fresh milk supplied by the Government to the Militia in the same period?
    Colonel Ropnerasked the Secretary of State for War (1) what would be the additional expense, if any, if the Army serving at home was supplied, wherever possible, with home-produced food;

    (2)whether it is the policy of the War Department to provide the forces serving at home with home-produced eggs, and what is the proportion of home-produced eggs at present being supplied;

    (3)what is the proportion of home-produced beef supplied to the Army serving in the United Kingdom; and whether it is the policy of the War Department to provide home-produced beef wherever possible?

    Lieut.-Colonel Heneageasked the Secretary of State for War (1) what arrangements have been made to provide the services with beef and mutton from British-produced cattle and sheep;
    (2) whether he will take steps to prevent the danger that, if the men now called up for service are fed on imported beef and mutton it will diminish the call on home-grown supplies, as in civil life many of these men were supplied from home-grown sources?
    Major Whiteleyasked the Secretary of State for War whether he will ensure that the largest possible proportion of food supplied to the military forces in the United Kingdom is home-produced; and that definite instructions are issued to units to that effect?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: All these questions relate to the purchase of home-produced in preference to imported supplies of food,
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    and I hope it will be for the convenience of hon. Members if I make a comprehensive reply.
    As has been stated on previous occasions, financial and administrative considerations make it impossible to depart from the present policy of relying mainly on Dominion supplies of meat, and it is not practicable to make a new departure in the case of the Militia. The extra cost involved in supplying home-produced meat to the Army and the Royal Air Force would probably rise to approximately £1,000,000 a year. There was a recent trial of Argentine frozen meat in the Aldershot Command at Tidworth for one week only. Otherwise, supply of meat from South America is at present limited to preserved meat, and this is the only source from which it can be obtained with satisfaction as to quality, quantity and price.
    The proportion of fresh to frozen beef supplied to the Army in the United Kingdom is about 1 to 1,000. Apart from small local purchases, notably for hospitals, the only home station at which fresh meat is supplied is Aberdeen. There are about 150 militiamen at this depot, and the amount of meat involved to date is some 2,000 lbs. It would be contrary to practice to disclose the price. The suggestion that units might be permitted to use the cash value of the meat in the ration scale for the purpose of buying home-produced meat is impracticable owing to the difference in cost.
    In the case of the other items in the ration scale, preference is given to home-produced supplies, so far as this can reasonably be done. As regards eggs and milk, it has previously been explained that these are purchased by units from a cash allowance. Information as to the prices of the various commodities is available at the messing stores in all barrack and camp institutes, and it is not proposed to interfere with the discretion of units. I have no information as to purchases of milk, but the proportion of home-produced to imported eggs used for all purposes is about 1 to 2.
    Mr. Turton: On a point of Order. A number of questions have been put down dealing with different branches of food supplies, and the right hon. Gentleman has taken the unusual course of answering all of them, or attempting to answer them,

    2145
    in one answer. Is that in accordance with the ordinary procedure of the House? Is it not rather awkward to put a question about Estonian eggs and for the right hon. Gentleman to give an answer on an entirely different subject of meat?
    Colonel Ropner: Does the right hon. Gentleman think that he has answered question No. 38?
    Mr. Gallacher: On a point of Order. As so many ex-soldiers have started poultry farming ought not the right hon. Gentleman to deal with eggs as a separate question?
    Mr. Speaker: The right hon. Gentleman has dealt with the question of home-produced food.
    Mr. Turton: Arising out of the reply, may I ask in regard to Question 33 and the position of eggs, whether the Secretary of State thinks it fair that some units should be fed on stale Estonian eggs while others are receiving fresh newly-laid eggs from this country?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I have already disposed of that suggestion on a previous occasion. The statement is most unfair to Estonia and to the unit concerned. The eggs were not stale and I informed the hon. Member that a number of officers and men cat the eggs with very good results.
    Mr. Turton: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that eggs from Estonia must be stale compared with newly-laid eggs from this country? Is he also aware that since he gave me his last reply I have had a large number of letters from those in camp complaining about these eggs?
    Colonel Ropner: May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to deal with Question 38?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The hon. and gallant Member will recollect that I gave the figure, that the cost would be £1,000,000 or more. I could not give the cost of each commodity—they vary from week to week—but I gave it for meat because it was an available figure.
    Mr. T. Williams: As the Government are subsidising British beef to the extent of £5,000,000 does not the right hon. Gentleman think that militiamen and Regular soldiers ought to be able to get some of this commodity? Is he aware that the sale of beef during this year, and
    2146
    for some years previously, shows a continuous decline?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I have already said that there are certain administrative difficulties. It is desirable that there should be uniformity.
    Mr. De Chair: On a point of Order. Does not a new point arise regarding these militiamen? Questions have been asked with regard to the Regular Forces, but is it the same thing when you are compelling militiamen to serve their country that they should have to eat somebody else's beef?
    Mr. Sexton: May I ask a supplementary questions—
    Mr. Speaker: There must be a limit to supplementary questions.
    Mr. Turton: On a point of Order. There are 10 Questions down, and if an hon. Member objects to this procedure surely the right hon. Gentleman is not in a position to deal with all these questions at once?
    Mr. Speaker: If there are 10 questions on the same subject it is permissible for the Minister to answer them together.
    Mr. Turton: That was not quite my point of Order. If an hon. Member objects surely the right hon. Gentleman is not in a position to answer all the questions en bloc? They deal with different aspects of the same problem.
    Mr. Speaker: That does not seem to be a point of Order.
    Mr. Sexton: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many of these militiamen have fed, reared and looked after beasts all their lives and now are not to have the pleasure of eating them?

    CANTEENS.
    Mr. Turtonasked the Secretary of State for War in how many Territorial camps this year the canteens are being or have been run by the Navy, Army and Air Force Institutes; how many units run their own canteens and how many units let the running of their canteens to contractors?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I regret that the information asked for is not readily available, and could not be obtained without a disproportionate expenditure of time and labour.
    Mr. Turton: Is it not very important that this fact should be known so that we could feed the troops as cheaply and as well as possible?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: In view of the great labour involved in obtaining this information I hope the hon. Member will not press me to get it as a great deal of labour is now cast upon the authorities, and I have not the information readily available.
    Mr. C. Wood: In view of the fact that we are having many complaints of a general shortage of food in certain Territorial camps, particularly in the East Riding, will the right hon. Gentleman consider sending a representative of the Army Catering Advisory Department to look into this matter during the current period of training?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Yes, Sir, with a great deal of pleasure. If the hon. Member will specify the units he has in mind I will see that an inspector goes at once. That practice has invariably been followed.

    MILITIA (DEPENDANTS' ALLOWANCES).
    Mr. Oliverasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that widows, whose sons who were their only support and are now receiving training under the Military Training Act, are being subject to the means test in respect of dependant allowances, so that in order to live widows possessing small savings are being compelled to draw upon these small amounts and, in addition to the loss of the son and his earnings for six months, are being called upon to make the additional sacrifice of having to pay for it; and whether he will give the undertaking that in cases where children are the sole support of either or both parents the full dependants allowances will be granted irrespective of any small savings the parents may possess?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The extent to which other means of a dependant are taken into consideration in determining the rate of allowance issuable is shown in the White Paper (Cmd. 6043). It will be seen that only income, and not capital, enters into the calculation.
    Mr. Oliver: Will the right hon. Gentleman kindly inquire into this matter, because I have a case in my own constituency where the capital has been taken into account and has been assessed,
    2148
    that is, capital invested in the Post Office Savings Bank?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: If the capital has been wrongly taken into account and the hon. Member will be good enough to furnish me with the particulars, I will make immediate inquiry.
    Mr. Dayasked the Secretary of State for War whether he can state the number of applications received for dependant allowances under the Military Training Act, 1939; the numbers of the respective rates that have been granted; and how many of such applications have been refused?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The latest returns received indicate that approximately 14,000 militiamen have applied for grants of dependants allowance. Of these, some 5,300 have received awards at the rates of 7s., 12s., 17s., or 20s. 6d. a week (each inclusive of an allotment of 3s. 6d. from the militiaman's pay). In the remaining cases, the applicants were not found to be eligible for awards under the conditions prescribed (which are shown in the relevant White Paper, Cmd. 6043), but an allotment of 3s. 6d. a week from the militiaman's pay is being made in each case. I regret that particulars as to the numbers in receipt of awards at the 7s., 12s., 17s., and 20s. 6d. rate, respectively, are not available at the War Office.
    Mr. Day: Have these militiamen who are not satisfied the right to appeal?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I think not so.

    ANTI-AIRCRAFT DEFENCES.
    Mr. Henderson Stewartasked the Secretary of State for War whether it is intended to make a practice of calling upon anti-aircraft personnel of the Territorial Army to man their war stations each year?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: No, Sir, the intention is that certain of the anti-aircraft defences should be manned by militiamen during their continuous period of training. The militiamen will take over this duty from the Territorial Army this year as soon as they have been trained. Subsequently, the Militia will be responsible for manning these anti-aircraft defences until such time as the Territorial Army units forming the Air Defence of Great Britain are called out for actual duty

    WAR DEPARTMENT LAND.
    Mr. Magnayasked the Secretary of State for War the number of acres of land held by the War Department?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The War Department freehold and leasehold property over 21 years amounts to 299,059 acres.

    TERRITORIAL CAMP, OKEHAMPTON.
    Mr. Lambertasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that some 2,000 Territorials are housed at a camp at Okehampton, Devon, which the recent rains have reduced to something approaching a morass; that there is only one hospital with only three beds and no kitchen or cooking accommodation attached; and what steps will be immediately taken to provide men who are voluntarily serving with adequate accommodation?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: It is the case that some 2,000 Territorials have recently been in camp at Okehampton, the excess over normal numbers being due to the desire of the commanding officers concerned that duplicate units should attend together with the original units. The troops sleep under canvas, and the exceptionally bad weather has involved discomfort. As regards hospital facilities, cases unlikely to recover in 48 hours are taken by ambulance to the Royal Naval Hospital at Plymouth. For minor cases, there is a reception station with four beds at the camp, and these beds have not, in fact, all been filled at any one time this summer. Cooking facilities are not normally provided at reception stations, meals being sent from the main cook house, but there are facilities for heating milk and so on, if required.
    Colonel Ropner: May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to read that reply again in order that hon. Members may hear it?
    Mr. Lambert: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the facts are not as stated in the question, and that these men have been housed in a camp which has been reduced to a morass by recent rains; and whether he proposes to take any action to change the locality of the camp?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I am informed that the camp has not been reduced to a morass. I have already explained that this was done at the desire of the commanding officers who were clearly warned
    2150
    that the extra numbers would involve difficulties, but they said they desired to have both these units together. Certain inconveniences have arisen here, as indeed they have arisen all over the country, on account of the exceptionally heavy rain.
    Mr. Lambert: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the floorboards of the tents were covered with water, and that the men had to sleep on them afterwards?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I was not aware of that.
    Mr. George Griffiths: Was it not stated that these men would not be called up unless the facilities were there? Why is the right hon. Gentleman calling them up if the facilities are not there?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: These are not men who have been called up. These are Territorials in a Territorial camp.
    Mr. Griffiths: The militiamen are the same.

    MILITIA CAMPS.
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the militiamen in camp at Norton Manor have been given a lecture by the commanding officer in which they were told that one of their main tasks was to combat Communism; and whether political propaganda of this character has the sanction of His Majesty's Government?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I am informed that the commanding officer at this camp made no such statement.
    Mr. Gallacher: In view of the fact of the wide publicity which has been given to the character of the lecture delivered by the commanding officer, will the right hon. Gentleman not make further and more effective inquiries?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I have made the most effective inquiries that I could, and I have had a telegram saying that the commanding officer makes an absolute denial of the allegations in the question.
    Mr. De Chair: Are not the allegations in these questions doing a great deal of harm?
    Mr. Gallacherasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that at many reading tents attached to Militia camps all the national newspapers are

    2151
    to be found with the exception of the "Daily Herald," "News Chronicle," and the "Daily Worker"; and will he give instructions that no newspaper shall be banned for political reasons?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Newspapers are not provided out of public funds, and they should be provided in accordance with the wishes of the men.
    Mr. Gallacher: Would it be in order if the men expressed a wish for the "Daily Worker" to be in the camp, for the "Daily Worker" to be in the camp?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Yes, Sir. All tastes, however exceptional, can be provided for.
    Mr. Hubert Beaumontasked the Secretary of State for War what complaints he has received of the conditions prevailing at Blandford camp; and will he have steps taken to remove the causes there of?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Exceptionally bad weather has interfered with the amenities of this camp, but I am informed that there is no lack of food or hot water, and that everything possible has been done to overcome the difficulties that have arisen. The camp is constantly being inspected, and I have received a recent assurance that there is now general satisfaction.
    Mr. T. Smithasked the Secretary of State for War what complaints he has received regarding the conditions prevailing at the militiamen's camp at Oswestry; whether he is aware that the boys are sleeping eight in a tent, resulting in overcrowding; that the huts being prepared will not be ready for three months; that, owing to the recent weather the whole place is a bog; that there are 50 already in hospital and that one has died of pneumonia; that the food is poor and scarce, the menu being one small sausage and a small piece of bacon for breakfast, a spoonful of hard peas and possibly two potatoes for dinner, and two slices of bread and jam for tea; and whether he will have immediate inquiries made into these complaints with a view to their rectification?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The amenities of this camp have suffered owing to the abnormally bad weather. The militiamen are not sleeping eight in a tent, but
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    six. It is hoped that, with reasonably fine weather, the huts will be ready in two months, and not in three. There are not 50 men in hospital, but three men have been sent to a civil hospital at Shrewsbury, one suffering from pneumonia, one from tonsilitis, and one from bronchitis, and all are doing well. There are five men in the camp hospital suffering from trivial complaints, and there are 15 vacant beds. No militiaman has died of pneumonia or any other cause. The diet is not as described in the question, and there is no evidence of a shortage of food.
    Mr. Smith: Are we to take it then that the scores of letters and numerous telegrams that I have had from parents and men in these Militia camps are untrue? Will the right hon. Gentleman also say why there is this delay in the building of these huts, especially when certain firms say that they can be put up very rapidly? Thirdly, in view of the fact that a telegram has just come which states that there is a foot of liquid mud, which is beginning to smell, would it not be advisable either to let these lads return home or to remove them to another place in which reasonable conditions can be provided?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: As soon as this question was put on the Order Paper and was given wide publicity, I asked the Quartermaster-General to go in person to inspect this camp, and he has refuted every one of the allegations. I have had a letter from the Lord Lieutenant of the County this morning, who has also personally inspected the camp and who gives an account quite the reverse of that contained in this question. I do not wish to pretend that in the conditions which have prevailed the life is ideal—it never is in soldiering—but everything possible has been done, and there has been no delay in building the huts, which are not due for completion until 1st October.
    Mr. Smiths:Will the right hon. Gentleman permit me after Question Time to submit to him the information that has been supplied to me in this connection by men of standing and men whose words can be relied upon?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Yes, I shall be most obliged. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman has seen some accounts in the newspapers, notably in the "Times," which

    2153
    speak very highly of the conditions in this camp. Nevertheless, I shall be most obliged if the hon. Gentleman will give me that information, but I would ask him to believe that to put questions down at this time which suggest that men are seriously ill and dying does cause widespread alarm, and if he could manage to let me have such particulars so that I could verify them before publicity is given to them, I should be much obliged.
    Mr. Smith: I will let the right hon. Gentleman see some of the information that has been supplied to me.
    Mr. Shinwell: In view of the disquiet that prevails in many quarters in regard to these allegations, could the right hon. Gentleman afford facilities to hon. Members to visit some of these camps?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: Yes, Sir, I have already said that I should welcome very highly visits by hon. Members. All these camps have been thrown open—at least, such has been the intention—and I think the opportunity has been taken by journalists to walk freely about the camps, to ask any questions they like, and to see anything they like, and I think most of them are extremely favourable, although, of course, the weather conditions are exceptionally bad.
    Mr. Smith: I do not want to pursue the question, but it is so important that I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that some parents complain that they were refused permission to see the camp?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: If that be the case, it was very wrong, and I will see that it is rectified. It is not our intention to close these camps at suitable opportunities to parents or to the Press, and we should very much welcome visits from Members of this House.
    Captain Heilgers: While appreciating all that my right hon. Friend has done to make inquiries, may I ask him whether, in view of the fact that I too have heard complaints about this camp, and only this camp, as regards catering, he will send one of his catering advisers to make inquiries?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: That has already been done, and the principal catering adviser has been there. If my hon. and
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    gallant Friend has anything further in mind, perhaps he will speak to me about it.

    RETIRED SENIOR OFFICERS.
    Mr. Bellengerasked the Secretary of State for War whether the policy of retiring senior officers in order to facilitate promotion is to be amended, in view of the expansion of the Army, and the present international tension?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: No alteration in the regulations is necessary or desirable, but the recent expansion has made it possible to retain on the active list a number of senior officers within the age limit who could not otherwise have been given further employment, and officers who have retired are being re-employed as is most suitable.
    Mr. Bellenger: While recognising the vigorous efforts that the right hon. Gentleman has made, may I ask whether he realises that numerous officers with considerable experience, which is vitally necessary in these times, are being retired, and therefore, will he reconsider the matter from the point of view of retaining the services of officers who are in the prime of life and who have had considerable experience?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I think that that is not quite accurate, and that there are very few such officers who are being retired. I think there is another question on the Paper giving the figures. In all suitable cases I think they are being re-employed.

    BREN GUN (TERRITORIALS).
    Mr. Erskine Hillasked the Secretary of State for War whether he can make any statement with regard to the provision of Bren guns to second-line Territorial regiments?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: The 104 duplicate infantry battalions now have eight guns each.
    Mr. Erskine Hill: While thanking my right hon. Friend for that reply, I should like to ask for his assurance that those figures apply to the Scottish Command as well as to the other Commands?
    Mr. Hore-Belisha: I hope so. My information is that they apply to the whole of the 104 infantry battalions.

  SITTINGS OF PARLIAMENT.
  Mr. Manderasked the Prime Minister whether he will give an assurance that adequate arrangements have been made to ensure that Parliament shall be able to meet during a war?
  The Prime Minister (Mr. Chamberlain): Yes, Sir.

  CZECHO-SLOVAKIAN AND AUSTRIAN LOANS.
  Sir J. Mellorasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, without prejudice to subsequent definitions of the scope of the scheme to be submitted for dealing with assets and claims under the Czechoslovakia (Restrictions on Banking Accounts, etc.) Act, he will state whether the issuing bankers or trustees for the Czecho-Slovakia 8 per cent. Sterling Loan and the Austrian Government 4½ per cent. Guaranteed Conversion Loan have lodged claims for registration on behalf of British bondholders generally; and whether it is necessary for individual bondholders, in order that their claims may be registered, either to have given notice individually before 17th June or by permission of the Treasury there after?
  The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir John Simon):The bank which issued the sterling 8 percent. bonds of the Czechoslovak Government Loan asked His Majesty's Government to take note of the rights of the bondholders, but it is desirable that bondholders should lodge their claims individually as requested in the notice published on 3rd April last. The attention of His Majesty's Government has been drawn to the contingent claims of the Trustees of the Austrian Government Guaranteed Conversion Loan, 1934–59, under the guarantees given by the former Czecho-Slovak Government. The service of this loan, however, is being met without any call upon the guarantor Governments. There do not appear to be any grounds for individual holders of bonds of this loan to lodge claims. In answering the specific questions put to me by my hon. Friend, I do so, as he himself suggests, without prejudice to subsequent definitions of the scope of the scheme to be submitted.
  Sir J. Mellor: I apologise to my right hon. Friend if I ask a question which he has already answered, but I had great
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  difficulty in hearing the beginning of his reply. Did he say that the trustees representing the bondholders in these two issues had lodged claims on behalf of the bondholders?
  Sir J. Simon: What I said as regards the first issue was that the bank had asked His Majesty's Government to take note of the right of the bondholders, but that it was desirable for bondholders individually to lodge their claims according to the announcement already made.
  Sir J. Mellor: Does that apply to both issues?
  Sir J. Simon: As regards the second issue, I said that there seemed to be no reason for anxiety. The guarantor Governments are not being called upon and the service of the issue is being duly made.
  Mr. Boothby: In view of the uncertainty with regard to this matter, will my right hon. Friend bear in mind the desirability of producing a scheme as soon as possible after the Recess?
  Sir J. Simon: Yes, Sir, I hope it will be as soon as possible.
  Mr. Kirkwood: May I ask whether there is any truth in the rumours going round that there are individuals in this country who are more concerned about the money lost in Czecho-Slovakia than they arc-about the Czecho-Slovak people losing their liberty?

  CHINESE CURRENCY.
  Mr. Jaggerasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the new Anglo-Japanese formula, the Government still intends to support Chinese currency?
  Sir J. Simon: The formula agreed upon at Tokyo does not imply any change in the views of His Majesty's Government as to the desirability of maintaining the stability of the Chinese currency in the interests of this country and of other countries which have important financial and trade interests in China.
  Mr. Price: Can the right hon. Gentleman assure us that he will give no special support to the Japanese currency which is circulating in China and which is tied to the Chinese dollar, and by which the Japanese are trying to get financial control over certain parts of China?
  Sir J. Simon: I do not think I can enlarge upon the answer I have given, which is a full answer to the question that was put. The hon. Member's supplementary question is of a different order.
  Sir Herbert Williams: Is my right hon. Friend aware that every action he takes in the interests of this country in supporting foreign countries is subsequently used as a ground for denunciation at meetings of old age pensioners?
  Mr. Bellengerasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the statement on Chinese currency issued at Hong Kong on 8th June to the effect that the ability of the authorities to maintain the exchange will not be questioned still represents the views of His Majesty's Government?
  Sir J. Simon: The statement referred to was not issued by His Majesty's Government, who have not at any time expressed a view as to the future exchange value of the Chinese dollar.
  Mr. Bellenger: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in answer to a question put by me, he quoted these very words from the statement that was issued in Hong Kong, and am I to understand that there was no purpose whatever in quoting the statement in answer to me, and is he aware that since that statement was made the Chinese dollar has depreciated further?
  Sir J. Simon: My recollection is that the hon. Member asked me for information on this subject, and I referred him to the statement issued by the authorities in China.
  Mr. Bellenger: May I ask what was the right hon. Gentleman's purpose in referring me to that statement if he did not take it as being substantially correct?
  Sir J. Simon: I think that the statement to a large extent was a statement as to future prospects. Obviously, attention must be paid to the opinion of the authorities in the country concerned as to their currency.
  Mr. R. Morganasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the British Government will continue to do its utmost, in the interests of world trade, to maintain the stability of Chinese currency?
  Sir J. Simon: I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given to the hon. Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Bellenger) on 4th July.

  BANK FOR INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENTS (ANNUITY TRUST ACCOUNT).
  Mr. G. Straussasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether he is aware that the Annuity Trust Account of the Bank for International Settlements is invested in Germany; that £2,000,000 of this money was advanced by this country; and, as the reparation scheme for which this account was instituted has been officially abandoned, will he take steps to secure the early return of this money to Great Britain;
  (2) what interest payment was made during the last fiscal year on the approximate £2,000,000 deposit made by the Treasury with the Bank for International Settlements in connection with the now-abandoned Young Plan?
  Mr. Manderasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what sum is now held on behalf of His Majesty's Government in the Annuity Trust Account of the Bank for International Settlements, and what rate of interest is now being paid thereon; for what purposes this deposit was made and is now being maintained; and, as the whole of this account has been invested in Germany, whether he will take steps for an early withdrawal of the British deposit?
  Sir J. Simon: The United Kingdom is one of 10 creditor Governments interested in the Annuity Trust Account, the British share being about 26,500,000 reichsmarks out of 125,000,000. Apart from the creditor Governments the German Government undertook during the period up to 31st March, 1966, to maintain a similar deposit of 62,500,000 reichsmarks. Under the Hague Agreement of 1930 these deposits do not carry interest although the depositors are entitled under certain circumstances to receive and have received in virtue of their deposits a share in the profits of the bank. The circumstances in which the deposits were provided by the creditor countries out of reparations due from Germany are set out in Command Paper 3484: the deposits are not at present liable to withdrawal. As regards

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  investments of the Bank for International Settlements in Germany I would refer the hon. Members to the Young Report, Command Paper 3343, pages 13 and 14.
  Mr. G. Strauss: May I ask whether it is a fact that the purpose for which these deposits were originally made has now disappeared and that, in fact, the British Government now have an investment of £2,000,000 in Germany through the Bank for International Settlements on which they are getting practically no return, and is it not a fact that this money could be withdrawn by application to the Hague tribunal, and should not application be made immediately?
  Sir J. Simon: As the hon. Member knows, this is a very complex matter, and many countries besides ourselves are concerned. I have made inquiries on the line which the hon. Member has suggested to me, and I can see much force in the view that action of that kind would revive all sorts of claims and counter-claims in respect of war debts and reparations.
  Mr. Mander: In view of the fact that we are running the risk of losing £2,000,000 which belongs to us, will not the Chancellor seriously consider consulting with other Governments concerned with a view to bringing the matter before the Hague tribunal, which is concerned in the matter?
  Sir J. Simon: I will take note of the hon. Member's suggestion, but I repeat that a number of Governments are concerned, such as the French Government, which has a very much bigger interest than we have. Probably there is very good reason for leaving things as they are.
  Mr. G. Strauss: Will the right hon. Gentleman consult with the French Government on this matter?

  INCOME TAX (SICKNESS AND DISABLEMENT BENEFIT).
  Mr. Wedgwood Bennasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that in April, 1933, a claim for Income Tax made by a local Bournemouth inspector upon Mr. T. J. Potter of Southbourne, Hampshire, a member of the United Law Clerks Friendly Society,
  2160
  was withdrawn at the instance of the Inland Revenue Department at Somerset House, on the ground that the benefit received by him from the society named was in the nature of a continued sickness or disablement benefit; whether the action taken by the Inland Revenue Department in that case is affected by the decision given on 11th July, 1939, by the Special Commissioners in the case of Forsyth; if so, in what way was it affected, and will Mr. Potter henceforth be called upon to pay Income Tax upon his benefit?
  Sir J. Simon: As regards the first part of the question, the case referred to had already been brought to my notice. As regards the remainder of the question, I am unable to discuss the Income Tax position of individual taxpayers, particularly in relation to a decision of the Special Commissioners which, I understand, is to be the subject of appeal to the High Court.
  Mr. Benn: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many Income Tax payers are now being assessed on the Forsyth judgment? I am asking about Mr. Potter in order to know whether the right hon. Gentleman is exercising some private discretion as between taxpayers.
  Sir J. Simon: Of course, there is no private discretion exercised by me.
  Mr. Benn: Will the right hon. Gentleman answer my question? Does the Forsyth judgment cover other cases of the same kind?
  Sir J. Simon: That is not a question on which I can lay down the law. My own view is that the judgment in the Forsyth case was given on the facts of that case, but it is going to appeal, and only when that appeal is decided will a final reading of the case be possible.
  Mr. Benn: Has not the right hon. Gentleman stated that he proposes to collect tax from other taxpayers on the basis of the provisional decision in the Forsyth case?
  Sir J. Simon: I do not think I have. I have never taken the view that the Forsyth case altered the law at all. I have explained in the House several times the application of the existing law.
  Dr. Haden Guestasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is

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  aware that the Special Commissioners, when asked to state a case for the opinion of the High Court in the case of Mr. Forsyth, stated that the demand was premature as the liability had not been agreed; and will he, in view of the importance of this case as a governing case probably affecting thousands of other persons, take steps to expedite a decision?
  Sir J. Simon: I understand that the Board of Inland Revenue have informed the Special Commissioners that, so far as they are concerned, the Board will offer no objection if the Special Commissioners see fit to state the case for the opinion of the High Court on the points arising in Mr. Forsyth's appeal, leaving the determination of the actual amount of the liability to await the Court's decision.
  Dr. Guest: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether this will enable the appeal to proceed as I understand that otherwise the appeal could not possibly come on until October?
  Sir J. Simon: The hon. Member will realise that the Special Commissioners in this matter are a tribunal and I can, no more than anybody else, direct a tribunal. But the Board of Inland Revenue is one of the litigants and the Board has indicated to the Special Commissioners that it does not desire to wait until the figures are settled. Therefore, I think we are doing everything we can to expedite the appeal.

  SPAIN (LOANS).
  Miss Rathboneasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will give an assurance that the Government will not give, or encourage business houses to give, any loans or credits to the Government of Spain without the consent of Parliament?
  Sir J. Simon: So far as I am aware, it is not the case that the Spanish Government have expressed any desire to borrow from this country and the hon. Member's question does not, therefore, arise.
  Miss Rathbone: May we understand then that there is no intention, proposal or plan under discussion at present, and that there will not be without the consent of Parliament?
  Sir J. Simon: I am not aware of any proposal or discussion of that sort, and of course, the hon. Member will remember that it would be impossible for us to lend money without statutory authority.
  Mr. Gallacher: Will the right hon. Gentleman take into account the fact that this Government is not likely to last long?

  LOCAL AUTHORITIES, SCOTLAND (BORROWING POWERS).
  Mr. Sloanasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the ability of a large number of local authorities in Scotland to borrow money on short-term bills has been seriously prejudiced by a decision that such bills will be discounted only where they are issued by local authorities who have specific statutory powers to borrow by bills; and, as the effect of such decision is to enable the last-mentioned local authorities to borrow money on terms substantially better than other local authorities who are per forming exactly the same functions, will he take the necessary steps to see that the position is so adjusted that this unfair preference will be removed?
  Sir J. Simon: I would refer the hon. Member to the answers which I gave on this subject to my hon. Friend the Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) on 13th June and to the hon. Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Bellenger) on 20th June.
  Mr. Sloan: Can the right hon. Gentleman say why authorities which have not these statutory powers should be penalised in this way when they are carrying out the very same functions as other authorities; and does he not realise that this is an imposition upon the poorer taxpayers in those areas?
  Sir J. Simon: I think if the hon. Member refers to the earlier answer and to the answers to supplementary questions, he will see that that really is not the case.

  DEFENCE LOAN.
  Mr. Shinwellasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he expects to be in a position to make a statement on the proposed £500,000,000 defence loan?
  Sir J. Simon: I cannot at present say when such a statement is likely to be made.
  Mr. Shinwell: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether it is likely that an attempt will be made to float the loan during the Parliamentary Recess?
  Sir J. Simon: I think all the precedents indicate that it is better not to make any statement on the subject. If the hon. Gentleman will allow me to suggest it to him, I think it would be better not to answer that question.

  CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (ASSETS).
  Sir P. Harrisasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can give an undertaking that the Government will not surrender any part of the blocked Czech assets during the Summer Recess?
  Sir J. Simon: I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to my hon. Friend the Member for East Willesden (Mr. Hammersley) on 13th July. He will see that a scheme is to be submitted to the House for its prior approval as soon as may be after it reassembles.
  Sir P. Harris: Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether there have been any discussions with German banks or agencies on this matter, and can he give an undertaking that the Government as trustees in this respect are acting in the interests of the Czechs?
  Sir J. Simon: I can hardly give a more complete assurance than that which I have already given to the House, that no arrangements will be made until a scheme has been put before the House.
  Mr. Mander: Would the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to answer this question? Have any conversations or negotiations, official or unofficial, taken place with anybody connected with the German Government, with regard to this matter?
  Sir J. Simon: I could not give an answer to that question. If there has been any such discussion, I think the House is completely protected by the offer and the statement that has been made that any scheme will come before the House.
  Mr. Mander: If I put down a specific question on the point, will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to answer it?

  SUBSIDISED IMPORTS (DUTY).
  Sir H. Williamsasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is prepared to consider a revision of the methods of valuation for the purpose of Customs duties in order to ensure that subsidised and dumped goods should re main liable to the same duty which they would pay had they been sold at normal prices?
  Sir J. Simon: It is open to the interests concerned to make representations to the Import Duties Advisory Committee in regard to the competition of foreign goods on the British market from whatever cause it arises. I do not consider that any further provision is necessary at present.
  Sir H. Williams: Would my right hon. Friend consider the difficulty arising from the fact that subsidised goods may come from only one country and they have to be treated in exactly the same way as non-subsidised goods from other countries, and that this is a position with which the Import Duties Advisory Committee cannot deal?
  Mr. Reed: Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that these dock goods in some cases come from countries with which we have trade agreements, and therefore nothing whatever can be done through the Import Duties Advisory Committee; and will he further consider this question?
  Sir J. Simon: I am not sure that this matter is not one for my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade, rather than for me, but I will take note of the observations which have been made by the hon. Members and will see that they are considered.

  JAPAN (CREDITS).
  Mr. Priceasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that Japanese purchases of Australian wool and other commodities are being financed by London banking houses; and whether he will take steps to secure that this financial assistance shall cease, and that such proportion of these purchases as are suitable shall be diverted to this country for war stores?
  Sir J. Simon: I have no reason to believe that London institutions are increasing the financial credits open to Japan.

  HOUSE OF COMMONS (REFRESHMENT DEPARTMENT STAFF).
  Commander Locker-Lampsonasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, as only £2,500 is needed to pay full wages to 70 per cent. of the staff in the Kitchen Department, the proportion liable to dismissal, he will arrange to advance a sum of money sufficient to maintain the staff until the end of the year, pending further consideration, so as to avoid their instant dismissal this week?
  The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Captain Crookshank): The conditions of Service of the staff of the Kitchen Department and any financial arrangements in connection therewith are a matter for consideration by the Kitchen Committee.
  Commander Locker-Lampson: Is the right hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the staff at the Law Courts, although they do not work the full year, are paid in full?
  Captain Crookshank: I know nothing about the Law Courts.
  Mr. Crossley: Can the right hon. And gallant Gentleman say whether, at any time within the last three years, the Kitchen Committee have asked for any subvention from the Treasury?
  Captain Crookshank: I am afraid I must have notice of that question.
  Commander Locker-Lampson: Even though the right hon. and gallant Gentleman is indifferent to the Law Courts is that any reason why he should be in-different to the cause of the servants of this House?
  Mr. Arthur Greenwood: Is it not the case—I asked a question about it last week—that it was formerly an established tradition that there should be a Treasury grant for this purpose because it is impossible to run the Refreshment Department of this House on an ordinary commercial basis; and will not the right hon. Gentleman now consider making a Treasury grant?
  Captain Crookshank: The conditions are quite different now from what they were, but, as I have already said, these are all questions for the consideration of the Kitchen Committee, whose chairman I see as usual, in his place. Perhaps these questions might be addressed to him.
  Mr. Maxton: Does the Minister say that the Members of this House have no right to question him as to the financial arrangements which may be made by the Government in relation to the Kitchen Committee's work?
  Captain Crookshank: No, Sir; I do not say that, but the Kitchen Committee is the usual channel in this case.
  Lieut.-Colonel Acland-Troyte: Would this involve a charge upon the taxpayers?
  Mr. De la Bère: Is it not vitally necessary that something should be done?

  QUESTIONS TO MINISTERS.
  Mr. Malcolm MacMillan: On a point of Order. May I call attention to the fact that it is almost impossible for Scottish Members to get early answers to their questions that are put upon the Paper, for the reason that those questions are usually put down at a point which does not get reached at Question Time? May I respectfully submit that further consideration should be given to the arrangement of questions, so that it should be done in such a way that Scottish Members should be able to get oral answers from Ministers on Tuesdays?
  Mr. Boothby: On that point of Order. May I respectfully point out that I never remember a Session in which Scottish. Members have had more opportunities of getting oral answers to their questions than the present Session.
  Mr. Speaker: It is very difficult to arrange for every section of the House to get their questions answered orally owing to the very large number of questions that are put on the Paper and also to the large number of supplementary questions that are put.
  Mr. Malcolm MacMillan: May I point out that the Secretary of State for War has two sections on the Order Paper today, and that on the usual Scottish day it is almost impossible to get Scottish. questions answered?
  Mr. Speaker: The questions addressed to the Secretary of State for War are divided to-day by the questions addressed to the Prime Minister and to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
  Lieut.-Colonel Sir A. Lambert Ward: Is it not a fact that the Secretary of State for War has to-day, at any rate, done his best by answering 12 questions at once?

  PREVENTION OF VIOLENCE (TEMPORARY PROVISIONS) ACT, 1939.
  Mr. Greenwoodasked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has appointed any person to examine objections under Section 2 (1) of the Prevention of Violence (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1939?
  The Secretary of State for the Home Department (Sir Samuel Hoare): I am glad to be able to announce that Sir Walter Monckton, K.C., has agreed to place his services at my disposal for this purpose.

  OIL SUPPLIES (EMERGENCY PROVISIONS).
  Mr. Greenwoodasked the Secretary for Mines whether he can make a statement regarding the arrangements for the maintenance of petrol and oil supplies in war time?
  The Secretary for Mines (Mr. Geoffrey Lloyd): Yes, Sir. In view of the vital importance of petrol and other petroleum products in war time comprehensive plans have been prepared for the maintenance of supplies, the accumulation of reserves, the organisation of sea transport and inland distribution, and for the control of price. The reserves of petroleum products in this country have been greatly increased. Schemes have been prepared to co-ordinate distribution and to ensure the most economical and efficient use of the road and rail tank vehicles. Investigations into the possibility of a wider use of substitute fuels in war time are in progress. Special arrangements are being made for meeting the requirements of fire brigades, ambulances and A.R.P. services.
  To provide for these and other essential needs and to ensure that the paramount
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  demands of the Fighting Services are met in all circumstances, it will be important to regulate the use of petrol, diesel oil and other petroleum products. Goods and passenger vehicles will therefore be rationed through the medium of the organisation set up by the Minister of Transport to regulate the use of such vehicles in war time and, after due notice has been given, a rationing scheme will be introduced for all private cars. In the case of petroleum products other than motor fuels supplies to industrial users will be regulated by a priority system. The requisite staff has been appointed and the schemes could if necessary be brought into immediate operation.
  For the convenience of hon. Members I propose to circulate a fuller statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
  Mr. Greenwood: With regard to the reference to an investigation being made into the wider use of substitute fuels can the Minister give the House an assurance that those investigations are in an advanced stage now, and whether it would be possible, in the event of supplies being needed, for him to inform the House that those supplies would become an important contributory factor in the supply of petrol and other fuels at home?
  Mr. Lloyd: Yes, Sir. It would not be in the public interest to go into details in this matter, but I can say that good progress is being made. The investigations are proceeding along a number of different channels and we hope these supplies would make a substantial contribution to the petroleum requirements in wartime.
  Mr. Shinwell: Does the scheme provide for the installation of plant to produce oil from coal?
  Mr. Lloyd: No, Sir, not in addition to the existing plants.
  Mr. Boothby: Have the Government completed sufficient purchases of oil to give them the reserve which they think is necessary at the present time?
  Mr. Lloyd: It would not be in the public interest to go into details, but I have said that the reserve stocks have been greatly increased.
  Captain P. Macdonald: May I ask that in drawing up the scheme for the rationing and distribution of oil supplies in the

  2169
  event of war, the interest of the independent importers and distributors, as well as of the major companies, will not be overlooked and that they shall be brought into any scheme?
  Mr. Lloyd:Yes, Sir, these plans have been made in consultation with the oil industry, and I can assure the hon. and gallant Member that the interest of that section of the industry will not be overlooked.
  Mr. James Griffiths: Can the Minister give some indication of the cost to the State of making all these arrangements and providing all this storage, and will he give some indication of what is the difference between the cost to the State of subsidising the storage of petrol and subsidising the production of petrol from coal? Further, may I ask whether he is making any plans to develop producer-gas?
  Mr. Lloyd: In reply to the first question, that particular matter was very fully investigated by the Falmouth Committee before they came to their conclusions, which were adopted by His Majesty's Government. With regard to the second question, I can say that producer-gas vehicles are one of the subjects which are being investigated.
  Mr. G. Nicholson: Has the Minister considered the desirability of building up a reserve of producer-gas vehicles or vehicles adapted to producer-gas?
  Mr. Lloyd: All those matters are under consideration.
  Mr. Batey: What justification can there be for rationing the supply of petrol when petral can be produced if only the plant is set up and idle miners are employed?
  Mr. Lloyd: That is a matter which was considered very carefully by the Falmouth Committee.
  Following is the statement:
  Organisation for the Control of Petroleum Supplies in War-time.
  A standing sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence has kept under constant review the position of supplies for the Fighting Services, Mercantile Marine, industrial and other civil requirements; and among the matters dealt with by
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  this sub-committee have been the reserves necessary to be built up and maintained in peace time to meet war demands, the security of fuel supplies, the provision and allocation of tanker tonnage, and the control of distribution and consumption in time of war.
  The Petroleum Department, which is part of the Mines Department, will be the Executive Department for general control of the supply and distribution of petroleum products in war time, and the necessary plans have been made in collaboration with the oil industry in this country, whose help I am glad to acknowledge. Similarly the Board of Trade will be the Executive Department for the control of tanker tonnage.
  Imports and Distribution.
  At the unloading ports special officers have been appointed whose duties will be to see that the best use is made of the available facilities for discharging oil products in order to secure the rapid release of the tankers and the movement of the oil to its inland destinations.
  Schemes have been prepared to ensure the most economical and efficient use of the road and rail tank vehicles used for the internal distribution of oil and of the storage tanks dispersed throughout the country.
  Regulation of Supplies.
  Special arrangements are being made for meeting the requirements of fire brigades, ambulances and A.R.P. services. In order to meet these and other essential requirements, and to provide in all circumstances for the paramount demands of the Navy, Army and Air Force, it will be important to prevent the unnecessary use of petrol, diesel oil and other petroleum products. Their use will, therefore, be regulated.
  Petrol Rationing.
  Goods and passenger vehicles will be rationed through the medium of the organisation which has been set up by the Minister of Transport to regulate the use of such vehicles in war time.
  After due notice has been given, a rationing scheme will be introduced for all private cars. Under this scheme such cars will be given a ration related to the horse-power of the car and provision is made for owners who consider the ration

  2171
  insufficient for essential needs to state their case to the Divisional Petroleum Officer, who will be empowered to grant an additional allowance where he is satisfied that this is justifiable.
  Other Petroleum Products.
  In the case of petroleum products other than motor fuels, supplies to industrial users will be regulated by a priority system designed to ensure that, in the event of a temporary shortage, available supplies will be directed to those firms whose activities in war time are of greatest importance to the nation.
  Control of Prices.
  Statutory powers for the control of supplies and prices will be available for use if voluntary arrangements fail.
  Petroleum Reserves.
  The reserves of petroleum products in this country, both for the Fighting Services and for civil purposes, have been greatly increased, while special steps have "been taken to secure the safety of storage plants. Investigations into the possibility of a wider use of substitute fuels in war time are in progress.
  General.
  The staff required to operate these schemes will consist of Port Petroleum Officers, Divisional Petroleum Officers in each of the Civil Defence Regions and technical officers with an intimate knowledge of the transport, distribution and use of petroleum in this country. These officers have been appointed and are aware of their functions in the event of war.

  SCOTLAND (HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS DEVELOPMENT).
  The Secretary of State for Scotland (Mr. Colville): I promised to make a statement to the House on the subject of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland.
  I should like to begin this statement by expressing once more the Government's appreciation of the work of the committee which, under Major Hilleary's chairmanship, carried out a comprehensive investigation into conditions in the Highlands and Islands, and whose report has received widespread attention. Hon. Members will appreciate that in examining the report I have had to bear fully in
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  mind the exceptional circumstances in which the country finds itself, and the fact that under existing legislation much is already being done through Government' Departments and local authorities for the Highlands and Islands. At the same time, I appreciate the special problems of these areas, and I am glad to be able to announce that the Government have decided to take further measures to help them.
  I have come to the conclusion that it is expedient to concentrate on projects which do not require the creation of new machinery. I am not, therefore, proceeding with the proposal of the committee for the appointment of a Highlands Development Commissioner, who would be partly an investigator and party responsible for carrying out schemes with the aid of Government grants. The Commissioner could not carry out the work without new legislation and a considerable staff, and his functions would in many respects overlap those of existing Departments. The position of local authorities has also to be borne in mind.
  At the same time I am alive to the importance of ensuring that the problems of the Highlands and Islands are considered as a whole, and for this purpose I propose at regular intervals to hold conferences with the Departments concerned in order to review the situation, and I shall continue to keep in close touch with local authorities and other persons specially qualified to advise me on the needs of the Highlands and Islands.
  My proposals in other resupects are as follow:
  Roads and Piers.
  During recent years the sums available for assisting local authorities to undertake works on roads and piers in the crofter counties have been progessively increased, and amount in the current year to a sum of £30,000. I propose that for the next five years this sum should be roughly doubled, which means that approximately £300,000 will be available over that period for these services
  Land Improvement.
  I propose to extend the existing scheme for the eradication of bracken so as to provide assistance for handcutting. This scheme will apply to Scotland as a whole with special conditions for the Highlands

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  and Islands to meet the circumstances of that area. I propose also to give further assistance towards the draining of land and the application of fertilisers.
  Marketing.
  The committee recommend the establishment, with assistance from public funds, of a Central Marketing Agency with local branches to promote co-operation and to organise marketing arrangements. I have come to the conclusion that in the first place it is desirable to make use of the experience of the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society in fostering co-operative measures and I propose to place the society in a position to extend its efforts in the Highlands and Islands.
  Veterinary Services.
  Local authorities will be invited to consider an extension of the schemes for the provision of veterinary services with assistance from public funds.
  Fishing.
  Loans will be made available on favourable terms to enable lobster fishermen in this area to acquire new motor-boats or engines for existing boats. In order to encourage further the development of this type of fishing, I propose also that advice on improved methods of storing, packing and marketing should be made available by means of instructors and improved distribution of suitable handbooks.
  Agricultural Training.
  The committee recommended the formation of a Land Training Centre and of demonstration crofts. I am pleased to say that Lord Abinger has generously offered to gift Inverlochy Castle and other property in the neighbourhood for the purpose of a training centre and that this offer, for which I should like to express to Lord Abinger the Government's thanks, has been gratefully accepted. It is proposed also to arrange with the agricultural colleges to establish throughout the Highlands a number of demonstration crofts.
  Freights.
  With a view to helping agriculture and fishing in the Western Islands, I hope to arrange for some reduction, by the existing steamer contractors to the Western Highlands and Islands, of the inward freights on fish and of the freights on out-
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  ward consignments of feeding stuffs and fertilisers.
  Handcrafts.
  The committee have referred to the need for an organised market and for instruction in handcrafts, and suggested that the Scottish Country Industries Development Trust could assist. I propose to help the trust to make a survey and to carry out any subsequent arrangements which the result of their investigation may indicate.
  Forestry.
  The Forestry Commissioners with whom I have been in touch have already planted some 78,000 acres in the Highlands and are continuing to plant at the rate of 5,000 acres a year. They have also established nearly 200 forest workers' holdings. On the more promising types of difficult ground which are of doubtful value for afforestation the Commissioners have already done much experimental work. If these experiments are successful they may open up a field for further productive development of afforestation in the Highlands. It appears, therefore, that the best contribution which the Forestry Commission can make towards the solution of the general problem is to persevere with their experiments. Arrangements are accordingly being made to do so.
  The various proposals I have outlined constitute a programme supplementary to existing measures which is designed to facilitate and encourage enterprise in the Highlands and Islands. It is clearly desirable that after an appropriate period there should be a review of the results of the schemes which I have outlined. It is accordingly intended that they should in general continue for a period of five years. It is estimated that their total cost during this period, over and above the sums at present being spent by the State in the Highlands and Islands, will approximate to £65,000 a year.
  Mr. Thurtle: On a point of Order. I would ask for your guidance, Mr. Speaker. Under what Standing Order has this statement been made by the Secretary for Scotland? There was a question on the Paper which was not reached in the ordinary way, and it surely should have been dealt with by written reply as the question is long since passed.
  Mr. Speaker: I do not think it comes under any particular Standing Order but

  2175
  it is a practice and for the convenience of the House.
  Mr. Thurtle: May we take it then that this is a precedent and that if a question is not reached in the ordinary way a Member may, by approaching a Minister, get that question answered orally instead of having a written reply in the usual way?
  Mr. Speaker: No, it would be quite wrong for the hon. Member to take it in that way.
  Mr. Garro Jones: May I ask whether a clear distinction is being drawn between the answering of questions which are for the convenience of the House and questions which merely form an opportunity for Ministers at their discretion to read propaganda statements?
  Mr. Henderson Stewart: Is it not a fact that a statement of this kind, containing, if we could have heard it, matters of very great importance to Scotland can be given only in this way? Since we are not to be permitted any opportunity to discuss this matter in full, but for an explanation of this kind, what opportunity would we have had even of asking questions?
  Mr. Gallacher: On a point of Order. Would I be in order in suggesting, in view of the extremely unfriendly atmosphere in the House, that we adjourn this matter to a meeting of the Scottish Members, organised by the Secretary for Scotland?
  Mr. Malcolm MacMillan: Has it not been demonstrated sufficiently by the obstruction to-day that we require a parliament of our own to deal with Scottish affairs?
  Mr. T. Johnston: With regard to the first item mentioned in the election manifesto which we have just heard read, would the Secretary of State be good enough to tell us whether the extra £30,000 that he proposes to devote to piers and harbours is in any part to be devoted to privately-owned piers?
  Mr. Colville: The right hon. Gentleman will be aware of the Act which was passed two years ago making it necessary for a local authority to take over a pier before it receives assistance.
  Colonel Sir Charles MacAndrew: Would my right hon. Friend keep in mind, in dealing with the Islands, that on the
  2176
  Island of Arran the discontinuance of steamers running between Greenock and Campbeltown is going to cause great hardships on the west of that island, and will my right hon. Friend keep in mind doing something to prevent the steamers being cut off?
  Mr. Kirkwood: Is the Secretary for Scotland aware that it is quite impossible for us to follow up the lengthy statement which he has made? As far as I am able to judges—I have given the best part of my life to this question—I am entirely disappointed with this small crumb which he has given to the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. It in no way meets the subject to talk about £30,000 when we have been asking for millions. [Interruption.] If it was Czecho-Slovakia it would have been millions, but with the Highlands and Islands of Scotland it is thousands. There are five regiments in Palestine and three of them are Scottish.
  Mr. Greenwood: Is it not to be deprecated that Ministers should take up the time of the House in making long and important statements without an opportunity being given for debate by the Members concerned? Is it not clearly abusing the tradition of the House for Ministers to use an opportunity such as has been made to-day, to make what is regarded as a very important statement of policy?
  Mr. Colville: Can I explain? There have been a great number of Parliamentary questions on this subject over a long period. The committee which examined this subject sat for several years, and following its report last winter there have been almost continuous Parliamentary questions. It was therefore necessary that I should make an oral statement as early as possible, and I have made it at the earliest opportunity.
  Mr. Greenwood: I am not a Scotsman and I am therefore dispassionate, but is it not unreasonable that within two days of the House rising for the Recess a large question of policy should be raised when there is no opportunity for debating it.
  Mr. Speaker: There is nothing unusual in the procedure. At this particular time, after questions, it is the common practice of the House for statements to be made, and at that time discussion never arises. It is a usual occasion on which Ministers can make statements.
  Mr. Henderson Stewart: In view of the importance of this statement and the obvious dissatisfaction of the House with the fact that we are not able now fully to discuss it, would you, Mr. Speaker, consider favourably an indication that we would like to raise this matter as one of the subjects to be discussed during the Adjournment Debate on Friday? That would give great satisfaction to Scottish Members.
  Mr. Speaker: The hon. Member knows that I have to consider all sorts of applications for opportunity to raise matters for discussion on the Adjournment for the Recess.
  Mr. Malcolm MacMillan: The Secretary of State was perfectly right in saying that he had to implement a promise that he had made by making a statement before the Recess, but I suggest that the House should sit one extra day in order to discuss this important subject.
  Mr. Boothby: May I ask one question?

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Mr. Greenwood: Would the Prime Minister state for what purpose it is proposed to suspend the Eleven o'clock Rule to-night?
The Prime Minister: To-day is the last of the Allotted Supply Days. All outstanding Votes on Report will be put from the Chair at Ten o'clock. We desire to obtain the report of the Ways and Means Resolution upon which the Appropriation Bill will be founded and to take the Lords Amendments to the War Risks Insurance Bill. We also propose to take the Motions to approve the Barley Scheme and the Marketing of Milk Products Scheme—both items being exempted Business.
Mr. Dingle Foot: Would it be in order to ask whether the Prime Minister will make arrangements that as soon as the House reassembles there shall be a discussion of the statement made by the Secretary of State for Scotland?
Ordered,
"That this day, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 14, Supplementary Estimates for New Services may be considered, and that Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Eleven of the Clock." — [The Prime Minister.]
Motion made, and Question put,
"That the Proceedings on government Business be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[The Prime Minister]
The House divided: Ayes, 231; Noes, 124.

Division No. 291.]

AYES.

[4.15 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Ll.-Col. G. J.

Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

Edmondson, Major Sir J.

Adams, S. V. T. (Leeds, W.)

Cazalet, Capt. V. A. (Chippenham)

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

Albery, Sir Irving

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. N. (Edgb't'n)

Elliston, Capt. G. S.

Allen, Col. J. Sandeman (B'knhead)

Channon, H.

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Anderson, Sir A. Garrett (C. of Ldn.)

Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

Entwistle, Sir C. F.

Anderson, Rt. Hn. Sir J. (Sc'h Univ's)

Chapman, Sir S. (Edinburgh, S.)

Erskine-Hill, A. G.

Anstruther-Gray, W. J.

Clarke, Colonel R. S. (E. Grinstead)

Everard, Sir William Lindsay

Apsley, Lord

Clydesdale, Marquess of

Fildes, Sir H.

Aske, Sir R. W.

Colville, Rt. Hon. John

Fleming, E. L.

Assheton, R.

Cooke, J. D. (Hammersmith, S.)

Fox, Sir G. W. G.

Baldwin-Webb, Col. J.

Courthope, Col. Rt. Hon. Sir G. L.

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Balniel, Lord

Cox, H. B. Trevor

Furness, S. N.

Barrio, Sir C. C.

Critchley, A

Fyfe, D. P. M.

Beechman, N. A.

Crooks, Sir J. Smedley

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Bernays, R. H.

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

Gluckstein, L. H.

Blair, Sir R.

Cross, R. H.

Glyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

Boothby, R. J, G.

Crossley, A. C.

Goldie, N. B.

Bossom, A. C.

Crowder, J. F. E.

Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

Bower, Comdr. R. T.

Culverwell, C. T.

Granville, E. L.

Boyce, H. Leslie

Davison, Sir W. H.

Grimston, R. V.

Braithwaite, J. Gurney (Holderness)

De Chair, S. S.

Hacking, Rt. Hon. Sir D. H.

Broadbridge, Sir G. T.

De la Bère, R.

Hambre, A. V.

Brocklebank, Sir Edmund

Denman, Han. R. D.

Hammersley, S. S.

Brooke, H. (Lewisham, W.)

Denville, Alfred

Hannah, I. C.

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Dodd, J. S.

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C, (Newbury)

Drewe, C.

Harvey, T. E. (Eng. Univ's.)

Browne, A. C. (Belfast, W.)

Duckworth, Arthur (Shrewsbury)

Haslam, Henry (Horncastle)

Bull, B. B.

Dugdale, Captain T. L.

Haslam, Sir J. (Bolton)

Burton, Col. H. W.

Duggan, H. J.

Heilgers, Captain F. F. A.

Butcher, H. W.

Dunean, J. A. L.

Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

Butler, Rt. Hon. R. A.

Dunglass, Lord.

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Caine, G, R. Hall

Eastwood, J. F.

Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan-

Cartland, J. R. H.

Eden, Rt. Hon. A.

Hepworth, J.

Cary, R. A.

Edge, Sir W.

Higgs, W. F.

Hoare, Rt. Hon. Sir S.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P. (Tamworth)

Scott, Lord William

Holdsworth, H.

Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

Shakespeare, G. H.

Holmes, J. S.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Shepperson, Sir E. W.

Hopkinson, A.

Mitcheson, Sir G. G.

Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

Hore-Belisha, Rt. Hon. L.

Morgan, R. H. (Worcester, Stourbridge)

Simmonds, O. E.

Horsbrugh, Florence

Morris-Jones, Sir Henry

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir J. A.

Howitt, Dr. A. B

Morrison, G. A. (Scottish Univ's.)

Smith, Bracewell (Dulwich)

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester)

Snadden, W. MoN.

Hurd, Sir P. A.

Neven-Spence, Major B. H. H.

Somervell, Rt. Hon. Sir Donald

Inskip, Rt. Hon. Sir T. W. H.

Nicholson, G. (Farnham)

Somerville, Sir A. A. (Windsor)

Jarvis. Sir J. J.

Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

Southby, Commander Sir A. R. J.

Jennings, R.

O'Connor, Sir Terence J.

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Oliver (W'm' I'd)

Keeling, E. H.

Orr-Ewing, I. L.

Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

Kellett, Major E. O.

Patrick, C. M.

Stewart, William J. (Belfast, S.)

Kerr, Colonel C. I. (Montrose)

Peake, O.

Stourton, Major Hon. J. J.

Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

Perkins, W. R. D.

Strickland, Captain W. F.

Kerr, Sir John Graham (Sco'sh Univs.)

Petherick, M.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (N'thw'h)

Keyes, Admiral of the Fleet Sir R-

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Kimball, L.

Pilkington, R.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

Knox, Major-General Sir A. W. F.

Porritt, R. W.

Sutcliffe, H.

Lambert, Rt. Han. G.

Pym, L. R.

Thomas, J. P. L.

Lancaster, Lieut.-Colonel C. G.

Radford, E. A.

Thomson, Sir J. D. W.

Law, R. K. (Hull, S.W.)

Raikes, H. V. A. M.

Thorneycroft, G. E. P.

Lees-Jones, J.

Ramsay, Captain A. H. M.

Thornton-Kemsley, C. N.

Leech, Sir J. W.

Ramsbotham, Rt. Hon. H.

Train, Sir J.

Lennox-Boyd, A. T. L.

Ramsden, Sir E,

Turton, R. H.

Levy, T.

Rankin, Sir R.

Wakefield, W. W.

Lindsay, K. M.

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Wallace, Capt. Rt. Hon. Euan

Lipson, D. L.

Rathbone, J. R. (Bodmin)

Ward, Lieut.-Col. Sir A. L. (Hull)

Llewellin, Colonel J. J.

Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

Ward, Irene M. B. (Wallsend)

Locker-Lampson, Comdr. O. S

Reed, Sir H. S. (Aylesbury)

Wardlaw-Milne, Sir J. S.

Loftus, P. C.

Reid, J. S. C. (Hillhead)

Warrender, Sir V.

MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

Remer, J. R.

Wells, Sir Sydney

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. M. (Ross)

Rickards, G. W. (Skipton)

Williams, Sir H. G. (Croydon, S.)

MacDonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Ropner, Colonel L.

Willoughby de Eresby, Lord

Macdonald, Capt. P. (Isle of Wight)

Rosbotham, Sir T.

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir A. T. (Hitchin)

McEwen, Capt. J. H. F.

Ross, Major Sir R. D. (Londonderry)

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

McKie, J. H.

Rowlands, G.

Womersley, Sir W. J.

Macnamara, Lieut.-Colonel J. R. J.

Royds, Admiral Sir P. M. R.

Wood, Hon. C. I. C.

Magnay, T.

Russell, Sir Alexander

Wright, Wing-commander J. A. C.

Maitland, Sir Adam

Russell, S. H. M. (Darwen)

York, C.

Margesson, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. D. R.

Salmon, Sir I.

Markham, S. F.

Sandeman, Sir N S.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —

Meller, Sir R. J. (Mitcham)

Schuster, Sir G. E.

Captain Waterhouse and Mr. Munro.

NOES.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Guest, Dr. L. H. (Islington, N.)

Messer, F.

Adams, D. M. (Poplar, S.)

Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

Milner, Major J.

Adamson, W. M.

Hall, J. H. (Whitechapel)

Montague, F.

Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Hall, W. G. (Colne Valley)

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Banfield, J. W.

Hardie, Agnes

Oliver, G. H.

Barr, J.

Harris, Sir P. A.

Owen, Major G.

Batey, J.

Hayday, A.

Paling, W.

Beaumont, H. (Batley)

Henderson, A. (Kingswinford)

Parkinson, J. A.

Bellenger, F. J.

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Pearson, A.

Benn, Rt. Hon. W. W.

Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

Brown, C. (Mansfield)

Hills, A. (Pontefract)

Poole, C. C.

Burke, W. A.

Horabin, T. L.

Price, M. P.

Cape, T.

Jagger, J.

Pritt, D. N.

Cluse, W. S.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Quibell, D. J. K.

Collindridge, F.

Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

Richards. R. (Wrexham)

Cove, W. G.

John, W.

Ridley, G.

Daggar, G.

Johnston, Rt. Hon. T.

Riley, B.

Davies, R. J. (Westhoughton)

Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

Ritson, J.

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

Kennedy, Rt. Hon. T.

Roberts, W. (Cumberland, N.)

Day, H.

Kirby, B. V.

Robinson, W. A. (St. Helens)

Dobbie, W.

Kirkwood, D.

Rothschild, J. A. de

Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

Lathan, G.

Sexton, T. M.

Ede, J. C.

Lawson, J. J.

Shinwell, E.

Edwards, A. (Middlesbrough E.)

Lee, F.

Silkin, L

Edwards, Sir C. (Bedwellty)

Logan, D. G.

Silverman, S. S.

Edwards, N. (Caerphilly)

Lunn, W.

Sloan, A.

Evans, D. O. (Cardigan)

Macdonald, G. Once)

Smith, E. (Stoke)

Foot, D. M.

McEntee, V. La T.

Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees. (K'ly)

Gallacher, W.

McGhee, H. G.

Smith, T, (Normaton)

Gardner, B. W.

MacLaren, A.

Sorensen, R. W.

Garro Jones, G, M.

Maclean, N.

Stephen, C.

George, Major G. loyd (Pembroke)

MacMillan, M. (Western Isles)

Stewart, W. J. (H'ght'n-le-Sp'ns)

Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

Mainwaring, W. H.

Strauss, G. R. (Lambeth, N.)

Grenfell, D. R.

Mander, G. le M.

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Griffith, F. Kingsley (M'ddl'sbro, W.)

Marshall, F.

Thurtle, E.

Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

Mathers, G.

Tinker, J. J.

Griffiths, J. (Llanelly)

Maxton, J.

Tomlinson, G.

Viant, S. P.

White, H. Graham

Wilson, C. H. (Atteroliffe)

Walkden, A. G.

Whiteley, W. (Blaydon)

Windsor, W. (Hull, C.)

Walker, J.

Wilkinson, Ellen

Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

Watkins, F. C.

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. J. C.

Williams, T. (Don Valley)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Mr. Charleton and Mr. Groves.

First Resolution read a Second time.

BILLS PRESENTED.
FOOD (DEFENCE) BILL,
"to provide for the exercise of certain functions by a Food Defence Minister, to amend the Essential Commodities Reserves Act, 1938, and to provide for the making of payments towards expenses incurred for securing the due functioning in the event of war of essential undertakings concerned with the storage, preservation, treatment, or transport of food, forage or the raw materials thereof; and for purposes connected with the matters aforesaid," presented by Mr. W. S. Morrison; supported by Sir John Anderson, Mr. Stanley, Mr. Burgin, and Captain Crookshank; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 220.]
LOANS FACILITIES BILL,
"to authorise the making of loans out of public moneys for the establishment of new industrial undertakings in certain areas where there is severe unemployment," presented by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; supported by Mr. Colville, Mr. Ernest Brown, Mr. Stanley, and Captain Crookshank; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 221.]
CINEMATOGRAPH NEWS FILMS (PREVENTION OF ABUSES) BILL,
"to provide for the better regulation and control of persons introducing cinematograph news films; to encourage the wider distribution of such films; to prevent restrictions thereon, whether by trade monopolies or otherwise; and for purposes connected therewith," presented by Sir Ernest Graham-Little; supported by Captain Cazalet, Mr. Robert Morgan, Mr. Wakefield, Sir John Graham Kerr, Sir Annesley Somerville, Mr. Harvey, Mr. George Morrison, Miss Rathbone, and Mr. Holmes; to be read a Second time Tomorrow, and to be printed. [Bill 223.]

NEW MEMBER SWORN.
William Glenvil Hall, Esquire, for the County of York, West Riding (Colne Valley Division).

MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
That they have agreed to, —
Building Societies (No. 2) Bill,
Isle of Man (Customs) Bill,
Aberdeen Harbour (Superannuation) Order Confirmation Bill,
Dunbartonshire County Council (Kirkintilloch Street Improvement) Order Confirmation Bill,
Lanarkshire County Council Order Confirmation Bill,
Motherwell and Wishaw Electricity, etc., Order Confirmation Bill, without Amendment.
Public Health (Coal Mine Refuse) Bill, with Amendments.

PUBLIC HEALTH (COAL MINE REFUSE) BILL,
Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 224.]
ORDERS OF THE DAY.

  SUPPLY.
  [16TH ALLOTTED DAY.]
  REPORT [31ST JULY].
  Resolutions reported,

  CIVIL ESTIMATES AND ESTIMATES FOR REVENUE DEPARTMENTS, AND SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES, 1939.

    CLASS I.
    VOTE 6. PRIVY SEAL OFFICE.
    1. "That a sum, not exceeding £22,661, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Lord Privy Seal."

    CLASS III.
    VOTE 2. AIR RAID PRECAUTIONARY SERVICES.
    2. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £5,319,990, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1940, for air raid precautionary services."

    CLASS V.
    VOTE 1A. EMERGENCY HOSPITAL, EVACUATION AND OTHER SERVICES (ENGLAND AND WALES).
    3. "That a sum, not exceeding £8,091,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for providing for measures in England and Wales to deal with casualties and disease, evacuation of the civil population, and other services, in the event of war."
    VOTE 14 A. EMERGENCY HOSPITAL, EVACUATION AND OTHER SERVICES (SCOTLAND).
    4. "That a sum, not exceeding £2,239,150, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for providing for measures in Scotland to deal with casualties and disease, evacuation of the civil population, and other services, in the event of war."

    CLASS VI.
    VOTE 18. ROADS, ETC.
    5. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for a grant in aid of the Road Fund; for the maintenance and reconstruction of Menai Bridge; for payments to local authorities in reimbursement of expenses incurred in the collection of motor vehicle duties, etc., and the registration of motor vehicles; for the acquisition and holding of stocks of plant and materials for road and bridge repairs; and for other services."

    CLASS VII.
    VOTE 7B. RESERVE OF PLANT AND BUILDING MATERIALS.
    6. "That a sum, not exceeding £1,000,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for expenditure in connection with the acquisition, storage, preservation and trans port of plant and building materials to be held for the repair of buildings damaged by hostile attack."

    CLASS II.
    VOTE I. FOREIGN OFFICE.
    7. "That a sum, not exceeding £145,156 (including a Supplementary sum of £17,000), be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for the salaries and expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs."

  CIVIL ESTIMATES, 1939.

    CLASS I.
    8. "That a sum, not exceeding £1,953,723, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class I of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    House of Lords Offices

    29,857

    2.

    House of Commons

    313,309

    3.

    Registration of Electors

    200,000

    4.

    Treasury and Subordinate Departments

    276,614

    5.

    Privy Council Office

    10,358

    7.

    Charity Commission

    26,267

    8.

    Civil Service Commission

    7,835

    9.

    Exchequer and Audit Department

    96,231

    10.

    Friendly Societies' Deficiency

    4,888

    11.

    Government Actuary

    20,575

    12.

    Government Chemist

    57,313

    13.

    Government Hospitality

    5,000

    14.

    Import Duties Advisory Committee

    42,190

    15.

    The Mint

    90

    16.

    National Debt Office

    2,751

    17.

    National Savings Committee

    74,909

    18.

    Public Record Office

    27,836

    19.

    Public Works Loan Commission

    90

    20.

    Repayments to the Local Loans Fund

    28,567

    21.

    Royal Commissions, etc.

    25,000

    22.

    Miscellaneous Expenses

    32,510

    23.

    Secret Service (including a Supplementary sum of £200,000)

    500,000

    24.

    Treasury Chest Fund

    10,382

    25.

    Tithe Redemption Commission

    90

    26.

    Scottish Office

    153,081

    27.

    Repayments to the Civil Contingencies Fund

    7,980

    £1,953,723"

    CLASS II.
    9. "That a sum, not exceeding £11,958,557, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class II of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    2.

    Diplomatic and Consular Services (including a Supplementary sum of £326,510)

    1,221,772

    3.

    League of Nations

    64,000

    4.

    Dominions Office

    34,558

    5.

    Dominion Services

    637,390

    6.

    Oversea Settlement

    62,360

    7.

    Colonial Office

    122,923

    8.

    Colonial and Middle Eastern Services (including a Supplementary sum of £2,198,000)

    4,597,487

    9.

    Colonial Development Fund

    500,000

    10.

    India and Burma Services

    4,113,558

    11.

    Imperial War Graves Commission

    604,509

    £11,958,557"

    CLASS III.
    10. "That a sum, not exceeding £12,981,452, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class III of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    Home Office (including a Supplementary sum of £40,000)

    762,561

    1A.

    Czecho-Slovak Refugee Trust Fund

    2,500,000

    3.

    Broadmoor Criminal Lunatic Asylum

    51,892

    4.

    Police, England and Wales

    6,502,065

    5.

    Prisons, England and Wales

    739,699

    6.

    Approved Schools, etc., England and Wales

    454,500

    7.

    Supreme Court of Judicature, etc.,

    90

    8.

    County Courts

    90

    9.

    Land Registry

    90

    10.

    Public Trustee

    90

    11.

    Law Charges

    99,987

    12.

    Miscellaneous Legal Expenses

    14,255

    Scotland.

    13.

    Police

    986,482

    14.

    Prisons Department

    186,978

    15.

    Approved Schools, etc

    45,475

    16.

    Scottish Land Court

    4,729

    17.

    Law Charges and Courts of Law

    28,297

    18.

    Register House, Edinburgh

    90

    Ireland.

    19.

    Northern Ireland Services

    1,650

    £

    20.

    Supreme Court of Judicature, etc., Northern Ireland

    2,795

    21.

    Irish Land Purchase Services

    599,637

    £12,981,452 "

    CLASS IV.
    11. "That a sum, not exceeding £43.451,653, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class IV of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    Board of Education

    33,742,026

    2.

    British Museum

    105,743

    3.

    British Museum (Natural History)

    75,460

    4.

    Imperial War Museum

    8,310

    5.

    London Museum

    3,980

    6.

    National Gallery

    19,330

    7.

    National Maritime Museum

    8,575

    8.

    National Portrait Gallery

    6,808

    9.

    Wallace Collection

    7,336

    10.

    Scientific Investigation, etc

    209,008

    11.

    Universities and Colleges, Great Britain

    1,366,000

    12.

    Broadcasting

    3,015,000

    Scotland.

    13.

    Public Education

    4,874,045

    14.

    National Galleries

    7,045

    15.

    National Library

    2,987

    £43,451,653 "

    CLASS V.
    12. "That a sum, not exceeding £116,604,278, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class V of the Civil Estimates, namely:—

    £

    1.

    Ministry of Health (including a Supplementary sum of £946,000)

    18,181,789

    2.

    Board of Control

    101,878

    3.

    Registrar General's Office

    65,194

    4.

    National Insurance Audit Department

    109,300

    5.

    Friendly Societies Registry

    32,270

    6.

    Old Age Pensions

    31,817,000

    7.

    Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions

    13,950,000

    8.

    Ministry of Labour (including a Supplementary sum of £250,000)

    14,764,000

    9.

    Grants in respect of Employment Schemes

    2,280,000

    CLASS VI.
    13. "That a sum, not exceeding £42,142,470, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class VI of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    Board of Trade

    228,324

    2

    Mercantile Marine Services

    297,382

    3.

    Essential Commodities Reserves Fund

    1,500,000

    4.

    Department of Overseas Trade

    434,754

    5.

    Export Credits

    90

    6.

    Mines Department of the Board of Trade

    151,896

    7.

    Office of Commissioners of Crown Lands

    23,694

    8.

    Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (including a Supplementary sum of,£125,450)

    2,421,061

    9.

    Beet Sugar Subsidy, Great Britain

    2,985,000

    10.

    Milk (England and Wales) (including a Supplementary sum of £2,654,000)

    2,792,010

    11.

    Livestock Industry and Cattle Fund (including a Supplementary sum of £573,900)

    3,526,400

    12.

    Land Fertility Improvement

    939,900

    13.

    Oats and Barley Subsidy (England and Wales and Northern Ireland) (including a Supplementary sum of £2,144,500)

    2,144,600

    13A.

    Barley Subsidy Fund

    400,000

    14.

    Bacon Industry

    250,010

    14B.

    Ploughing up Grassland (England and Wales and Northern Ireland)

    700,000

    15.

    Surveys of Great Britain

    274,165

    CLASS VII.
    14. "That a sum, not exceeding £8,483,704, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class VII of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    Art and Science Buildings, Great Britain

    271,680

    2.

    Houses of Parliament Buildings

    98,615

    3.

    Labour and Health Buildings, Great Britain

    300,380

    4.

    Miscellaneous Legal Buildings, Great Britain

    92,920

    5.

    Osborne

    8,590

    6.

    Office of Works and Public Buildings

    374,600

    7.

    Public Buildings, Great Britain (including a Supplementary sum of £50,675)

    2,103,301

    7A.

    Jellicoe and Beatty Memorials

    20,350

    8.

    Public Buildings Overseas

    131,100

    9.

    Royal Palaces

    92,770

    10.

    Revenue Buildings

    1,364,255

    11.

    Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens

    153,380

    12.

    Rates on Government Property

    1,479,223

    CLASS VIII.
    15. "That a sum, not exceeding £25,512,185, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class VIII of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    Merchant Seamen's War Pensions

    168,251

    2.

    Ministry of Pensions

    23,377,000

    3.

    Royal Irish Constabulary Pensions, etc.

    779,136

    4.

    Superannuation and Retired Allowances

    1,187,798

    £25,512,185 "

    CLASS IX.
    16. "That a sum, not exceeding£33,820,000, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the services included in Class IX of the Civil Estimates, namely:

    £

    1.

    Exchequer Contributions to Local Revenues, England and Wales.

    29,202,000

    2.

    Exchequer Contributions to Local Revenues, Scotland

    4,618,000

    £33,820,000 "

  REVENUE DEPARTMENTS ESTIMATES, 1939.
  17. "That a sum, not exceeding £60,430,250, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in the Estimates for Revenue Departments, namely:

  £

  1.

  Customs and Excise

  4,028,450

  2.

  Inland Revenue

  5,717,800

  3.

  Post Office (including a Supplementary sum of £50,000)

  50,684,000

  £60,430,250 "

  NAVY ESTIMATES, 1939.
  18. "That a sum, not exceeding £30,106,700, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the
  2228
  31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Navy Services, namely:

  £

  5.

  Educational Services

  231,000

  6.

  Scientific Services

  775,000

  7.

  Royal Naval Reserves

  472,700

  8.

  Shipbuilding, Repairs, Maintenance, etc.: —

  Section I.—Personnel

  10,426,000

  Section II.—Materiel

  6,057,500

  Section III.—Contract

  Work

  7,355,000

  9.

  Naval Armaments

  3,054,000

  12.

  Admiralty Office

  1,735,500

  £30,106.700 "

  ARMY ESTIMATES, 1939.
  19." That a sum, not exceeding. £39,120,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Army Services, namely:

  £

  3.

  Medical Services

  1,458,000

  4.

  Educational Establishments

  1,542,000

  5.

  Quartering and Movements

  3,107,000

  6.

  Supplies, Road Transport and Remounts

  9,521,000

  7.

  Clothing

  5,729,000

  8.

  General Stores

  7,810,000

  9.

  Warlike Stores

  8,661,000

  12.

  War Office

  1,292,000

  £39,120,000 "

  AIR ESTIMATES, 1939.
  20. "That a sum, not exceeding £25,984,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, for Expenditure in respect of the Air Services, namely:

  £

  2.

  Quartering, Non-Technical Stores, Supplies and Transportation

  10,912,000

  5.

  Medical Services

  693,000

  6.

  Technical Training and Educational Services

  1,518,000

  7.

  Reserve and Auxiliary Forces

  4,789,000

  9.

  Meteorological and Miscellaneous Effective Services

  5,355,000

  10.

  Air Ministry

  2,130,000

  11

  Half-Pay, Pensions, and other Non-Effective Services

  587,000

  £25,984,000 "

  Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
  4.24 p.m.
  Mr. Ede: On a point of Order. Before we open this Debate I should like to ask your guidance, Mr. Speaker. On this subject my hon. Friends and I desire as wide a discussion as possible. While the salary of the Lord Privy Seal includes, we understand, payment for the general oversight of the Civil Defence services, there may be one or two points of detail that might fall outside that general supervision. We should be glad of freedom to discuss the first six Votes which have been reported, including Class VII, Vote 7. B—Reserve of Plant and Building Materials. This arrangement would enable us to raise any point of interest coining within the general definition of Civil Defence.
  Mr. Speaker: That can be done if it meets with the convenience of the House.
  Hon. Members: Agreed.
  Mr. Ede: Charles Lamb was once upbraided when he was a civil servant for arriving late at the office. His reply was: "Well, see how early I leave." This afternoon our Debate will close earlier than usual, and it is, therefore, somewhat ironical that we should have to start 40 minutes later than usual. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman will realise that it will be necessary for me to speak as compactly as possible in dealing with this subject. I shall have to disdain any flowers of rhetoric if I am to get anything like a true picture of the subject placed before the House in the time that remains at my disposal. I trust, therefore, that the House will realise that there is no discourtesy if, on occasion, I dismiss subjects with such brevity as is consistent with getting the subject before hon. Members.
  On 27th October last the "Times" reported one of the most remarkable speeches ever delivered by a civil servant in this country when Mr. Eady, Deputy Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, addressed a meeting of A.R.P. officials and naval, military and R.A.F. officers, at the Royal United Services Institution in Whitehall. He said that he spoke about something that was horribly real and that, in the light of what had happened, the Home Office had no illusions about the state of preparedness of the country to receive an air raid. They were not prepared. They
  2230
  had hardly begun to prepare. He emphasised the suddenness with which an air attack might come, within the short interval following the failure of negotiations and an ultimatum, and said that it might be that the target would be the staunchness of the civil population. It might be that to their hearts and courage those bombs from the air would be directed. He stated that for nine months they had been haunted by the problem of recruiting and of getting the type of people they wanted. The people who were known as the governing classes of this country had, broadly speaking, done very little to help the local authorities A.R.P. That was on 27th October. On 1st November, the "Times" had a leading article headed: "More Cabinet Changes" in which they wrote:
  " By far the most important feature in the second stage of Government reconstruction is clearly the inclusion in the Cabinet of Sir John Anderson as the only newcomer to it."
  Then they gave a long account of the many and varied services of the right hon. Gentleman to the State and eulogised his capacity for steadiness and courage. May I say that those of us who have been in negotiation with him have had plenty of opportunity of seeing his steadiness. I could have wished on occasion that there had been one spark of courage, but so far I have not seen the slightest sign of it. The "Times" wound up their comment on him with these words:
  " That he will need all these qualities is not to be doubted by anyone who realises the intense anxiety of the whole country for the kind of civilian organisation which the recent crisis found so essential to a sense of security at home, and therefore to firm dealing abroad, and so largely lacking hitherto."
  Since 1st November the right hon. Gentleman has been in charge of this task of Civil Defence. I imagine he will not feel it to be any cause of complaint that, just before the House rises for the Recess, we should desire to have a general review of the situation as it has developed since he has been in charge.
  I should like to ask him, in the first place, whether he is now satisfied with the Civil Defence personnel, first with regard to numbers, and, secondly, with regard to quality. I have taken steps to make detailed inquiries, from people whom I know to be in a position to give me authoritative information, in three very distinct parts of the country—in the first

  2231
  place, in the county with whose administration I have been connected for some years, the county of Surrey; secondly, in my own constituency of South Shields; and, thirdly, in a small borough of some 35,000 people in the South Midlands, so as to get as comprehensive a picture as I could from this detailed analysis. From each of these three places, so widely differing in their industrial and economic make-up, I get the same comment. There is a feeling that, while some of the services are still short in numbers—some of them, I venture to say, are deplorably short—it is even more to be deplored that the amount of training that has been given is still insufficient, and the certainty of being able to rely on an adequate personnel is not yet vouchsafed to the local authorities.
  Has not the time come when there should be, for each and all of these services, some core, some nucleus of highly-trained personnel, who might even be placed on a whole-time basis? When one contemplates the work that these people may have to do, it is surely essential that there shall be for each service a nucleus of highly-trained, well-disciplined people who can be relied upon to keep their heads in a time of emergency and to deal with any situation that may arise. There is, of course, even now, no real obligation on the great majority of people supposed to be enlisted for Civil Defence purposes to respond to the call when the time comes. These are voluntary engagements; there is no undertaking like that of the Territorial that, in the event of an emergency, the person will be called upon, and it will be a serious offence, punishable in appropriate ways, if the call does not evoke a response. Probably it would not be possible to apply any such rigid system as that to the whole of the volunteers, but it does appear to be highly necessary that in every area there should be a few people in each service who have entered into a definite obligation, possibly for some consideration, that will enable those who will be responsible for Civil Defence to rely upon that nucleus at any rate.
  Have the Government given consideration to the difficulties that must arise in practically every area of the country as to the personnel that will be available at different times of the day? Taking the county of Surrey, for instance, a very
  2232
  large proportion of the population, and a very substantial number of the volunteers for these services, work in London, and if an air raid should take place during the day-time, it is quite clear that there could be no speedy response on the part of those volunteers to the local headquarters. What is supposed to be the position in circumstances like that? These people, with the best will in the world, are endeavouring to fit themselves in many cases for what they may be called upon to do, and yet, when the time comes, they may be miles away, and the local organisation, shorn of their services, may find it exceedingly difficult to grapple with any particular problem that presents itself.
  Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied with the qualities of leadership that are being shown in the various districts? I see far too frequently in the newspapers accounts of disputes between one particular body of Civil Defence personnel and a local council, and threats of wholesale resignations unless their points of view are met. That seems to me to point in some cases to defects in leadership which might prove disastrous in the event of the service having to be utilised. Therefore I would ask the right hon. Gentleman, is he satisfied with the numbers and also with the quality; and is he satisfied that in the event of an emergency the enrolled people would respond in anything like adequate numbers to enable the country to deal with the situation?
  I am bound to say that some of the administrative regulations which have been made appear to be designed to produce friction and irritability. I will give the right hon. Gentleman a case which has occurred in the county of Surrey, and which I know is typical of what has occurred elsewhere. The rural district of Guildford surrounds a part of Guildford, as is usual with rural districts named after a borough, and it is clearly convenient that lectures should be given within the borough to a good many of the personnel from the rural district. But the amazing regulation has been received from headquarters that the rural district council, if its people go into the borough to receive instruction, may pay the bus fare as far as the borough boundary, and that for the remainder of the journey, between the borough boundary and the place where the lecture is given, the volunteer must pay the fare out of his

  2233
  own pocket. When one strolls casually into a local hostelry where men are recounting their experiences, and this particular kind of thing is mentioned, it evokes the kind of comment that is more damaging to recruiting than anything that any pacifist or anyone opposed to the movement can say. The best recruiting agent is the satisfied recruit. If you can satisfy him that he is being reasonably treated, he will go round and persuade his friends to come in, but when a man gives this as an example of the failure of the official mind to grasp the practical considerations of the case, a very great deal of harm is done,
  I leave that question, and come quite abruptly to the problem of evacuation. We on this side of the House take a great interest in evacuation; it was only because we forced it on the Government that evacuation was ever undertaken as a Government responsibility. Has anything yet been done under the Camps Act, which was passed this year? I understand that a few sites have been surveyed, and preliminary negotiations have been commenced. Have any yet been purchased? What is the date on which it is expected that the first camp will be utilised? When we were discussing the Bill earlier in the year, hopes were expressed that children might be using the camps during the summer of this year, and that young people might be using them during the coming months while the schools were on holiday. Have we yet reached anything like that stage? If not, when is it likely that the first camp will be available for use, and can the right hon. Gentleman give us any indication of the numbers for whom accommodation will be found in the camps to be provided, we hope, this year?
  Apart from camps, the right hon. Gentleman is mainly relying on billeting persons who come from the towns and other places that are scheduled for evacuation. We have all along expressed grave doubts as to the suitability of many of the places that have been selected, and recently the' County Councils Association have been asking the various counties for their views on the areas that have been scheduled. I should like to read to the House the replies that have been received from some of the county councils with regard to the places to which evacuees have been definitely allocated. I am not
  2234
  dealing generally with the question of the water and sewage systems of the countryside, but specifically with those districts to which evacuees are to be sent. I do not intend to start with villages. The county council of Cheshire report, with regard to two boroughs, Congleton and Macclesfield, a state of affairs which seems to me to call for very serious consideration by the right hon. Gentleman. With regard to Congleton, the Cheshire County Council report:
  " This town is to receive 2,000 evacuees, and, as a result of increased industrial and domestic consumption, additional water supplies are urgently needed."
  That is for the existing population. With regard to Macclesfield they report:
  " Although the present water supply is inadequate, and Parliamentary powers are being sought to remedy the deficiency, the town is scheduled to receive 7,600 evacuees."
  No one can contemplate increasing the population of a town like Macclesfield, where the local authority holds those views about the existing water supply system, by as many as 7,600 evacuees, without realising that the very gravest problems will immediately arise. I understand that the children from my county who will be evacuated will go to Devonshire, and I have, therefore, been very interested in reading the replies of the Devon County Council. I will not go through the whole of them, although I have a very long and detailed description of, I think, every rural district in the county of Devon, but perhaps this summary will be adequate:
  "In a considerable number of cases in all the foregoing districts the villages are too small and scattered to warrant improvements, either as regards water supplies or sewerage. Speaking generally, whilst there has been some advance since 1936, the general conditions throughout the county remain much the same, and the County Medical Officer of Health considers that, where the water supply is from wells and the conservancy system of sewage disposal has been adopted, the area should only be scheduled for evacuation purposes after consideration of local conditions."
  As regards another place that is scheduled for a very large number of children, namely, the Isle of Ely, the report is:
  " A considerable number of villages scheduled as evacuation areas do not have piped supplies, and depend upon rain water and water from dykes. During dry periods considerable difficulty is experienced in meeting normal requirements, and the position, aggravated as it would be in a normal season by the advent of evacuees, would become very serious in the event of a drought."

  2235
  As regards the Parts of Lindsey, one of the three administrative counties in the geographical county of Lincoln, it is stated:
  " Louth Rural District. Water, the villages all depend on wells and small bores. Sewerage, practically no schemes exist."
  The report goes on:
  " Norfolk. Most of the county, the whole of which is scheduled for evacuation purposes, is deficient in water supply and drainage is non-existent.
  Northants. The water supply in the parish of Blisworth in the Towcester rural district is totally inadequate. The district as a whole is to receive 2,439 evacuees, 189 of whom have had to be evacuated, owing to lack of accommodation elsewhere, to Blisworth, where, even in normal times, water has to be carted for the existing population of 792 persons.
  Somerset… As regards Taunton, it is feared that the water supply, which has had to be restricted for long periods on several occasions in previous years, will prove inadequate to meet the additional demand from 5,000 evacuees, 3,500 billeted troops and 1,500 militiamen whose camp is being established in the surrounding country districts."
  That is a fairly wide survey of conditions over a large tract of country, and it appears fully to substantiate the fears that we on this side have always expressed. I know that recently the Ministry of Health have published a return showing the number of rural parishes in each county which have no pipe water supply. It was said that in Surrey every rural parish had a pipe supply, but that does not mean that every house and farm has a pipe supply. Even in those counties which have a substantial number of parishes with a pipe supply, you will find a considerable part of the population depending on more primitive sources of supply. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to give very careful attention to this matter, and, in conjunction with the Minister of Health, to ensure that evacuated people shall be sent only to those districts where one can be sure that the water supply and sanitary arrangements are equal to the extra demand that will be placed on them.
  As one who has had considerable experience of taking town boys away to the country for holidays in camps, I have come to the conclusion that the town-bred working-class boy is exceedingly reticent about the discharge of his natural functions, and peculiarly susceptible to a change of environment. I have had the
  2236
  unfortunate experience of being in charge of a camp of boys where we had to use primitive conveniences, and practically every boy got into a state of constipation because of his dislike of using these conveniences, which would have been accepted by the country boy as just part of his ordinary life. If you are to complicate the difficulties of evacuation in this way, you will make things extremely difficult. I thought at one time that this might be an experience peculiar to myself, but I mentioned this at a meeting at which several county medical officers of health were present, and they assured me that, while it is one of the things which in England we never discuss, it was well known to doctors, and that the problems arising from it could not be neglected in connection with any scheme of evacuation.
  I want to deal now with the question of the control of self-evacuation. I have always had misgivings as to the extent to which the Government would be able to control self-evacuation by the population. If you get self-evacuation on a large scale you may find your prearranged billets practically all occupied by people who, moving themselves, have been able to get to places of comparative safety earlier than the children whom you have arranged to move as priority classes. In support of that statement, I would like to read a letter I have received from the secretary of one of the Surrey teachers' associations, who, on behalf of the Surrey County Council, canvassed the district in which he lived when the Minister of Health agreed to include certain Surrey districts among the areas to be evacuated. He writes:
  " There is one matter I would like to call your attention to as a personal matter. My experience this last week on the evacuation census in Mitcham has shown that in a small area there are hundreds of people planning to evacuate themselves in case of war. They say cheerfully,' I am going to my people in Durham or Cornwall or South Wales,' and when it is suggested that there may be no trains to take them they refer to the ' little car.' From the number I have, canvassed in the Gorringe Ward of Mitcham who talk like this, there must be literally thousands in the suburban area thinking it, and they may well create a very serious problem in an emergency."
  The gentleman who wrote that letter is one of the best canvassers I know. If I were in doubt about the canvass of any

  2237
  district in an election, I should consider him the best person to conduct a re-canvass, and I am sure that his views are thoroughly reliable. I know the case of a small Midland town—I am quite willing to give the right hon. Gentleman the name, but I do not wish to bring it into controversy in this House. I take it, however, as being quite typical. I was speaking a few days ago to a member of the Poplar Borough Council, who told me that he had arranged for his wife and her two sisters, who live with him, to leave Poplar in the event of an emergency and that he had been to the borough that I have in mind. He said, "I found when I tried to make arrangements for rooms for them that large numbers of people had been there beforehand." The town clerk says that although the borough was scheduled to receive 20,000 evacuees in the event of war, he is certain that people who have no claim on that borough at all —except that they can find the money, at any rate, to get themselves there and to maintain themselves in the early part of the war—-have so eaten into the accommodation that he is quite certain that the margin that the Ministry think they will have will not be available when the time comes. I have all along urged the Government to take some steps to make quite sure that the authorities charged with billeting shall, in fact, have, on the night when the children are to be accommodated, the necessary accommodation to put them in.
  Many Members of this House had experience between 1914 and 1918 of billeting troops. They know that it is no pleasant matter to make arrangements, standing in the rain, with regard to billeting. It is bad enough when you have some troops following you down the street, and you are putting two in one house, three in another, and five in another. I heard this afternoon from the Secretary for War that he had had some troops who were satisfied. I never had any troops who were satisfied—if I had I should have told them to report sick. At any rate, they were men, and could be expected to endure hardships; but imagine yourself at the head of a queue of children, who have been taken out of a town in conditions not tending to peace of mind, and imagine yourself coming to a house in which you think you are going to put three children, and being met by someone
  2238
  who claims that he has taken the house and paid for it, and can produce the receipt. It is all very well for the Ministry to think that you can push him out, or push someone in; but if you envisage yourself with these children at your heels you will realise that that is not a very satisfactory prospect. I understand that a re-survey of the position is being made. [Interruption.] Is there not a document 1841, dated 28th July this year, which has recently been sent to county councils and other local authorities? I understand that it is hoped that there will now be an effort made to bring the schedule of accommodation up-to-date, so that the local authorities shall know, within a little, what accommodation is really available, and how far accommodation that was returned as available remains available.
  The Minister of Health (Mr. Elliot): The hon. Member is quoting from a document which was worked out with the local authorities, but, in fact, the local authorities will have to rely on the billeting regulations made in accordance with the law passed by this House. The hon. Member knows that that is what we must rely on.
  Mr. Ede: The right hon. Gentleman has a greater knowledge of my knowledge than I have myself. If he takes that line, as I said on 24th May in this House, I am quite sure that we are going to have a tremendous muddle. It will be bad enough if things go smoothly, but if we have to rely for our powers, as local authorities, on what we are to get when the billeting regulations are made, we shall find that those powers are too late. We think—and on this subject I am speaking for every association of local authorities in the country—that we should, from time to time, keep this list of accommodation up-to-date. There are a number of people who, since February, have quite legitimately made arrangements for evacuating relatives to their places in receiving areas. I have always believed that it will be impossible to say to a person, "You shall not take a relative from an evacuating area. You must take someone else whom we choose to send you." We are not averse to close friends being included, but there clearly must be some limit on what can be done in that way. Then, when you have made arrangements for those people, surely it is

  2239
  essential that the local authorities should be able to know beforehand that the accommodation that they have returned to the Minister as being in existence will in fact be available.
  I should like to ask one or two questions with regard to priority classes. The fear was expressed on 24th May that only children in attendance at school would be in the priority class, and no very specific answer was given on that day. I understand that the view is— I shall be glad if the right hon. Gentleman will confirm or deny it—that a child of school age is in the priority class no matter whether in attendance at a school or not. The matter is very important because, clearly, in London and other towns you have a number of children, say, between the ages of 5 and 16 who are not in attendance at school for one reason or another. They may be taught at home, or they may be in some group of children which is not officially regarded as a school, and it would clearly be wrong that they should not be regarded as persons in the priority class. I hope it will be made clear that such persons as children of school age—I know the difficulty of getting a definition of school age —but children between certain ages who are not in fact at school will be regarded as in the priority class.
  Mr. Elliot: It may be convenient that I should make that clear right away. It is true that any child of school age would be regarded as in the priority class, the same as any mother with children would be in the priority class whether attending a clinic or not. So a child of school age would be in the priority class whether attending school or not.
  Mr. Ede: There is, of course, the great difficulty of defining what a child is for this purpose. You have the anomaly now that a boy who has left school at 14 and gone to work will not be in the priority class but his brother who may be 17 or 18, who is at a secondary school, will. It may be necessary in the case of these children who have never been at a school to give some indication by age as to when they are to be regarded as in the priority class. That, however, is a small point. I am exceedingly grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for the clear statement that he has made.
  2240
  Let me come from evacuation to hospitals. Here, again, we should like some assurance with regard to the numbers of beds now available and the extent to which adaptation, equipment and the erection of hutments are taking place so that we can feel assured that some real progress is being made. I should like to say a few words here again with regard to control. I have been very careful to keep my remarks so far as general as possible, but I am bound here to make some reference to the situation in London and the surrounding districts. London has been divided into 10 sectors, all of which project into the surrounding counties. The right hon. Gentleman will excuse me if I take for the illustration of my argument the two sectors that I know best in Surrey. I am told that they are reasonably typical of the other 10. Taking the two sectors, eight and nine, in Surrey, one finds that the total number of emergency beds, including huts, in municipal hospitals is 24,631, and in voluntary hospitals 4,922. That is to say, approximately five-sixths of the beds are in municipal hospitals run by the county and county borough councils and one-sixth are in voluntary hospitals. It seems very astonishing that in each of the 10 sectors—I am told these are typical—the voluntary hospital officials have been chosen as the persons to be in charge. I will say nothing that can be regarded as disparaging of the work of voluntary hospitals. One may have one's own view as to whether the day of the voluntary hospital is gone, but it does not arise on this matter and I do not want to befog the issue. But those in charge of the municipal hospitals have a bigger administrative experience, especially of the kind of problem that an emergency will bring upon this service, and it would appear to be very highly desirable that any organisation of the hospitals should be more on the basis of the municipal than of the voluntary régime.
  In Middlesex, I understand, they have six sectors but in Surrey, where we have only two, a line is drawn across the county which does not correspond with any existing local government boundary or organisation, with the result that for wartime and emergency work a fresh system of organisation will have to be drawn up. Throughout the country hospital authorities are doing their best to get into being the kind of organisation

  2241
  that the Minister may want them to adopt at a moment's notice. They have at the same time to carry on their ordinary administration within the organisation which has been built up as the result of the experience that they have gained since the Local Government Act, 1929. Serious consideration should be given to the position of the municipal authorities in hospitals, and to using the accumulated experience of the administrative staff of the municipalities in dealing with this hospital problem. I understand that some negetations are going on. I sincerely hope that they will be successful and that there will be cordial co-operation between the voluntary and the municipal hospitals. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will agree that, while this has been the subject of some representations, those representations have not been allowed to delay or deflect the work of preparation and, if he should decide on some alteration along the lines that I have suggested, I am sure that no delay will occur and there will be nothing that he may subsequently have to regret. As negotiations are in progress, he will not expect me to say more, but it is only right that I should have made these remarks. In making them I have been acting partly at the wish of my right hon. Friend the Member for South Hackney (Mr. Morrison), whose inability to attend to-day is, I am sure, regretted by the House, and especially by me, because but for that fact he would have been making this speech instead of me. I am sure the House will extend their sympathy to me in the same way that I extend mine to them.
  May I now dash off to another subject, the Women's Land Army—a very different subject but, after all, one which may very well yet be one of the determining factors in any prolonged emergency. What payment is being made to a farmer who undertakes to instruct a member of the Women's Land Army in her duties? Having spent a week-end in Lincolnshire and visited several villages, I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that the subject is being very carefully canvassed in the rural districts. I heard a figure mentioned. As it was not from an official source, I will not repeat it, but it had a very close relationship to a figure mentioned in the course of a very important Debate last week with regard to the adequacy of the wage of an agricultural labourer. Are
  2242
  any negotiations taking place with the National Union of Agricultural Workers and other bodies which may claim to represent agricultural workers with regard to the training and utilisation of these women? I understand that there is at the moment some difficulty in getting recruits, especially from the rural areas. After all, if you are going to get recruits from the rural areas, it is probable that they will be more effective, at any rate for a start, than young ladies from the towns going out to play the dairymaid, like Marie Antoinette. We can only hope that their ultimate fate will be happier than hers. But there is at the moment some misgiving in the rural districts about this matter and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to say something reassuring.
  We have recently passed the Civil Defence Act, which gives local authorities and the right hon. Gentleman very extended powers with regard to shelters. Can he give us any indication as to how far progress is being made with that work? I took the Minister of Health round the less salubrious parts of my constituency. Here, again, he and I will be in agreement that in most of the parts that we visited it will be impossible to erect one of the shelters named after his right hon. Friend. The yards are altogether too small. The borough engineer has given particular attention to the matter, and he reached the conclusion, which has since been approved by the borough council, that he will have to make provision for at least 40,000 people in underground shelters, people of the social class who would be available for a free shelter if they had a place where they could put it. I had better read a paragraph in his report:
  " The borough engineer pointed out that, even if all premises that can be given shelter either by basement or surface shelters were so provided, there would still remain a very large proportion of the dwellings of the town which were not provided with shelter, or capable of being provided with shelter, by any of the means at present suggested, and that some type of communal shelter would ultimately be required to meet this particular aspect of the problem. In the event of communal shelters of the type which he had previously suggested (i.e., subways under streets), being adapted, any further shelter by surface or basement shelters would be additional and possibly redundant. He stated that in this connection he had prepared and considered a number of alternative designs and estimated that the cost would be approximately £5 per

  2243
  person to be accommodated. He estimated that the number of persons to be provided for (after allowing for persons to be evacuated and those for whom free shelters can be provided and those who would be required to provide their own shelter) would be not less than 40,000, and he was of opinion, in most cases, that the provision of subways as previously recommended by him, was a practical proposition for accommodating these persons."
  What is true of that borough must be typical of a very large number of similar industrial boroughs, closely built up with the town planning of a 100 years ago, and where it is quite impossible for the shelters associated with the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Lord Privy Seal ever to be erected. Can he also tell us when these shelters are to be available in any large numbers for the persons who are supposed to purchase them? It is about time that we had some definite information on that point. Can he say also what steps he is taking to ensure that the decisions of the House with regard to the provision of shelters for workpeople at their place of work, for dwellers in flats and so on shall be available? Is any pressure being brought to bear upon persons responsible to make quite sure that the provision will be there when the time comes and it may be needed?
  The last thing that I want to mention is the question of cost, not because it is unimportant. The right hon. Gentleman knows from the interview that I had with him yesterday that this is a subject on which men can speak with astonishing frankness and can feel most bitterly when they do not get the answer that they expect. We were told as local authorities when we started on this task in 1937 that it was unlikely that the burden falling upon us would reach a Id. rate. In my constituency of South Shields, one of the poorest county boroughs in England, the borough council this year has already had to spend a rate of 3¾. As to the figure of £200,000 which I have mentioned as representing the cost of providing communal shelters, it is estimated that when you take everything into consideration the cost to fall on the borough will be £44,000. That is after deducting the Government grant. Any such figure as that is quite beyond the power of an industrial district established in the distressed areas to bear. There you have a typical borough at the mouth of an important river, which will be one
  2244
  of the most important naval arsenals, and is bound to be the subject of hostile attack in the event of war. One is giving away no secrets to the Germans. There are important naval shipyards up the Tyne, and if any enemy could block the mouth of the Tyne he would be immobilising a great part of the naval resources of this country. No one could expect a borough like that, and one still in a very distressed condition, to shoulder the heavy financial responsibilities that its geographical position and military and strategic importance imposed upon it.
  I want also to deal with a subject which was mentioned to the right hon. Gentleman yesterday, and which has been referred to in question and answer in this House, namely, that of the provision of shelter for school children. The right hon. Gentleman takes the view that that is a subject which is properly the concern of the Board of Education, and should be dealt with on a separate basis from ordinary air-raid precautions work. I shall not develop the subject at length because I believe that my hon. Friend the Member for Farnworth (Mr. Tomlinson), if he gets an opportunity, intends to return to the subject, and will doubtless develop the general argument. By adopting a flat rate of 50 per cent. for this service, the Government are in fact imposing an intolerable burden on the poorest districts. As a rule—I doubt if there is any exception to it, but the right hon. Gentleman might be able to produce one—those districts which have the largest number of school children in proportion to their population are, in fact, the poorest districts. They are also the districts where the population is most congested, and where, therefore, the right hon. Gentleman and the Board of Education are most likely to require this provision to be made. By a flat rate of 50 per cent. grant for this service, as opposed to the percentage system based on relative wealth or poverty, which applies to most air-raid precaution services, the right hon. Gentleman is imposing a heavier burden on the poor districts than on the rich in actual pounds, shillings and pence.
  The county of Surrey for this particular service has to find £219,000 this year to provide shelter in its school playgrounds and playing-fields for school children. That is a county where a 1d.

  2245
  rate per child in average attendance produces half a sovereign. If you go to County Durham, which is at least as vulnerable as Surrey, with its crowded mining villages and its east coast, and a great many industries still that an enemy might very well want to put out of action, the product of a Id. rate per child in average attendance is a quarter of what it is in Surrey. The proportion of school children to the total population is a great deal higher in Durham than it is in Surrey. To offer a flat rate of 50 per cent. to both these authorities is, in effect, to destroy the real basis of the Air-Raid Precautions Act, 1937. I shall not be at all convinced by anything that the right hon. Gentleman may say about other public services for which local authorities have to make air-raid precautions. Public utility undertakings are revenue-earning undertakings, and, generally speaking, profit-making undertakings. But no one will contend that, from a purely financial point of view, an elementary or a municipal secondary school is really revenue-earning or profit-making. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that even if he cannot bring these services, as we think they ought to be brought, under the ordinary air-raid precautions grant, the percentage grant should be based on some regard for the riches or poverty of the area in which the school happens to be situated.
  I must apologise to the House for the length of time I have taken. The subject is so comprehensive—and I am too well aware of the things that I ought to have mentioned and which I have not mentioned—that it is difficult to compress one's thoughts into sufficiently few words really to do justice to one's colleagues in this House. But I ask the right hon. Gentleman, in any reply that he gives, to realise that, as far as I can ascertain throughout the country, there is no division of opinion at all about the essential nature of this work. It is the desire of everyone to see it carried out with the utmost possible speed, and the desire of the local authorities and the inhabitants of the districts generally to assist the right hon. Gentleman. We ask for a clear and definite assurance that, in any necessary steps that have to be taken to safeguard the civil population, the right hon. Gentleman will have regard to seeing that we get, both in men and money, adequate resources for the task. The one
  2246
  thing I could not help noticing on Saturday and Sunday as I went through various Lincolnshire villages was the way in which among the smallest aggregations of people the appeal was being made for these services and, when one asked questions, the response that was being made. I can only hope that, if we are prepared so thoroughly and meticulously to organise ourselves for the problems of possible military attack, we shall also be able, arising out of our experiences in this matter, similarly, when the time comes, meticulously and carefully to organise the resources of our people not merely to save life, but to expand it in all the areas of the country.
  5.28 p.m.
  Mr. Boothby: I do not think that the hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) need have apologised for the length of his speech, as the House as a whole recognises in him an expert on the subject. He has not only interested us all, but he has made a number of very helpful and constructive suggestions. The hon. Member dealt in the greater part of his speech with the problems connected with evacuation and hospitals; and we shall all be very interested to hear what the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health has to say upon these points when he comes to speak. I imagine that, with regard to evacuation, during the last few months order has gradually been evolved out of the chaos which admittedly prevailed last September; and from all sides one hears that, while things are not completely satisfactory, they are very much better. The arrangements that have been made are much more comprehensive to-day than they were even three or four months ago.
  I was glad that the hon. Gentleman mentioned the question of children's camps, and we shall be grateful for more information about it. The House as a whole is keen about these camps, and thinks that they are a good idea. We should like to know how many camps there are in existence, and what the projects and plans of the Government are in this particular connection. I understand that with regard to hospitals the position of doctors is now completely satisfactory, and most doctors know what they will have to do and where they will have to go; but there has been anxiety expressed about the question of nurses,

  2247
  and particularly the voluntary nurses. Anything which the right hon. Gentleman has to say in this connection will be listened to with great interest by the House. The hon. Member referred to the Women's Land Army. There is now a very great shortage in the country districts of Scotland of labour of all kinds. It is extremely difficult to get any domestic labour on the farms in my constituency.
  Mr. Deputy-Speaker (Colonel Clifton Brown): It would be out of order to discuss the Women's Land Army on this Vote and I should have said so when the hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) raised the subject.
  Mr. Boothby: I should not have raised the question had not the hon. Member for South Shields raised it. I was only going on to point out that there is a considerable shortage of labour at the moment.
  Mr. T. Johnston: I should like your guidance, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. In so far as food reserves in the receiving districts are necessary to make useful the evacuation schemes, would it not be permissible to discuss food reserves in those districts?
  Mr. Deputy-Speaker: The administration of food reserves comes under the Board of Trade and not under the Votes under discussion to-day.
  Mr. Johnston: With great respect, that is so, but obviously sending thousands of people from an urban district to a rural district without making certain that there was an augmentation of food would be to make the evacuation scheme useless.
  Mr. Deputy-Speaker: It depends on how the case is presented. Food reserve policy is out of order. The rationing of evacuees is quite clearly in order.
  Mr. Boothby: There is one thing that, obviously, does come within the scope of the Debate, and that is the question to which I intended to devote the whole of my time. I refer to the question of shelters. I do not think the country is yet satisfied that sufficient progress or anything like sufficient progress has been made in providing shelters against air raids for the vast mass of the population. Nobody wants to disparage the efforts already made by my right hon. Friend,
  2248
  and nobody wants to cast doubts or to spread anxiety with regard to the steel shelters; but there is one thing about which there can be no doubt, and that is that the steel shelters were a makeshift and somewhat expensive policy on the part of His Majesty's Government to meet an emergency. I am the last person to say that steel shelters are no good, but I think they have great defects as compared with concrete shelters.
  We have had a very unfortunate summer; and steel shelters do not keep out the wet. Hon. Members who have seen anything of these shelters know that they are extremely uncomfortable. They do not last for any great length of time. I have had cases brought to my notice where they have actually had to be reinforced with concrete to keep out draughts, damp, and so forth. Another aspect of the individual house steel shelters—apart from the fact that many jokes have been made about them—is that, while I am prepared to admit that in certain circumstances they may be very effective in keeping out blast and falling debris, there is no doubt that many individual householders have not put them to any practical use; and they cannot be obliged to do so. How many hon. Members have seen these steel shelters pushed away into corners of a back garden or yard where they are, from the point of view of the householder, merely an infernal nuisance and will remain so until a very serious emergency arises? I cannot think that the steel shelter policy, although it was desirable and perhaps necessary to meet an immediate emergency, is a satisfactory long-term shelter policy for this country.
  So far as deep shelters are concerned, I do wish to plead with my right hon. Friend not to allow himself to be carried away by too violent a controversy with Professor J. B. S. Haldane. Anybody who has been in controversy with Professor Haldane, as I have been on one or two occasions, is bound to feel that they must oppose everything he says, because he holds to his own views with such tenacity and vehemence. In spite of the great respect in which I personally hold Professor Haldane, I fear that he may have persuaded a certain number of people, who are naturally antagonistic to his scientific and political views, that there can be no good in deep shelters. I

  2249
  certainly do not take that view, and I hope the Government will not rule them out in cases where conditions are favourable to deep shelters.
  Deep shelters are, of course, enormously expensive; but they are the only things that afford absolute protection against high explosives. That has been proved over and over again. Therefore, I would ask my right hon. Friend not to allow his mind to be prejudiced by the arguments now raging up and down the country on this subject, but to view the question with an open mind. While I rather sympathise with his decision not to embark upon a general comprehensive policy of deep shelters, I would ask him not to rule out the possibility of putting such shelters in certain places where the conditions are favourable; because, as I have said, they do afford absolute protection, which nothing else does, against high explosive bombs.
  Having dealt with the steel shelter and the deep shelter, what else is there? There is the medium-sized concrete shelter. These shelters are being produced in this country in various designs, but, in relation to the magnitude of the problem, in comparatively trifling quantities. In fact, it is no exaggeration to say that,, so far, this question of providing vast masses of people with adequate concrete shelters has only been played with both by the Government and the local authorities. By far the cheapest and most effective method of providing security for large numbers of our people is to provide a standardised concrete shelter which can be mass-produced. There is really no other shelter policy to compare with this in efficacy and usefulness. What are the advantages of the medium concrete shelter? They are known to be proof against small bombs, incendiary bombs, falling pieces of shrapnel, debris and blast. That is a formidable list. The chances of a direct hit from a heavy high explosive bomb are very small.
  There is another advantage in the medium-sized concrete shelter as against the large deep shelter for thousands of people, and that is that it eliminates the possibility of any serious panic. One of the main reasons, apart from the question of expense, why the Lord Privy Seal turned down the policy of deep shelters was that he was afraid of the possibilities of panic, especially if you were trying to
  2250
  put thousands of people into one shelter. Moreover, if anything went wrong the possibilities of serious loss of life would be far greater if you had congregated a large number of people in one shelter. In these medium concrete shelters there could be no question of that. It would be a question of 30, 40 or 50 people getting into the shelter.
  Mr. R. C. Morrison: Suppose 5,000 people were trying to get into a shelter which held only 50.
  Mr. Boothby: The whole point of the medium shelter policy is that these medium concrete shelters should be provided in adequate quantities for those who are not protected in their own houses or by other means, so that they will be able to get to them easily. If you applied this policy to institutions, schools, and so forth, you would build concrete shelters of sufficient size to contain the occupants of the school or institution; and if they knew precisely what to do when the air raid warning was given the possibility of panic would be eliminated. I am not suggesting that you would be able to get 5,000 people into a moderate-sized shelter. You must build these moderate-sized concrete shelters in sufficient quantities to make them readily available for any given section of the community. The main thing is to provide every person in this country, as soon as possible, with some place to which he or she can go in the event of an air raid. That is the only way in which you can finally eliminate panic.
  Hitherto one of the main difficulties in producing concrete shelters in adequate numbers—the medium-sized ones would hold perhaps 40 or 50 people; the smaller sizes would hold eight or 10—has been the multiplicity of designs, and the lack of any kind of standardisation, without which mass production is impossible. Another difficulty in this connection has been that the cement and concrete industry has not been organised for the purpose of producing standardised designs or producing in bulk. But, largely owing to the efforts of my right hon. Friend, some steps have been taken in this direction, and the concrete and cement industry has formed a federation and are now preparing standardised designs. You can have standardised designs for overground shelters and for underground shelters. The standardised underground

  2251
  design need only be of one type and in one section, because it can be continued indefinitely to meet the requirements of any particular district, hospital, institution or school.
  The concrete-lined underground shelter or trench is probably the best known form of protection against air-raid attack, and I am in a position to give a. few figures which may interest the House and which will, I think, go to prove that, mass-produced, these shelters are not nearly as expensive as many hon. Members might think. The hon. Member for South Shields spoke about £5 a head being the cost of providing shelters in certain districts. I believe that that cost could be very greatly reduced by a mass-produced concrete shelter policy. You could produce concrete protection according to this standardised design for about £5 a yard. It would be possible to construct a 30-foot shelter, seven feet across and 6½ feet high, sunk into the ground, at a cost of approximately £50, including delivery but not the cost of erection.
  Mr. R. C. Morrison: Excavation?
  Mr. Boothby: Not excavation or erection, which will probably cost another £40. You could do the whole job, including the digging, for something in the neighbourhood of £100.
  Mr. Ede: When I spoke of the cost of £5 I was giving the case of a particular borough, where the shelters would have to be placed in a number of small back lanes between some slum property, and a great deal of expense would be involved in excavation, because it might in certain cases involve considerable interference with services.
  Mr. Boothby: I was referring to shelters which could be dug into ordinary soil and would not require special excavation. If there had to be excavation in narrow lanes where property rights were interfered with that might cost more, but if you took ordinary virgin soil, the cost which I have stated would be approximately correct. While it would be necessary to put these shelters underground in the event of serious emergency it would be possible in the meantime to store some of them, because there would be no danger of deterioration. They could be put in the ground as opportunity offered, and
  2252
  when the emergency arose, the advantage being that in an emergency they could be sunk into the ground with about 85 per cent. of unskilled labour. The cement and concrete industry have definitely arranged to make the necessary moulds, and they tell me that they estimate that, if they were given an order to-day, they could produce about 20,000 shelters, capable of accommodating 50 people each, in 10 weeks' time, for a total cost, apart from erection, of £1,000,000. Therefore, to give a rough figure, you can protect 1,000,000 people for an expenditure of £1,000,000 over a period of 10 weeks, according to their estimate. That is a striking and a very important figure.
  I know it is not wholly the fault of the Government that there has been delay in producing an adequate shelter policy to meet the requirements of the people of this country. There have been many delays on the part of the industry. But now that the industry has got together, and has persuaded its members to abandon their own individual designs—and hon. Members must remember that individual firms have spent a great deal of money on their own designs—and embark on mass production; now that the industry has formed a federation and submitted a design to my right hon. Friend which has been accepted by his experts; I think the moment has arrived when the Government itself should take a very vigorous attitude in the matter. It is no use trying to deal with this problem piecemeal. If we are to get an efficient organisation into being quickly, I submit that my right hon. Friend ought to place a substantial order for standardised mass produced concrete shelters without any further delay. He could appoint his own auditor or take any other steps he desires to see that there is no question of exorbitant prices or profiteering.
  The emergency is surely a very real one. I do not know what the view of His Majesty's Government may be with regard to the probability or otherwise of war breaking out, but if it is possible that we may be faced with war within the next two months, and I think everybody must admit that is a possibility, then there can be no excuse for not taking every possible practical step to safeguard the civilian population of this country. I still think, in spite of certain arguments which may be adduced against it, that on the whole

  2253
  the medium-sized and the smaller-sized concrete shelter, preferably in a trench, provides a greater degree of protection at a lower cost to a larger number of people than any other form of protection which has been devised or thought of. At any rate, I shall be interested if any hon. Member can suggest a more effective method, apart from the deep shelter itself.
  There is one other aspect of the problem to which I want to make a brief reference. From time to time pamphlets are issued by Government Departments for the guidance of the civilian population. They are very interesting and full of the most valuable information. If I might make a literary criticism, I should like to suggest that they are too long and sometimes rather stiff for the ordinary person to understand—simpler and easier words might be used. But nobody denies that they are a mine of valuable information, and if anybody has time to read them during an air raid I am sure they will be found to be extremely useful. In the course of reading these pamphlets I came across the names of various appliances and implements. I made a list of them the other day, and I must say that I do not think many of them are ordinarily available in any normal household. I am not merely referring to first-aid boxes but to other sorts of appliances and implements which the right hon. Gentleman seems to assume are usually to be found on the kitchen table or dresser of the average house. I can assure him that these appliances and implements are not found in the ordinary household, and I can also assure him that it is difficult to find them in a shop. You have to go to half a dozen different shops in order to fit yourself with the full regalia recommended by the Home Office and other Government Departments for the civilian population.
  After concrete shelters I think air-raid fighting appliances are the most important thing, not only from the practical but also from the psychological point of view. At the same time, you are not going to get the ordinary busy housewife to go toiling round the various shops, the grocers, the chemists and the ironmongers, to buy the various articles referred to and recommended for her use by Government Departments. I suggest to my right hon. Friend that he will find in the long run
  2254
  that the only way to provide households in this country with the bare minimum of appliances which are necessary to fight air raids and give any householder a sense of security will be by the production of some kind of comprehensive outfit containing all the essential things which an ordinary household will require in an air raid, real value for money, easily obtainable, and on reasonable financial terms. I beg him to give serious consideration to this aspect of the problem. While it may be argued that a certain number of the things recommended are ordinarily available, one thing is certain, they will never be found in the event of an emergency, because nothing can ever be found when you want it badly and quickly; and in any case not all of the things which the right hon. Gentleman has recommended are usually available in a house. In peace time we are all apt to be lazy; and when the bombs begin to drop will not be the moment for a shopping expedition. Anything that can be done to get some form of cheap, comprehensive and mass-produced outfit for fighting air raid fires, extinguishing incendiary bombs, of hacking your way out of debris and dealing with superficial wounds will be very desirable.
  I should like to say this in conclusion. It may well be that we shall be faced with a crisis during the next two months; and while everybody admits that great strides have been made in the protection of the civilian population from air-raid attacks, how many houses in this country this afternoon are absolutely without any form of adequate protection against an air raid or any kind of outfit which might assist them in the event of an air raid? There are far too many; and I suggest that while the evacuation arrangements have been worked out with great care and skill by the Government, and will probably work very smoothly, and while we have every reason to be pleased with the response to the appeal for voluntary service, transport, hospitals, doctors and nurses, there is still a large gap to be filled in making adequate protection for the actual physical security of the ordinary people of this country.
  5.54 p.m.
  Mr. R. C. Morrison: On an occasion such as this there is a strong temptation on the part of anyone who has been actively associated with a local A.R.P.

  2255
  organisation, as I have been, to come here with a pocketful of complaints and criticisms and hand them out to the Government one after the other. I am going to resist that temptation. I am going to make no complaints at all. A Liberal newspaper has been carrying on a campaign in its columns against the lack of aggression on the part of the official Opposition. I suppose that campaign is founded on the old slogan that it is the duty of an Opposition to oppose. That may be so, but I am not going to argue the point. As one who has been in A.R.P. for a long time I want to say that up to now I have totally failed to discover any party politics in the matter of Civil Defence. I hope I have an average amount of political intelligence to realise that fact, and also to realise that the support and assistance I have received as chairman of the local A.R.P. organisation has come as gladly from people who are politically opposed to me as it has from my own colleagues.
  I want, therefore, to direct attention to the personnel of the volunteer army which is growing up. There have been muddle, chaos and confusion which are inseparable from such a gigantic task, but I want to say that the citizens of this country have responded remarkably well. It is one of our virtues that we are not given to boasting of our great accomplishments; we do not, as they say in my division, shout the odds of what we are doing. We have heard many speeches about the marvellous shelters in Barcelona, the wonderful air raid precautions in Paris and the marvellous preparations in Berlin, but from what I have been able to learn about Barcelona, Paris and Berlin the standard of protection against air raids in this country is probably higher than in any of these places; and by a considerable distance. In this matter I think we are in advance of any country in the world. In Germany the air raid wardens, if they fail to carry out their duties, are liable to long terms of imprisonment. In this country we have built up a service of wardens entirely free and voluntary, and they carry out their work to the best of their ability. In Germany the wardens are not only liable to be imprisoned if they fail to carry out their duties, but they have actually to pay 2d. a week or 8d. a month to be wardens,
  2256
  and then if they do not carry out their duties they are sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.
  How different is the spirit which actuates the volunteer army which is growing up in this country. The Lord Privy Seal came to my constituency last week, and I think he will agree that the example of volunteer workers he saw in the factories was something to be greatly admired. The volunteers are coming in well for these services, but the main obstacle, in my opinion, is still the man who says, "I shall not bother to do any training; you can count on me when the time comes." That is the kind of fellow with whom it is most difficult to deal, and there are thousands of them. He is a good fellow and will keep his word, and if an emergency comes, as it did last September, he will turn up when he is wanted. Our job is to convince him that he will be 10 times more useful if he has some preliminary training rather than if he merely waits and then comes along and says, "Here I am, What can I do?"
  I want to draw the attention of the Lord Privy Seal to the position of the wardens. I speak as a warden myself. I was the first Member of Parliament to become a qualified warden. They have done well, but they have had to meet indifference, ridicule and, in some cases, opposition. There was a case in the newspapers of a retired colonel who used bad language and threatened the warden who dared to call at his house. I do not know why retired colonels are always so bad-tempered. The longer they are retired the more bad-tempered they seem to become. The wardens have had to put up with a great deal from the public. I look upon the warden as the handyman of air-raid precautions, for there is no limit to what he may be called upon to do. I suggest to the Lord Privy Seal that the day is past when wardens should spend their time in sending imaginary messages over imaginary telephones to imaginary rescue parties. There is a great deal of useful, practical work for them to be doing. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider embarking upon a campaign to improve the status of wardens and to impress upon the public the importance of wardens. It is very unfortunate that the sort of persons who have volunteered as wardens—good, sound, solid and responsible people, who are thought well of by their neighbours—and have

  2257
  voluntarily given up their spare time to undergo a course of training, should then have to go from door to door in their district, almost cap in hand, sometimes calling at a given house six or seven times because the people are not in, trying to see people, as though they were asking a favour of people. I ask the Lord Privy Seal to use all his resources of publicity in an effort to make the public realise that they should go to the warden and not expect the warden to come to them.
  The hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) has referred to leaflets; perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would consider issuing a special leaflet to the public telling them who are the wardens and that wardens are people who should be respected. I welcome the right hon. Gentleman's decision to supply uniforms to wardens, for I think that will have a beneficial effect on the lines I have suggested. Up to the present, the wardens have had a little badge on the lapel of their coats. When they receive uniforms, they should be encouraged to wear them. I suggest, further, that the right hon. Gentleman should encourage the recruitment of more women as wardens, particularly in the Greater London area, where often the men leave home early in the morning and do not return until night. Many of the women have considerable time on their hands, and they would be very suitable for house-to-house work and for calling on and advising other women as to what kind of preparations should be made. In the event of an emergency, many men would be carrying on business as usual, and at such a time, women wardens would be invaluable for duty during the day time in a good many localities.
  As far as I have been able to gather from the experts, if war should come it would be a very difficult thing for enemy aircraft to come over and bomb our industrial centres in the day time, but it would be much less difficult in darkness. Consequently, the main work of the air-raid precautions service is likely to have to be done under cover of darkness, as daylight air raids will be so difficult that they will be an exception rather than the rule. Therefore, I ask the Lord Privy Seal to encourage wardens and all sections of air-raid precautions workers to do as much practice in darkness as they can. During the weekend after next, there will
  2258
  be the first big blackout in London and the Home Counties. That blackout will not be a great deal of use from the point of view of the air-raid precautions services, although it may be of great use to the Air Force. If the blackout took place in the evening hours, before people had gone to bed, it might be useful, for it would be possible for the air-raid wardens to make a hurried tour of their sectors, most of which cover about 500 people, and to advise people as to the lights they were showing; but in 99 per cent. of cases, from midnight to four o'clock in the morning, when the blackout will take place, the houses will be in darkness because people will be in bed and the lights will be out. Therefore, a great deal of useful work that might have been done by wardens in a general blackout will not be possible. I hope that during the coming autumn there will be facilities for more practice under conditions of darkness.
  The question of recreation is of great importance. In the locality from which I come, the volunteers are having extraordinary success in forming social and recreational organisations. Unless such organisations can be built up, it will be difficult, if we should get a period of three or four months of lull in the international tension—as we all hope there will be—to hold together this great army of ours. On the other hand, that difficulty will be overcome if such social and recreational organisations are built up, as they have been in many places, where they have given a feeling of neighbourliness and brotherhood which is making this the most remarkable voluntary army that has ever existed in the history of the world. There are in this army people from the age of 16 right up to old age pensioners, and within that range of ages we are getting together a social organisation in which there is a fine spirit of neighbourliness and brotherhood.
  There are two other suggestions that I wish to make. First, as an ex-service man, I have been worried about the position of disabled ex-service men, who are still bedridden, in some of the vulnerable areas. The effect of an outbreak of war would be terrible upon people who are invalids, but it would be even more terrible upon the victims of the last War, for it would bring the last War back to their memories. The other day I asked

  2259
  the Minister of Pensions whether anything was being done to meet the case of badly disabled ex-service men who are living in vulnerable areas, and most of whom are bedridden and badly crippled, and whether arrangements were being made for them to be evacuated. The Minister referred me to the general scheme which the Minister of Health has in hand. I suggest that the Lord Privy Seal should ask the British Legion, which has branches all over the country, to take on this little task, to take a census —I am sure that the Ministry of Pensions would give them the names—of the disabled ex-service men living in each district and to arrange for the British Legion's branch in that district to accept responsibility for seeing to the safety of these men and sending them to safe areas. I am sure that if such a suggestion were made to the British Legion, they would welcome it, and I am sure that the members of the British Legion's branches would be delighted to have the opportunity of doing that.
  Secondly, I want to ask the Lord Privy Seal to give further attention to overground shelters. In a number of areas— and the Lord Privy Seal knows of one area of which I am thinking—there are large stretches of country that are waterlogged. In the area of which I am thinking, it is no good telling us to build deep shelters 60 feet underground, because during eight months of the year we strike water at two feet. Therefore, in such areas some other method must be found for making the population safe. I should like to have some further information from the Lord Privy Seal as to the possibilities of providing blast and splinter-proof shelters that could be built overground. In my district, nearly a year and a half ago, we had a circular asking us to take steps to find, every 250 yards along the main roads of the borough, emergency accommodation for people who might be caught out in an air raid. We have not been able to do that yet. We cannot find any underground accommodation in such an area, and it seems to me that the only way of meeting the problem is to have some type of overground shelter—whether it be concrete or sandbags, I do not mind, but something of that nature.
  In my remarks, I have tried not to make any criticisms, not because there are
  2260
  none, for indeed there are plenty that could be made, but because it seems to me that criticism does not help at the moment. We are all trying to improve the scheme, and I am glad that so far the Debate has followed the excellent example of the Debates on the Civil Defence Bill, which represented a united effort on the part of all of us to try to secure a good defence for our people.
  6.12 p.m.
  Mr. Simmonds: I listened with very great interest to the speech of the hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede), and I thought he did rather less than justice to the great efforts which my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal has made since he has been in office. The hon. Member for South Shields referred to the fact that in a newspaper article at the time of my right hon. Friend's appointment, it was stated that my right hon. Friend would need all the courage he could bring to bear on this problem. Although I have criticised some of the actions of my right hon. Friend, both in the House and in personal discussions with him, I submit that he has brought a great measure of moral courage to this problem. In support of that, I will cite two points. I believe it can be said that a Minister is doing passing well when the conclusions to which he comes are in advance of public opinion when he announces them, but are subsequently accepted by public opinion as being correct. In two major cases that has happened. My right hon. Friend had the distinction of being the chairman of the Anderson Committee, which investigated evacuation. By all the canons and principles of Civil Defence, that report was in advance of its time, but it is now recognised almost as the handbook on evacuation.
  Secondly, there was the case of the small shelter which carries his name. It may be that the Anderson shelter cannot be used everywhere and in all situations, but it was a major attempt to solve the problem of defending the householder at home. Therefore, I feel that, although we criticise my right hon. Friend on details, we ought to appreciate that he has raised this problem from a slough of misunderstanding, lack of foresight and lack of general policy, and has created something which has just been typified by

  2261
  the hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. C. Morrison) as a great army of voluntary workers imbued with the right British spirit. I feel that the House would rather accept the view which I take of this matter than that indicated by the hon. Member opposite. We are apt to go over the same technical ground, again and again, in connection with this problem, without turning back to examine the decisions made by the Government themselves and by committees which the Government have appointed. I propose to devote myself this evening almost entirely to the question of shelters, and I would refer, in the first place, to the distinguished committee which was appointed by my right hon. Friend under the chairmanship of Lord Hailey to consider this problem. I quote two sentences from their report in relation to dispersed shelters. Paragraph 46 of the report says:
  "A substantial advance towards the general provision of such protection can be secured by the use of (1) the householder's own shelter, i.e., a separate unit to be erected on or near the premises, whether in steel or concrete, and (ii) existing house basements, strutted where necessary to withstand the fall of debris."
  With regard to the first type of shelter, hon. Members know that great progress has been made. In fact, it would now appear that manufacture has been so effective that a large number of shelters are being delivered to people who cannot yet see their importance. But on the second method, namely the strutting of basements, we would like to have some more information. I hear that the official method of strutting while it may be excellent technically is not as practicable as it might be. I would like to know whether this strutting of basements is now in practical use on a large scale. Are local authorities using this standardised strutting in order to give a certain degree of immunity in their areas? With regard to the problem of domestic shelters, as has been said the rub comes in the cases where householders are not able to erect shelters on their own premises. The Hailey Committee saw this clearly. In paragraph 49 of the report they say:
  "We consider it therefore to be of paramount importance that alternative methods suited for application to such areas should be devised, and that no time should be lost in putting them into operation."
  2262
  It is with regard to that aspect of the problem that I feel least happy. There are large, congested and highly vulnerable areas in which, on account of the smallness of the backyards, it is impossible to erect shelters of the Anderson type. The only solution in those cases seems to be either wholesale evacuation from those areas, or some form of communal shelters which would, I think, give a higher degree of perfection than the Anderson shelter against splinters and blast. It may be that the concrete type of shelter, with which my hon. Friend the Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) dealt, is some solution of the. problem, but I thought that my hon. Friend rather spoiled his observations by suggesting that it would be sufficient to store these concrete shelters. I believe that the essence of the problem of protecting the people is to get everything done now. It is no use waiting and hoping that you will be able to get competent staff to erect shelters, once the emergency is upon us.
  Perhaps I might refer at this point to one aspect of the problem to which I think the Lord Privy Seal has given a great deal of thought unknown to the House. The hon. Member for North Tottenham referred to this local problem of providing underground shelters in areas where the water level is just below the ground. As an instance of the wide co-operation which my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal has brought about with all shades of engineering opinion in this country, I may be allowed to mention this fact. Some time ago I happened to be able to tell him of the work of the Air-Raid Precautions Institute, of which I have the honour to be president. It is a technical body dealing with these problems. My right hon. Friend suggested that a competition which the institute was then launching, should be specifically for designs for the type of shelter to which the last speaker referred. As a result, 120 designs were received from all parts of the British Isles. One design was awarded a prize and four others were highly commended by the assessors. Thus, right now, my right hon. Friend has five designs which could be utilised. That shows the wide ramifications of the technical problems of Civil Defence. I believe that many of these problems are still unsolved, but that instance shows how my right hon. Friend

  2263
  and the Home Office, which is greatly strengthened in its technical personnel in these days, are doing their best to meet the diverse circumstances of the cases which may arise. Another problem which causes me some disquiet is that of providing more highly protected shelters for key services. When my right hon. Friend announced the Government's shelter policy on 20th April, he said:
  "Third, there is a case for providing heavily protected shelter for certain key points and certain vital services …In particular, it will rest with the Government to indicate, through the appropriate Departments, in what cases more heavily protected shelter is considered desirable in the interests of all concerned. This will present a difficult problem of selection, but it is hoped that by proceeding first with the most obvious and urgent cases a solution representing a fair balance of considerations will be worked out."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 20th April, 1939; col. 474, Vol. 346.]
  I would like to know what has been done as a result of that indication of policy. I must admit, from what I have seen of shelter protection throughout the country, that the protection of the central Government's departmental staffs in the Metropolis has been done in a thorough and excellent manner. Indeed, after seeing similar protection for Government staffs in Berlin and Paris, I would say that with the exception of the shelters beneath the German Air Ministry building, we have done this work much better than either the German or the French Governments. The success of the operation of Civil Defence, however, depends on the local authorities and the hospitals and I have yet to hear from any local authorities that the Government have fallen in readily or in full measure with schemes. put forward by local authorities for the underground protection of their Civil Defence staffs. Take the question of control posts for example. Can my right hon. Friend tell the House that he has been able to approve of any considerable number of schemes put forward by local authorities for the protection of control posts in underground rooms.
  Again, the question of hospitals and first-aid posts has been mentioned. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Health has indicated the measure of possible casualties by the figure of 300,000 a week. To deal with those casualties we must have a certain proportion of well-protected if not highly-protected operating theatres and wards. It has been sug-
  2264
  gested that now that there is a committee representing the heads of the hospitals and the Ministry of Health all is well, but I have received a number of very strong representations from doctors who will be called upon to work in these first-aid posts and hospitals in time of war, in which they suggest their dismay at the lack of protection for this work. I hope my right hon. Friend will be able to indicate that some radical step forward is being taken in this direction. We are far behind Paris in this respect. There they have 30 underground hospitals with a good degree of protection. These have been visited by a number of hon. Members from both sides of the House and I think it will be agreed that they give the doctors a real chance of fulfilling their duty in an air bombardment.
  There is also the question of the type of building used for our present hospitals. The new Westminster Hospital, a steel frame structure, is admirable, but I wonder whether hon. Members realise that four of the main hospitals in the Metropolis are of that type of construction which, in Barcelona, was shown to be hopeless in relation to modern bombing. That is the type of building in which the floors simply rest on the outside walls. If a wall is blown in or out all the floors come down like a house of cards. I saw that kind of collapse in street after street in Barcelona, and, frankly, I fear the worst from the type of construction of some of the older hospitals. Surely it would be better if there are not sufficient new hospitals, to transfer those hospitals to modern steel frame commercial buildings. Although there might not be surgeries available there, those buildings could quickly be adapted and I understand they would give more satisfaction to the medical profession.
  I would also ask my right hon. Friend whether he can now say that the Minister of Health has agreed to provide something better than splinter-proof protection for the operating theatres at the great hospitals in the Metropolis. This need not take very long, but it would mean that the medical staffs could approach their problems with a great deal more courage and satisfaction. I have constantly heard my right hon. Friend refer to a thought which is introduced frequently in the report of the Hailey Committee particularly in paragraph 4 where they say:

  2265
  " It is of the first importance that the Government in determining its shelter policy should not contemplate a measure of protection for any one area if it cannot ensure that it will be fully extended to all other areas similarly circumstanced."
  That, surely, is wisdom. We cannot have an outrageous preference for one area as against another. But in discussing this subject with a large number of people in the country who have responsibilities in regard to the shelter problem, I have come to the conclusion that that dictum by the Hailey Committee has been gravely misinterpreted and has come to be regarded as a justification for wholesale inaction. I do not believe that it was the idea of the Hailey Committee that there should be no highly protected shelters, but they did want to ensure that before a vast scheme was embarked upon, there should be a fair consideration of the volume of expenditure that would need to be undertaken in order that unfair preferences should not arise. Can my right hon. Friend say that this question of highly protected shelters is not resting where it was on account of that dictum of the Hailey Conference? Can he assure us that he has approved certain highly protected shelters and that others are being put forward by the local authorities and are receiving now his consideration?
  I believe that we have set up in this country, in connection with Civil Defence, a vast popular structure, and that if it is nursed properly, it can be a thoroughly efficient force, but there are certain changes which it would seem desirable to effect, and the one which I hear is troubling most those in command of Civil Defence in the country is the uncertainty of the ultimate responsibility, the ultimate command, in time of war. The chief wardens seem uncertain whether they in their particular areas will be under the military, the police, or some civil officer. Could my right hon. Friend clarify this position beyond doubt? I know that he has his regional commanders, but that is not the local issue. They want to know in the various townships to whom the Civil Defence organisation will be responsible.
  Compared with last September, enormous strides forward have been made, and I believe that if we should have trouble in the early future, the casualties might possibly be one-half or one-quarter what they would have been a year ago.
  2266
  I believe, from all that I have seen, both in France and in Germany, that although there are serious gaps, some of which I have indicated, we have on the whole the most efficient Civil Defence organisation in Europe, and I think that in that respect, while we may all do what we can to urge my right hon. Friend forward in parts where we think, possibly from lack of information or lack of funds or for other reasons, he may not be stepping forward sufficiently quickly, we owe him a very great meet of gratitude for all that he has done in this most important sphere.
  6.34 p.m.
  Dr. Haden Guest: The hon. Member for Duddeston (Mr. Simmonds) has covered a certain amount of ground connected with hospitals with which I had intended to deal, but for doing which I am grateful to him as it will shorten my statement. I will, therefore, address myself to one or two points, with this preface. I feel obliged to make certain criticisms, but before doing so I must point out that they are intended to make the service work better. I believe that in any case, if war breaks out at an early date, the Civil Defence services which we have in this country will work and work well, even under present conditions. There are nevertheless many improvements which may be made and which ought to be made. In fact, the reason why I rise is to make certain suggestions to that end.
  With regard to hospitals and medical services, I was rather amazed to hear one hon. Member say this evening that all the doctors were completely satisfied because every doctor knew exactly what he had to do. I wish that that were true, but unfortunately it is not true. My profession is a very disciplined profession, and 96 per cent. of them are on the register of the British Medical Association and are ready to be sent anywhere or to do anything, according to their different capacities, but unfortunately the doctors do not get to know exactly what to do, and that applies in connection with the hospitals. The London area, with which I propose to deal without any apology, as I represent a London constituency, is divided up into certain regions, each being commanded by a gentleman appointed from the teach-

  2267
  ing staff of one of the great voluntary hospitals. I am not criticising or quarreling with that arrangement. I believe that it will be possible to make it work in very well indeed with the municipal hospital organisation, but what I am concerned with is making that organisation work in itself. In order that I might have my information quite up to date, I got into telephonic communication this morning with a friend of mine who is concerned in the direction of one hospital in one of the sectors, not nearest to London, but a few miles out, and the situation there is this: I quote it, not because it is exceptional, but because it is typical, of the difficulties in which the hospital organisation finds itself and which I hope the Minister of Health, who I understand will reply on this point, will be able to help.
  This particular hospital, which will, under war conditions, have 120 beds— it is a small item, of course, but important—has no means of protection for its operating theatre, or for the hospital itself, and it does not know how to get that protection paid for if it orders the necessary materials. It is a hospital run entirely on a voluntary basis, and it is entirely self-supporting. It has no overdraft, and the small overdraft which would be necessary in order to meet the cost of its essential defence would run to what, from the Minister's point of view, is only a trifle, a mere £3,000, but is still a large sum from the point of view of the committee of the hospital. The gentleman who is in charge of that sector has no authority apparently to authorise the expenditure, and they do not know to whom to apply. The Minister would know very well the names of the people about whom I am speaking if I gave him them, which I would be ready to do privately, though it might be embarrassing to do so publicly. They do not know how to get authorisation for the expenditure, and, therefore, they do not know how to make their arrangements. That is an example of what the hon. Member for Duddeston alluded to just now when he spoke of the difficulty with regard to the chain of command. They do not really know where the authority lies. I hope the Minister will be able to tell us where the authority lies in the hospital sectors, so that they can authorise payments for absolutely necessary expenses,
  2268
  and how that can be done quickly and without too much red tape, as it is essential that it should be done.
  Then there is another matter with regard to medical services that I want to raise, and that is with regard to what are sometimes called first-aid parties and sometimes stretcher parties. I have in my hand a copy of the agenda of the borough council of Islington, dated 21st July, and I find in it, under the Air-Raid Precautions Sections, one devoted to the training and organisation of stretcher parties. I will read one paragraph, because I wish to ask the Minister questions upon it. The paragraph is to this effect:
  "It is proposed to appoint a full-time medical officer to the staff of the chief administrative officer of the London Civil Defence Region, who will be charged with the duty of inspecting and co-ordinating the training of stretcher parties throughout the region on the lines laid down in A.R.P. Handbook No. 10, shortly to be issued, and under his general supervision the St. John Ambulance Brigade will accept definite responsibility throughout the County of London for the organisation of combined training."
  The importance of that paragraph is that it applies not only in the area of the Islington Borough Council, but to the whole of the area of London and of Greater London, and the first-aid parties, the stretcher parties, are those men who will actually go to the scene of a raid, who will pick up the casualties, who will in all probability decide to which place the casualties are to be sent, and who will have, of course, extremely important functions because of that. The success of the casualty collecting organisation will largely depend on the success of the training and the efficiency of the preliminary exercises that these first-aid parties undergo before an emergency arises. This paragraph talks of "Handbook No. 10, shortly to be issued." I want to ask the Minister a perfectly plain question as to whether that handbook is to be issued or whether it is not to be issued, because there is a doubt about it, as he knows. The doubt about it is the more important for the reason that there is in the Cromwell Road a training school for first-aid parties, and the training at that school. which is the basis of the training of a very considerable number of first-aid workers in the country, is based on the teaching which is contained in that Handbook No. 10, still in a condition of page proofs and still not yet published.

  2269
  What is to be done with that particular handbook? This is one of the kind of difficulties and delays to which I think criticism is justifiably directed, because if this handbook is not eventually to be issued, is the scheme of training to be all altered, and, if so, will that not create, I will not say complete chaos, but a very great dislocation in the organisation of first-aid parties? It seems to me that that is a vital question, which ought to be settled at the very earliest possible moment. I hope it will be. I hope the Minister will be able to reassure those who are particularly interested in this matter, and that we can get this clear, because on the efficiency of the first-aid parties or stretcher bearer organisation depends, in the first instance, the efficiency of the casualty collection.
  Now I turn to a question which I regard as one of primary importance, one which the right hon. Gentleman also regards as of great importance, the question, namely, of evacuation. Everyone in this House, I presume, like every other citizen in this country, has recently received a little two-page leaflet setting out the situation with regard to the Government's policy for evacuation, and it is an admirably phrased and excellently clear statement. I have no quarrel with it so far as it goes, but it goes only to the extent of dealing with children and with certain priority classes. It does not deal with a number of other persons who, I submit, ought to be dealt with, and in view of the fact that the hon. Member for Duddeston referred in terms of appreciation to the report of the Committee on Evacuation, I hope he will not be bored or fatigued by listening to some extracts from that report, which, I propose to remind the House, embody a policy which has not yet been implemented by the Government. Let me read the preliminary part. After an introduction and general survey referring to the possible outbreak of war the report says, speaking of evacuation:
  "Whatever the Government's plans it is to be anticipated that there would be an exodus, on a scale which cannot accurately be foreseen, from any area which has been subjected to repeated attack."
  It goes on:
  "If large numbers of persons are determined to leave a district it does not seem to be practicable, even if it were desirable, to prevent them from doing so."
  2270
  Among the signatures appended to that document is that of the right hon. Gentleman, as the Chairman, with those others of us who were members of that committee. I put it to the Minister that that reference implies a broader policy with regard to evacuation than anything which has been put forward lately by the Government. There is another sentence to which I would like to direct the right hon. Gentleman's attention:
  "Limited areas might have to be completely evacuated, for military reasons or on such grounds as the risk of flooding."
  I put it to the House that the Government's policy on evacuation, excellent as it is with regard to children and the other priority classes to whom it applies, has not been worked out in that detail which I think we should all desire to see for the other classes of the population whom it will be, I believe, necessary to evacuate, or, in the alternative, to provide means by which they can evacuate themselves without that evacuation becoming a panic rout. I am giving that opinion in terms which I think the wording of the report justifies me in using. In this report it is contemplated that there might be difficulties with regard to evacuation and that it will be necessary to give advice to secure an ordered evacuation. It says:
  "If advice were given in clear and precise terms it would have a powerful effect in securing an ordered evacuation "
  —that is with regard to the voluntary movement of a population evacuating themselves. I suggest that that is a gap in the present arrangements for evacuation. Those clear and precise directions for evacuation have not been given, and I believe they should be given, and for the reasons stated in another sentence in the report:
  "Panic will be allayed if it is known that the Government has worked out plans and is ready to put them into operation, and the character of any large-scale exodus from the towns will be moulded by the arrangements made for employing the available transport and other facilities."
  That goes a great deal beyond the Government's present plans for the evacuation of children and other priority classes, and I think it is right that it should do so. In this report it was clearly conceived that there would have to be evacuated not only children and the priority classes but a considerable

  2271
  proportion of the ordinary industrial population engaged in occupations which were not regarded as necessary in time of war. In fact, the Ministry of Labour, at the request of this committee, undertook an inquiry as to what people could be evacuated in time of war and who were necessary. In a paragraph it is stated:
  "We were informed by the Ministry of Labour that 62 per cent. of London workers are engaged in industry groups which would be particularly important in wartime for production, commerce and government."
  That implies, of course, that the remaining percentage are employed in occupations which are not particularly important and are people who could be evacuated. In fact, it says definitely, under the heading "Scope of transference":
  "It is nevertheless clear that a proportion of the population of industrial areas could be transferred from them without serious detriment to national efficiency, a percentage of the employed population composed of varying proportions in the different industries could also be spared, and while many housewives would remain to provide for the needs of the working population a considerable proportion of women in London need not stay."
  I quote these things because I believe that it is essential that the Government should have a policy of evacuation not only for children and priority classes now being dealt with, but for these other classes—industrial workers who can be spared, women who do not need to remain in order to look after the industrial workers but are remaining, and a special class of those who are living in particularly vulnerable areas who, for military reasons alone, will have to be, in my submission, evacuated even compulsorily if they do not themselves desire to go. I put that forward not only from the standpoint of humanitarianism but also from the standpoint of administrative common sense. If we take the London river area, with its 2,000,000 population scattered in close proximity to the river, large numbers of warehouses, docks and places where people are working constantly, we have an area which is almost bound to be attacked and in which the casualties, if it were attacked, would be very great. It is an area in which it is difficult in many places, such as the Isle of Dogs, to put up any shelters at all. It is a district from which a number of
  2272
  people, if they were counted in advance, could comparatively easily be sent away without detriment to the work which was being carried out there. But if we leave a large number of people who are not necessary in time of war in that area then we shall have a very much greater number of casualties than we need have, and we shall overburden the hospital accommodation. In fact, I venture to think that unless we evacuate from vulnerable areas of that character a large number of people who are not urgently required in time of war there will be such a burden put upon the hospital organisation that we shall not, in fact, be able to deal with it.
  This is not a matter which can be left, and it does not of course apply only to London. I have a little document, published by the Stationery Office, called "Civil Defence Bill. Provisional List of Areas to which Part III is proposed to be applied." It is a list of areas in the country in which it is necessary that there should be shelters provided for workpeople in factories, mines and commercial buildings. Any area which it is necessary to put in Part III of the Bill, which is an area where the workpeople in factories, mines and commercial buildings need to have shelter provided for them. is an area from which all those who are surplus to industrial production, from the standpoint of war, should be, if it be possible, evacuated. I venture to think that although it may be difficult to arrange it is not impossible to arrange, and a plan should be made now. because it is no use waiting until an emergency is upon us for what one might call a second wave of evacuation.
  Arrangements should be made for billets, it may be for billets of a kind which would not be suitable for children. As was pointed out by the hon. Member who opened the Debate, in many areas there are not water supplies, sanitary appliances and so forth, and arrangements should be made to see that accommodation can be obtained for this second wave of evacuation, that billets are obtained and that there is available food stored in the area, and water supplies and emergency sanitary arrangements. Those areas ought to be selected now, even if it is only provisionally. I do not even suggest that the information should necessarily be made public at the present time, but the areas ought to be selected and

  2273
  the preliminary preparations made. Then, I venture to suggest that just as the right hon. Gentleman has published his list of areas which are in Part III of the Civil Defence Bill he should, if not publish, at least decide upon, those areas in the country which, because of the likelihood of intensified attack, ought to be compulsorily evacuated; some in London, some perhaps in the Birmingham or Sheffield or Glasgow areas—I am not going all over the country, because any gentleman who spends 2d. can get a copy of the document, which will give him a key to the understanding of what are the vulnerable areas.
  The two outstanding matters which I have asked about are, first, the hospital service and the first-aid and stretcher party service and, secondly, evacuation. As I said at the beginning, and will now reiterate, I feel confident that in any circumstances our Civil Defence services will function and function well. I took an opportunity a little time ago to go round the Civil Defence arrangement in Islington, and although there is much to be done the arrangements are undoubtedly being very well carried out, and I believe that that state of affairs is only typical of what is going on all over the country. If we do come into a war condition I see no reason why this country should needlessly sacrifice lives and needlessly get into confusion for the want of taking thought now and making arrangements now. We ought to clear up the difficulties to which I have drawn attention in connection with hospitals and first-aid services, and I do think—and I venture to regard this as perhaps the most important aspect of the matter—that we should make preparations to enable us to take into the country areas the second wave of evacuation with which I am sure we shall have to deal.
  6.58 p.m.
  Mr. Elliots: It might be courteous if I were to deal now with one or two of the problems more particularly related to the Department for which I am responsible, leaving the Lord Privy Seal to deal with general problems when he winds up at the conclusion of the Debate. This, I think, is the more desirable since the problems of evacuation and hospitals have formed a considerable proportion of the Debate up till now. I hope to be short, but it is difficult to confine one's remarks upon this subject, because it is novel, it is important and it requires detailed and docu-
  2274
  mentary references. If I over-step any limits of time I trust the House will be merciful and considerate towards me. The hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) spoke more particularly of the evacuation side, although he also mentioned the hospitals, and said that his right hon. Friend the Member for South Hackney (Mr. H. Morrison) had asked him to raise certain specific points as regards the London municipal hospitals and their relation to the general scheme. Let me refer with a sympathy which we all must share to the temporary indisposition which has caused the absence of the right hon. Gentleman from our debates this afternoon. We trust that he will soon be restored to complete health. Like the hon. Member for South Shields I must eschew all the graces, and merely work down the columns of what I have to answer, and I am afraid that my answers may be rather like those of the old Scottish lady who, on being asked, for her opinion of Johnson's Dictionary, said, "It's verra interestin' but verra disconnected."
  As to camps, the hon. Member asked whether any sites had been purchased. The answer is "Yes." Then he asked whether any work had begun. Again the answer is "Yes." Work has started or is about to begin at 12 camps. Then he asked when the first camps would be ready. It will take about three months to build them, and therefore we expect the first camps to be ready in three months from now. The contracts for the woodwork of 32 camps have been let, and we expect the whole of these camps to be finished by the end of this year. The figures for Scotland are along the same lines. I think he also asked, on the question of evacuation in general, whether we were taking pains to be sure that the accommodation which would be available for the evacuees would be adequate, and were we satisfied as to the provision of the essential sanitary services of water and sewerage? In regard to that I understand that he was also putting a point which he had been asked to put by the great associations of local authorities. The general attitude of the House and indeed of the country towards this matter was also brought out in a very charming speech by the Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. C. Morrison). I think it is an indication of the non-party attitude adopted towards this question that two such spokesmen have been chosen to put

  2275
  forward the views of the County Councils Association.
  The hon. Member spoke of two towns, Congleton and Macclesfield, to which evacuees were about to be sent, and pointed out that both those towns indicated that they were seeking powers to supplement their present water supply. I think he will agree, on reflection, that a town which quite properly seeks to supplement its present water supply is still a town to which, in the stress of an emergency, evacuees might very properly be sent. For, after all, we know that the consumption of water does not rise proportionately to the increase of the population of a town—[Hon. Members: "What about Scotland?"] Scotland consumes more water per head than any other country and there is no country of which it can more truly be said that its national drink is water. We have experience in conditions of temporary congestion, such as seaside resorts at the height of the season, of the number of inhabitants going up by as much as 100 per cent. But even then the increase in the consumption of water is often not more than 33 per cent. No doubt towns have to be sparing with the water supply, and not use it extravagantly, while a large number of persons have been added to the population. But I would stress that it is not possible to billet the enormous number of persons covered by the Government's evacuation scheme in areas all of which will have full and complete water supplies and a full system of water-borne sewage.
  The hon. Gentleman the Member for Islington, North (Dr. Guest) spoke of the great desirability of using all the accommodation we have got. To refuse to use a place because the industrial water supply was not complete, or because in a village a well was used for water supply, would be unjustifiable. You might easily find that you were exposing those persons, by not removing them, to a far greater danger than if they were moved to a place where they had to be careful of the water supply, and where they had to use water with the same sparingness that we are all accustomed to when there are temporary shortages in the towns where we may happen to be. We are, of course, making the very closest examination, and taking the most careful steps, to ensure that, as far as possible, no
  2276
  undue strain shall be placed upon areas where the water supply is notably deficient. We are working in the closest cooperation with the water experts of the local authorities. Moreover, we are working through our own water and sewage division at the Ministry. In that division we have 29 expert engineering inspectors who know intimately the condition of the water supply of the whole country. They satisfy themselves as to the water supplies of the areas into which it is proposed to evacuate persons. They are willing at all times to confer with the local authorities. If the local authorities can show that what they consider an undue strain is being placed upon their water supplies, special attention is given to them. The hon. Member mentioned the case of Taunton. If Taunton can show, as they may be able to show from the figures mentioned by the hon. Member, that they have been asked to take too many people, we shall do our best to reduce that number and to ensure that there is no danger to health.
  Mr. Ede: There is the second point that water supplies are long overdue in some areas which might be brought up to date.
  Mr. Elliot: There is that point. But we are near the adjournment for the holidays, and we are anxious to know what the position would be if an emergency should break out while the House is in recess. I am trying to indicate the steps that we are taking to deal with that, and the hon. Gentleman will agree that these long distance measures could not be brought into operation before the end of the summer.
  The hon. Member also referred to the case of sewage and the difficulties which town-bred boys find in anything except the use of a water-borne sewage system with the four-gallon flush to which they have become accustomed. But these are difficulties of which we have all had some experience ourselves, in going camping, for instance. You cannot rule out great areas of the country as unsuitable to be receiving areas simply on that account. This is the sort of thing to which people going camping have to pay attention, and I think that the town-bred boy will adapt himself as we have all adapted ourselves to the changed conditions of the countryside.

  2277
  The hon. Member said something on the problem of billeting accommodation. He suggested, if I heard him correctly, that a survey was at present in progress. I am anxious not to allow the impression to go out that the enormous and complicated billeting survey which we have already made is about to be cast into the melting pot and that a fresh survey is to be undertaken. Nothing alarms the reception authorities more than the fear of a complete, new, overhaul of the system. It is quite true that in certain areas we have been able to add to the areas which are to be evacuated—I answered a question in the House not long ago on that point—and that a certain reshuffle is taking place under Plan 3. But Plan 3 is merely Plan 2 revised and brought up to date. We asked local authorities in our circular 1841, to which reference has been made, to ascertain as far as possible what new arrangements had been made within their areas by private individuals, and to what extent private individuals would wish accommodation for friends or close relatives to be reserved in the general schemes.
  Mr. Ede: Is not the phrase "relatives and close friends"?
  Mr. Elliot: I beg the hon. Member's pardon. He is quite right. It is relatives and close friends. The point I wanted to make is that we have told each area how many persons are to be received in that area. The local authorities know that the responsibility rests upon them to find accommodation for a specified number of persons in their areas. In the event they will rely, and rightly rely, on the powers, compulsory if necessary, with which this House has invested the Minister, and, through the Minister, the billeting officers who will in practice give effect to these arrangements. I am sure the hon. Member does not suggest that we should beforehand demand that nobody should take persons into their houses. We must deal with that situation as and when the emergency arises. It would clearly be very unjust, and, indeed, practically impossible, to hold accommodation vacant from now until the end of the year. I am sure he would agree that the whole situation must depend upon the tact and discretion of the billeting officer, backed, as he would be, by the powers which this House has given, and relying on the good will
  2278
  of the population and the householders in the reception areas. We have successfully relied upon their good will before. I am sure that we can rely upon their continued good will if an emergency should come.
  I hope that that deals with the point which the hon. Member made, because I am anxious not to delay the House but to get on to the next question. He asked me about hospitals, and this point was also touched upon by the hon. Member for Islington, North. He wished to have some sort of progress report upon the possible accommodation available now and likely to be available in the near future. In the first place the 100,000 beds upon which we are counting for the first wave of casualties are ready now. These are the 100,000 which would be made available by the sending home of patients who are fit to go. People are occupying those beds now, but they would be fully available if the emergency arose. The buildings are there, the beds are there, the staff are there, and the equipment is there.
  The second wave of casualties would be accommodated in the second instalment of beds for which we are arranging. These second 100,000 are the beds which are being placed in existing institutions by what we call "crowding." Here again, the institutions are already there, and the problems of shelter and so on do not arise. It is just a question of the actual beds, bedding and equipment, and 50,000 of these beds are already in-the hospitals. The second 50,000 will be there in the hospitals by the end of this month.
  Mr. Johnston: Has the right hon. Gentleman the Scottish figures?
  Mr. Elliot: I am giving the figures for England and Wales. Parallel action has been taken in Scotland and I shall presently give figures in regard to the hutment hospitals in Scotland, because I think that that is the aspect of the Scottish problem in which the right hon. Gentleman is particularly interested. Those who are interested more particularly in this question of supplies—beds, and bedding and other equipment—will find a reference in the White Paper which-we put out, No. 6061, in paragraphs 47 to 53, with the actual details of the beds, beddings, drugs and so on which have been provided, or are shortly to be-provided.
  Mr. Boothby: Do the figures for Scotland roughly correspond to the figures which the right hon. Gentleman has given? Is there any great disparity?
  Mr. Elliot: No, in proportion there is no great disparity, save that Scotland, as we know, has been rather under-built and over-endowed while England is under-endowed and over-built. The consequence is that Scotland will have to rely more upon the provision of additional accommodation than will England and Wales. That problem is more important in Scotland than in England, and a larger proportion of the casualties will have to be accommodated in ad hoc buildings.
  Sir Percy Harris: Are the hospitals in the London areas to be used irrespective of location, even though they are right in the danger areas?
  Mr. Elliot: No, I was coming to that point. Under the sector scheme for London we shall cut down to a minimum the use of the institutions in the central areas—those at the hub of the wheel so to speak. The scheme provides for the transferring out to the institutions on the rim of the wheel, to the periphery, of a considerable number of patients who are now in the central hospitals. The hospitals at the hub will not be used to the fullest extent even if extreme urgency arises. Thus the great teaching hospitals in London will be reduced to the level of big casualty-clearing stations.
  Mr. Kirkwood: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that all the hospitals in Scotland are occupied at the moment? Is any provision being made to deal with that situation in case of emergency?
  Mr. Elliot: The same holds good for Scotland as for England. A very considerable number of beds will be made available by patients who are fit to go. That is the first point, and it holds good for all hospitals, both in Scotland and England. It is not a theoretical figure but is based on actual experience of the crisis last September, when we found that our theoretical calculations were very closely borne out in practice. The White Paper relating to emergency hospital accommodation says in paragraph 22 that the several institutions which are mentioned will actually provide accommodation for some 6,000 casualty beds in Scotland. The action taken in Scotland is parallel with that in England.
  Mr. Kirkwood: Is there any foundation for the statement made to us, as representatives of the people of Scotland, that they cannot at the moment accommodate people who are anxious to get into hospital, the ordinary cases?
  Mr. Elliot: I think it will be true to say that, so far as the voluntary hospitals are concerned, there is in Scotland a considerable waiting list. The hon. Member has mentioned the voluntary hospitals, which form only a percentage of the hospital beds of this country. You have to take into account all the hospitals, both municipal and voluntary.
  The same general statement holds good for England as for Scotland, that there is a considerable number of beds which can be made available at short notice, without endangering life and limb, by sending home people who are able to go. Hon. Members will realise that there is a very great difference in teaching hospitals, such as the Glasgow Royal Infirmary or the Edinburgh Royal Infirmary, where there is constant pressure for the beds and a long waiting list. On the other hand some of the larger institutions are not run at the same pressure, but will none the less be extremely useful if the whole hospital machine is unified and treated as a single unit, as it will be in time of war.
  I have said that we have a programme in England and Wales for hutment hospitals. That holds good equally for Scotland. By the end of September in England and Wales we hope to have huts completed with 1,760 beds; by the end of October with 7,160; by the end of November with 29,500 and by the end of the year with 35,000 beds. That is, if we can keep to the schedule. I hope very much that we shall be able to do so. We have at the present time arranged for 20 hutment hospitals for Scotland covering 7,000 beds. The Office of Works has authorised and is proceeding immediately with the provision of 6,250 beds and it is hoped to complete the whole programme of 7,000 beds by the end of the autumn. In Scotland there will in all be 10,000 new beds in hutments.
  It may be convenient at this point to deal completely with the question of nurses, which was raised by my hon. Friend the Member for East Aberdeen

  2281
  (Mr. Boothby). The position roughly is that we have 9,000 or 10,000 trained nurses enrolled and some 45,000 auxiliary nurses enrolled for training. My hon. Friend may have seen in Monday's newspapers a letter written by all the matrons of the great teaching hospitals in London on this subject, urging that all trained nurses not already under obligation should enrol themselves in the Civil Nursing Reserve as willing to "rejoin the Colours'' if war unfortunately should come upon us.
  The hon. Member for South Shields and the hon. Member for North Islington referred to the London position, which is undoubtedly different from that of the rest of the country. The mere size of this great aggregation of people, and the mosaic of local government units under which it is governed, makes it literally a unique problem. The method which we have sought to adopt to deal with it is boldly to make an ad hoc emergency scheme with administrative boundaries of its own, a scheme of 10 sectors—10 synthetic cities as it were—centred around Charing Cross. These sectors run as far as, and sometimes beyond, the boundaries of Greater London and into the neighbouring counties. The hon. Member for South Shields said that these lines cut across the existing administrative boundaries. That is true. But I say, in defence, that the mosaic of the boundaries of the existing local government units also cuts across all the conceivable transport lines which one might possibly adopt to get, say, a wounded man from Charing Cross to somewhere in the neighbourhood of Epsom Downs. We have boldly adopted sui generis this plan entirely on its own, and I think it is working out not unsuccessfully.
  The hon. Member said that if his right hon. Friend the Member for South Hackney had been here he would have commented on the position in two critical sectors, sectors 8 and 9. He said that in these sectors the emergency beds in the municipal hospitals numbered 24,000, whereas the number in voluntary hospitals was a mere 4,000. He complained that in these circumstances the management rested too much in the hands of officers of the voluntary hospitals as against the municipal hospitals, which obviously provided us with the larger measure of accommodation. That is so,
  2282
  but first of all the heads of the great teaching hospitals have a tremendous position of authority and technical preeminence in the profession. It is quite wrong to under-estimate the prestige factor which they give. Secondly, the very fact that they are—
  Mr. Ede: May I point out that those figures were not mentioned specially at the request of my right hon. Friend the Member for South Hackney (Mr. H. Morrison). I got them from my own knowledge of the particular problem involved.
  Mr. David Adams: Are not many municipal hospitals also teaching hospitals?
  Mr. Elliot: The leading teaching hospitals are the great voluntary hospitals situated near the hub of the wheel. The provincial problem is quite different. Let us say, since I come from the North of the Tweed, that in the non-London area of the British Isles, the position is quite different, because there is not that mosaic of administrative areas. The problem in Newcastle, Glasgow, Birmingham, and Bristol is quite different from what it is in London, where you have all the London boundaries continually cutting across your normal lines of transport and over-spilling into the surrounding counties. The administrative problem is simplified by the fact that the deans of the great teaching hospitals are not themselves in administrative units and, therefore, should find it very easy to co-operate with the various authorities concerned. The difficulties of putting the London County Council over all the other units should not be under-estimated, particularly when it comes to the adjoining counties. The London County Council is naturally regarded with a certain amount of apprehension in the neighbouring counties. The very size of it makes that almost inevitable. I very much hope that the experiment which we have tried to make of drawing the executive officers from the voluntary hospitals rather than from any of the single administrative units will be a success. It is working out that way. Certainly those of my representatives who have been round say that nothing can exceed the helpfulness, comradeship and desire of the local authorities, both elected representatives and technical

  2283
  staffs, to co-operate in this admittedly novel scheme.
  Mr. Silkin: The right hon. Gentleman is rightly apprehensive about the position of the voluntary hospitals, but he surely recognises that the case of the L.C.C. is very important.
  Mr. Elliot: I was speaking of the apprehension not of the voluntary hospitals but of the other administrative units, either county council or borough council, who have also to be considered. I do not under-estimate the importance of the London County Council, and in a moment I am coming to the administrative procedure which I have adopted to make sure that that very important body is not left out of account when this plan is being considered. I was drawing attention, not to the apprehension of the voluntary hospitals, but to that of other administrative bodies whose co-operation is vital in this matter. I agree that a scheme for London without the London County Council would not be a scheme at all. Therefore, on the body which we set up, after conference with the chairmen of the voluntary hospitals, to work over the plans—it was coming into being even before that time—we had a representative of the London County Council. We invited either Sir George Gater himself or any deputy he chose to send to attend as a member of the committee, and Sir Frederick Menzies, the chief medical administrator of the whole of the London County Council, is a member of that central committee. I think that that will ensure that there will be no danger of the London County Council being neglected, or of any arrangements being come to which would run counter to the very proper desire that that great municipal authority shall not be overridden or overlooked in working out the scheme.
  The hon. Member for North Islington said that that was all very well as regards the scheme as a whole, but what about the individual hospitals; and he gave an example of one individual hospital which has no protection for its operating theatre or for the hospital itself, does not know how it is to get it, and is anxious to know how it shall be brought about. We did our best to draw attention to the solution of that problem in our Memorandum No. 1 on the Emergency Medical Services,
  2284
  in paragraph 4 of which it is stated that the hospital authorities responsible for institutions in an area likely to be attacked should consider what protective measures are required, and should then, if it is considered that the case is one for Government assistance, submit their proposals to the appropriate Department, together with an estimate of the expenditure involved in the various items. That is the answer to the problem which the hon. Member put to me. The hospital should make application to my Department forthwith. I will undertake that, if it does, the application will be considered within a very short time, and I should hope that an agreement completely satisfactory to the hospital will be arrived at. I have already agreed as to the financial terms of such an arrangement. Every penny in excess of £1 a bed will be carried by the Government, and not by the hospital, so that any approved expenditure in excess of £120 for this 120-bed hospital would be carried by the Government. On that basis I think we should be able to come to a satisfactory arrangement without undue delay. The hon. Member also spoke about the Stretcher Parties Handbook of Instruction, A.R.P. No. 10. That has been held up owing to certain professional differences, but those differences have now been composed, and we shall get the book out as quickly as possible. It is not merely a case of actual delay, but a clash of opinion with doctors, and that is always very difficult to resolve.
  The last point that the hon. Member mentioned was with regard to evacuation. He stressed particularly the fact that the Anderson Report, to which he referred partly, and quite rightly, with the pride of an author, and which is a document to which we should pay the highest respect, mentioned one-third as the figure at which we should aim for evacuation, and said that, even so, it was probable that accommodation would be the limiting factor. The hon. Member drew attention to the accommodation factor in his own speech on 24th May. With the provision for 3,000,000 mothers and others and school children, and with the provision for 1,000,000 self-evacuated, from a total population of 11,000,000 in the evacuated areas, we have already reached, even with a little discount, the figure of one-third to which the Anderson Report made reference. But, said the

  2285
  hon. Member, that is not enough, because you have also to deal with the fact that you may find a wave of people passing out of heavily bombed areas as actual refugees. That consideration has not been left out of account; the officials are now giving very close attention to that problem of possible refugees, as against evacuees moving out under the planned and ordered arrangements for which these schemes provide. We are working at schemes, in conjunction with the local authorities, whereby food and shelter will be provided for those persons. We are taking as a basis the public assistance committees, and we are making arrangements by which any substantial additional expense incurred as the result of such a wave of refugees will be carried by the central authority. I do not think it is desirable to go into that question further at present, but I am sure the hon. Member will be relieved to know that that problem also is under active examination, and that skeleton plans already exist which would be workable even if the crisis were to come to-morrow.
  He also mentioned that we should have a policy for the non-essential workers. There would, however, be difficulty in having more than the existing planned schemes of evacuation, which have already reached the limits of accommodation and transport. We have reached a point where the conflict of the claims of various evacuees is becoming a serious problem. We already have complaints from various towns and areas that the danger which children and others will incur if they are sent to such areas will be greater than that which they would incur by staying at home. These facts, which I encounter every day, make me chary of promising any considerable addition to the lists of those to be evacuated under planned and ordered schemes at the commencement of hostilities. I shall keep the point in mind, and, if possible, we shall add to the lists, but already we are coming across limits which are not easy to overpass—limits of accommodation and transport, and so on, which could not be got rid of however great an effort the country was willing to make.
  Mr. Gordon Macdonald: I put a question to the right hon. Gentleman's Department last week on this issue. We have in South-West Lancashire areas which were heavily bombed in the last War, but
  2286
  which to-day are scheduled as billeting and receiving areas. We thought that, as they suffered severely in the last War, they should not be considered as proper areas for receiving evacuees in any future war.
  Mr, Elliot: The hon. Member makes a point which is made to me many times a week from various areas in the country, which, either because they suffered in the last War or for some special reason, feel that they are highly vulnerable. But areas where you have a population concentration of 80,000 to the square mile must be more vulnerable than areas where the population concentration is only 800 or 900 to the square mile. That is the principle of dispersal, upon which we must all concentrate. The hon. Member mentioned the desirability of evacuating more mothers, but there again it is a matter of recanvassing the mothers of whose registrations we already have statistics. We have areas which give a high percentage of registration, in some cases as high as 40 and 50 per cent., and we have, on the other hand, areas with a low response, such as Gateshead, which has a response of only 4 per cent. I think the first thing to do is to make sure that the matter is clearly explained in the areas, and thereafter, if we do not get the response, we shall need to consider what further steps we shall take. As for the complete evacuation of highly vulnerable areas, that also would need to be considered in the light of the circumstances of the time. It is very difficult in the abstract to say now what area is so highly vulnerable that it should, in advance of further knowledge, be scheduled as an area from which hundreds of thousands of people should be compulsorily driven away.
  I apologise for having taken up so much of the time of the House. I can only say that I have merely given extracts from the enormous sheaf of information I have, which would occupy all the rest of the evening if it were gone into at any length. If hon. Members in any part of the House feel that their questions have not been fully answered, and if they will write to me, I will do my utmost to let them have an answer in writing. We are doing our best by sending them literature, and sometimes I feel that I ought to apologise for the shower of printed matter that we send them, but it is sent in the belief that this is a matter of vital in-

  2287
  terest to all; and it is simply as a servant of the House, and in no way as a propagandist of any scheme or of any party, that I have been emboldened to make the drafts I have made on the time and patience of the House, and the new draft which I have had to make this afternoon.
  7.44 p.m.
  Mr. Silkin: I am sure the Minister of Health and the Lord Privy Seal will agree that they can make no complaint of the spirit in which the Debate has been conducted on this side of the House. We have not endeavoured in any way to make this vitally important question of air-raid precautions the sport of party controversy, and have not been unnecessarily provocative in bringing forward suggestions or making criticisms. Nevertheless, I do not altogether follow the encomiums which the hon. Member for Duddeston (Mr. Simmonds) threw at the head of the Lord Privy Seal. But, while I did not come here to praise the Lord Privy Seal, I do not propose to bury him, though at a later stage we may endeavour to reduce his salary by £100. Most of the discussion this afternoon has been in connection with evacuation, hospitals, and important health services connected with evacuation. I want to deal once more with the question of shelters, more particularly after the remarks of the Minister of Health, with which I fully agree, pointing out the difficulties of evacuation and the fact that probably, at any rate in the early stages of a war, the existing evacuation arrangements will be as much as the organisation could stand, and that a breakdown would result if any attempt were made to organise further evacuation. For that reason, the question of providing shelter for those who have to remain in vulnerable areas, whether in their homes or at work, becomes of increasing importance.
  I should like to draw the attention of the Lord Privy Seal to a number of deficiencies in his shelter policy. The Lord Privy Seal has often stated that it is his objective to provide at least splinter-proof and blast-proof shelter for every person in a vulnerable area, whether, when a raid takes place, that person is at home or at work. I ask the House to consider how far the Lord Privy Seal has been successful in achieving that objective. There are a large number of houses where the steel shelter, better
  2288
  known as the Anderson shelter, cannot be erected for one reason or another. I think we are on common ground in regard to that statement. I do not propose to follow the hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) in discussing the relative merits of steel and concrete shelters: I do not feel competent to do so; and I have no interest in one as against the other. I am prepared to accept the Lord Privy Seal's statement that the tests made in connection with the steel shelter have been satisfactory, and no doubt they will serve the purposes for which they are erected. But there are a large number of houses in and near London where they cannot be erected. There are whole boroughs in London—Holborn is one—where not a single steel shelter can be put up. The Lord Privy Seal must consider what is the alternative to steel shelters in such cases as this. There are other boroughs where only 50 per cent. of the houses can be provided with steel shelters, and there is not a single borough where every house can be provided with a steel shelter.
  Then there is the class of persons who will not be provided with shelters free of charge, in other words, middle-class persons, who are living in houses incapable of being strengthened—non-basement houses or houses where the basement is not sufficiently strong to resist the falling debris—who are not being helped in any way and have no means of protection in their homes or outside. While I want to pay tribute to the work which is being done by a large number of local authorities, under great stress and strain, in dealing with air-raid precautions, I would add that some are somewhat unhelpful. I know a case of a local authority which, in response to an offer by a certain person to make his house available as a public air-raid shelter, sent round two surveyors to examine the house. In due course the surveyors reported that the house could be made available for the protection of 66 persons, but that it would need strengthening in certain respects, and that they could do nothing about it until they had made a complete survey of the borough, put forward proposals to the Home Office for providing shelter for the whole borough, and got these proposals approved. The householder then wrote

  2289
  to the council and said that, rather than wait for an indefinite period, he would be prepared to provide a shelter at his own expense if the borough council would state the result of the survey and the work that would require to be done in the house. The reply he got from the council was that it was no part of their duty under the Civil Defence Act to advise householders, and that if they advised him they would have to advise everybody else, and, therefore, they regretted that they could do nothing about it.
  That is an example of a particularly unhelpful attitude on the part of a local authority. I hope that the Lord Privy Seal will give an instruction to the local authorities that they are to be as helpful as they possibly can to persons anxious to provide protection for themselves and their families and other persons outside. The mere fact that a person happens to be outside the class for whom free shelters are provided does not necessarily mean that he is a person of means, able to employ a private surveyor and go to enormous expense. Moreover, a person who describes himself as an A.R.P. expert, capable of advising private householders as to what work should be done, is not necessarily reliable. There is no recognised diploma for the A.R.P. expert, and one may find when it is too late that one has acted on the advice of a so-called A.R.P. expert and gone to considerable expense which turns out to be useless.
  I come to a class of persons of whom the Lord Privy Seal has heard before and of whom he will go on hearing again until something is done for them: that is, the class of persons living in working-class flats not owned by the local authority— because the local authorities are now carrying out proper precautions in connection with flats they themselves own— but owned by philanthropic organisations or private persons. The Lord Privy Seal declined to put into the Civil Defence Act a Section requiring the owners of such flats to provide for the protection of their tenants, and the ground he gave was that that was the duty of the local authorities. The local authorities, as I said at the time, are not in a position to carry out this work. They have their hands full; they have in many cases not the technical or other resources to carry out work of that sort; in many cases there
  2290
  are site difficulties. The natural result of leaving outside the Civil Defence Act persons living in working-class flats will be that such persons are left entirely without protection. I want the Lord Privy Seal to recognise the urgency of this problem. In London there are tens of thousands of persons living in flats of this sort, particularly in vulnerable areas near the docks, who are left without any protection.
  Section 30 of the Civil Defence Act purports to deal with persons who are not entitled to materials free, but the Section is quite inadequate, as the Lord Privy Seal knows. There is no means of enforcing the Section against an unwilling owner. If the owner simply refuses to do anything although more than half the tenants of the block decide that they want shelter, there is no means of compelling him to do anything. Even if he does put forward a scheme there is nothing in the Act to compel him to put forward a satisfactory scheme. If the scheme is unsatisfactory and the tenants refuse to avail themselves of it, that is the end of the duty of the owner. Here again a large section of the population of London, at any rate, are left entirely uncatered for. I do not imagine that any substantial section of the owners of these flats will provide protection, and there is no means of compelling them to do so.
  There are a number of flats which fall between two stools; they are neither working-class flats nor middle-class flats. I have in mind one estate where there are a substantial number of working-class persons but also quite a number who cannot be regarded as belonging to the working class. Among others, the occupiers include Members of this House, who certainly are not persons for whom the Lord Privy Seal would provide shelters free of charge. These are persons who do not come under Section 30 of the Civil Defence Act and they are also persons for whom the owners are under no obligation to provide protection. Again, I suppose they might be left to the mercies of the local authorities; but, for the reasons I have given, it is exceedingly unlikely that the local authorities will be able to do anything for tenants of houses of that sort. In the case I have in mind, the owners, who are a public body, have asked the local authority to undertake the responsibility, and the local authority has re-

  2291
  ferred it back to the owners. In the meantime, nothing is done about it.
  In the midst of all this confusion and difficulty, the Government themselves have not been helpful. Many difficulties have been put in the way of local authorities. For instance, the Home Office frequently change their mind as to the details of protection which they wish local authorities to provide. I have in mind the protection which the London County Council was to have afforded in its flats, in connection with which the Home Office have changed their mind on three occasions, involving delay, expense, uncertainty and confusion. Frequently, also, the Home Office take an unduly long time to make up their mind before giving approval to a scheme. We are always left in difficulty. In the first instance local authorities in London were required to provide protection for 70 per cent. of the population of their flats and, after the London County Council had prepared schemes providing for 70 per cent., they were told they would have to alter the schemes and provide for 100 per cent. Incidentally, I should be interested to know why it should be necessary to provide for 100 per cent., bearing in mind that some—we do not know how many—of the tenants are going to be evacuated and, consequently, there cannot be a full occupation of the flats.
  I have dealt so far with persons who may be in their homes at the time of an air raid, but I should like to know what protection is being provided for persons employed in small offices or factories numbering less than 50 persons in a small building, the employers, therefore, being under no obligation to provide protection under the Civil Defence Act. I understood that the Minister was going to give consideration to the problem of protecting these people, who in the aggregate are a very large number, particularly in the City of London. I am told that they are probably a majority of the people working in the City.
  The Lord Privy Seal (Sir John Anderson): Those are probably persons employed in commercial buildings where, as I have explained before, the limit of 50 does not apply.
  Mr. Silkin: I understood the right hon. Gentleman to explain previously that, so
  2292
  long as there were more than 50 persons in the whole building, it did not matter that they were split up among a considerable number of employers. I have in mind large numbers of buildings where there are fewer than 50 in the whole building. If the right hon. Gentleman would like to take a walk in the City, he will find that the large majority of such buildings contain fewer than 50 persons. I realise that there are a substantial number of large modern buildings which contain more, but—I am not stating this for personal reasons—in the office in which I am engaged there are fewer than 50 in the whole building, and that applies to a large number of offices in the City and throughout London as a whole. I should like the right hon. Gentleman seriously to consider the problem of people employed in factories, workshops, shops and offices in that way. Again, no provision' at present is being made for persons who are caught in the streets, perhaps shopping, during a raid. I know that in theory the local authority is under an obligation to provide protection of that sort, but so far I do not know a single case of protection having been provided. In the aggregate, taking all the classes of persons that I have referred to, they amount to by far the great majority of those living or working in a place like the County of London. As far as I can make an estimate, I should say that certainly less than 20 per cent. of those living or working in Greater London have at present, or have in sight, protection of any sort.
  I think I have demonstrated that there are still very wide gaps in the system of protection in large towns. Many of these defects can be met only by the provision of large communal shelters for the protection of members of the public by day and by night. I know the view that the right hon. Gentleman has taken in the past regarding deep shelters. I am not necessarily wedded to deep shelters. The right hon. Gentleman draws a distinction between a deep shelter and an underground shelter of some sort. But I hope his mind is sufficiently flexible—I believe it is—to enable him to think again and I hope, in spite of the statement of my hon. Friend the Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede), that he is sufficiently courageous to change his mind if, on second thoughts, he feels that he is wrong. I should like

  2293
  the Minister at this stage to make quite clear what his policy is regarding underground car parks so constructed that they can be used as blast and splinter proof shelters. Under Section 8 of the Civil Defence Act local authorities are empowered to construct these car parks and, if they are so constructed that they can be used as air-raid shelters, they are recognised and they will obtain a grant. But there is very considerable doubt in the mind of a great many local authorities as to whether the statement that the Lord Privy Seal has made implies that in fact such shelters will be recognised and the right hon. Gentleman would be making a very useful contribution to air-raid protection if he would make a definite statement as to his policy. I hope he will be able to state definitely and clearly that, provided that such shelters are reasonably satisfactory from the point of being splinter proof and blast proof, he will be in a position to approve them for the purpose of air-raid shelters. I am sure a reassuring statement of that sort will be welcome to many local authorities who hitherto have hesitated to embark on schemes of this sort in view of the uncertainty of the Government's attitude.
  I have dealt almost entirely with the question of air-raid shelters, but I recognise that linked up with it is the question of evacuation and, so long as there is any doubt whatever as to the policy of the Government regarding evacuation, there will be a residual doubt left as to what is the correct policy regarding air-raid shelters. If the statement of the Minister of Health to-day can be accepted as the policy of the Government that, as far as they can foresee, the people who will be evacuated belong to the classes which have already been stated, it follows that protection must be provided for the rest of the population, and if that is to be done in a satisfactory way, the right hon. Gentleman must really fill up all the gaps that I have described and must do it at the earliest possible moment.
  8.9 p.m.
  Mr. Salt: In a Debate concerning civil defence, I suppose it is natural that evacuation and shelter policy should be primarily dealt with, but I should like to touch for a few moments on the question of incendiary bombs. I am not at all sure that the damage from these may
  2294
  not be almost as serious as from high explosives. For one thing, a great many more such bombs can be carried, and the fires likely to be caused might be in such numbers that even the very efficient auxiliary fire services which have been set up will not be able to deal with them. When a year ago I accompanied a deputation from this House that went to Germany, I was impressed by the attention which the Germans had given to the matter of fighting fire. One of the first things they told us was that each householder, and perhaps even to a greater extent his wife, had to take charge of the defence of their own homes, and I think the instructions given to all their householders might possibly be considered in our own case. We were shown the tools that each house should have. They particularly mentioned that probably a lot of pipes would get destroyed and would burst and that the danger of the escape of gas and water would be serious, and they provided a lot of different sized corks and various means of stopping the effect of the fire. One point that they particularly insisted upon was that each householder should have a hand syringe and should immediately attack the bomb itself.
  I remember being shown at Falfield in Gloucestershire a strong jet of water being thrown on one of these bombs. It had somewhat the effect of petrol, and a tremendous flame went into the sky In Germany they showed as various experiments that they had undertaken, and the effect of putting a very small amount of water quietly on the bomb was to destroy the fire, whereas I had understood up till then that water would have no effect on it at all. Another point was that attics should contain no lumber, because it would add very greatly to the rapidity with which fires would spread. They gave us about half a dozen different demonstrations, of rooms without any lumber in at all and others with different amounts of lumber, and the very same bomb produced very different effects in each case. It took a long time to set an empty room on fire, while in another room with a normal amount of lumber, such as we have in most of our attics, there was very. much more rapid action. I do not know whether that has been thought of, but I think it is well worth: consideration.

  2295
  The Minister has issued some very excellent rules and suggestions. I wonder whether he would consider having some very simple ones printed on cardboard, which could be hung up and would be likely to remain there and be seen regularly by the householder and not to be moved away and lost. The instructions should be of the very simplest character. Although these rules are drawn up excellently, I feel confident that the small papers that we receive are put away somewhere with the intention of reading them and are mostly lost, yet, had they been on stout card, not so easily disposed of and not likely to be thrown away, the practical effect might be very much more valuable. I have at times been critical as regards the supply of equipment for the fire service. I believe that it is now being delivered very much more rapidly. Each month is doubling the previous month somewhat in the same way as the aeroplane, which at first seemed to come so slowly and is to-day coming with great rapidity, and I would like to compliment the right hon. Gentleman and his staff on the excellent way in which they are overcoming this very serious difficulty. There are certain things which, to the ordinary mind may appear to be simple to produce, such as the hurricane lamp, yet they seem to be more difficult to obtain than even the more complicated apparatus. I hope that even these subsidiary items that are necessary will not be overlooked should there be any present difficulty.
  We ought to be proud of the Auxiliary Fire Service volunteers who have come forward for this very arduous task. The training has meant taking up a good deal more of their personal time than is the case in many other of the matters of Civil Defence. The dangers that they would have to undergo in case of war are well known, and, therefore, their voluntary service is all the more to be praised.
  8.17 p.m.
  Mr. Price: In considering this Vote for Civil Defence in connection with the salary of the Lord Privy Seal, the House should at no time lose sight of the influence of the efficiency, or lack of efficiency, of air-raid precautions organisations on the international situation. Although it is possible that certain Powers on the Continent still consider the knock-
  2296
  out blow as part of their policy, and that idea is not dead, we are, nevertheless, in a better position now than we have been at any time to meet that position. We are not likely to be knocked out, although I am afraid that we should suffer very severe blows. The fact that we are still not sufficiently prepared, and that we might suffer unnecessarily, is a matter which this House cannot leave out of consideration.
  I wish to say a few words about recruiting for air-raid precautions. As; a warden in a group of villages in my constituency, I have watched the growth of the movement and seen its rising strength, but I also see a very serious deficiency still remaining, and, as far as my own district is concerned, the local basis of recruiting does not seem to be the most satisfactory. I know of rural areas where the service is many times over-recruited, whereas neighbouring industrial areas are under-recruited, and that is a position which is unsatisfactory. The rural areas are not serious targets, but industrial areas are. I do hot know what the office of the Lord Privy Seal has to say about that. I have no doubt that his officials are fully aware of it, but something must be done about it. There are more people in the rural areas over 50 or 60 years of age who are retired and are able to give a little of their time to this work, and they are very ready to be recruited.
  In the towns and industrial areas people are very busy. Some of the workers are working overtime in some of the industries connected with rearmament, and they are not giving much attention to air-raid precautions. Although in the factories and industries there may be A.R.P. organisations on a factory' basis, it is often lacking on a street or area basis. The position is particularly difficult in the towns because there is not that same local spirit in a street or a group of streets as there is in a village. One family may not even know its next-door neighbour, whereas in a village everybody knows everybody else. Some extra drive must be made to deal with this matter in order to fill up the gaps which still exist in our industrial centres. One does not want to damp down enthusiasm in the villages. There is one possible way in which the position might be improved in the industrial areas. Some of the workers are busy on re-

  2297
  armament and important key industries, but there are a great many who, in time of war, would either be unemployed through their industries being closed down, or not being wanted to the same degree. We should approach the workers in those industries who are eligible for A.R.P., and steps should be taken to recruit from these elements, after it has been indicated to them that their industrial activities are likely to be reduced in the event of an emergency.
  Something might also be done to try and make the service more mobile. I do not see why in some districts where there is full or even over-recruitment it should not be possible to get people to serve in areas close by where there is a lack of recruits. The idea of "once a warden, everywhere a warden" is one that might be considered by those in authority. We ought to pool our services over a wider area. Naturally our whole service is built up on a voluntary basis, and we are quite ready to leave it to the local authorities, but the air-raid authorities require direction, and if the Lord Privy Seal and his Department would indicate that something should be done along the lines suggested some improvement might be made. The local authorities in the areas that I know are quite willing to act.
  I would also like to raise the question of the areas of administration. Counties are not always the ideal administrative area. If the Minister of Health has shown us in connection with London that the air-raid precautions areas do not coincide with the administrative areas, the same thing is true of the provinces. The county is not necessarily a perfect administrative area in that respect. It might be a group of counties, or part of one county and part of another. In the industrial areas of the North, and in the areas round Manchester, Liverpool, Hull and Newcastle, it might be necessary to set up regional commissioners. We have the beginnings of that kind of organisation in the regional commissioners who now exist, but, as far as I can see, they have not much power to do anything. They have no real functions in peace time. These regional commissioners ought to be instructed to organise, at least on a voluntary basis, air-raid precautions in strategical areas. We ought to consider the whole thing from the point of view of targets, and not consider the administrative areas in which the targets may be
  2298
  placed. The two suggestions, the question of recruiting and the question of administrative areas may be considered as steps to improve the air-raid precautions administration. Undoubtedly we have made very much progress in the last 12 months, but we have a long way to go before we can say that we are really ready to meet a serious blow which would undoubtedly be inflicted upon us in the event of war.
  8.25 p.m.
  Sir Francis Fremantle: I want to deal with only one or two points which remain over. My remarks will be mostly general comments rather than criticism of the organisation, references to the functioning of the organisation than to its actual structure. As regards the structure of the organisation, the part with which I have been particularly connected is that of the distribution of the medical services. That has been very greatly delayed owing to the difficulty of arriving at the precise terms and conditions of service. Those have now, fortunately, been fixed up. It is a most complicated question where you are dealing with a profession with so many different conditions of practice, as to which must be continued, whether you are to continue on voluntary service, whether certain persons should serve or not, if they are to serve where they should serve, and where it would be the most useful for them to serve. It has certainly been a very difficult problem to settle the terms and conditions of service.
  We have settled the matter through an emergency committee, working under the auspices of the British Medical Association, and the Ministry of Health, but the settlement was only finally reached a week or so ago. It was not until then that it was possible to deal with the distribution of the medical services. This is a vital matter, because in nearly all these different units those who are concerned with medical work want to know which doctors are going to be available, where they are to come from, and so on. Although the actual arrangement and organisation of the personnel of the medical service has been delayed, such have been the preliminary arrangements made by the Central Emergency Committee, representing al the different areas of the country, that with local emergency regional committees prepared to carry out the work in the different regions, no delay should take

  2299
  place now that the terms and conditions have been settled. I have not inquired during the last week, but I have no doubt that the regional committees are getting to work. I hope that throughout the country they will actively begin to distribute the services of the medical practitioners and consultants in their different units, so that they may get to know their stations. f have no doubt that as practical men they will want to see that their unit is made thoroughly effective.
  The need for these professional men to get to know their units is illustrative of the need that runs through the whole of the A.R.P. organisation, especially in connection with the question of evacuation. I should like, therefore, to come to the question of co-ordination between those who will have to move and those in the districts to which they will be evacuated. Let me give an illustration. In one large house that I know of arrangements are being made in connection with evacuation under which they will take in the whole of a private school of 80 children, a day nursery school in London. Fortunately, 15 of these children were taken in during the emergency of last September. Therefore, a personal connection was established. Forty of the mothers, together with the heads of the school, have been down this summer to that particular house and have established connections there. They have not only visited the house but they have seen and made friends with people in the village, and the result is that they foresee in their own minds where they or their children will be sent. It seems to me that by such means we might get over a good deal of the trouble of evacuation.
  If the mothers in advance could know where they are to go or where their children are to go under an evacuation scheme, they would have much greater confidence when the time comes, and there would not be the same element of panic and confusion. If that be so in one particular instance, it applies to the whole scheme of evacuation. Could we not arrange special tours by those who are to be evacuated to the place where they are to be sent? Could not we do something this summer in arranging excursions of this kind into the country in order to familiarise people with the places
  2300
  to which they will have to go in the event of evacuation? They could then get to know the people amongst whom they will find themselves, and they would learn the routes by which they are to go there. If that could be arranged, and the heads of schools, air-raid wardens or other responsible people could accompany the parties, I think it would help greatly in advance the measures that are being so well laid down on paper at the present time.
  I should like to stress the need for coordination. There is a natural tendency in so huge an undertaking as this to arrange each unit on its own lines, with the result that the units do not know the powers, possibilities and resources of the several organisations. One sees this in our own medical service. We see the difficulty of those who are fully occupied in their own areas, such as medical officers of health, not being closely associated with those in another area and not being fully seized of what is being done by other medical officers, or medical men in general practice and in hospitals. That is so all along the line. There is a tendency for small units of organisation to confine their interest to the particular responsibilities which they have undertaken, and not to be linked together. If the emergency ever does happen, and I hope it will not, the devastation will not come uniformly and generally all over an area, but there will come a raid and disaster in one direction. Perhaps we should see one village raided while the other villages in the area would be left intact. The other villages would naturally wish to help the village that had been raided, and therefore we ought to arrange that there shall be co-ordination sweeping across from one to the other.
  There is a second important matter which must be constantly borne in mind, and that is that there will be a real need for improvisation even on the part of those who know the scheme that has been laid down. They must be prepared to improvise. Those who have been through campaigns before, especially in the last War, know that a great deal has to be improvised although you are helped by definite lines which have been laid down previously. A bomb follows no particular line, and you have to be prepared to deal with the situation guided by your own intelligence. What is wanted is a power of improvisation, and that is a

  2301
  power which is gravely lacking in modern civilisation. In the old days one had to depend more upon improvisation and personality. You may be able to turn a tap for your water when you live in a town, but in the country you may not get a tap provided and you will have to look around and see what you can do. You may have been using splints, but you may in an emergency have to use bits of wood. It will be a matter of improvisation all along the line.
  The last point I want to stress is the need of mobility. Certain areas will probably be more affected at one time than others, and you will want to rush help there from other areas which are not affected. Some units will be appallingly overworked, while other units will be idle. In the first year of the last War, when my Division, before going overseas, was engaged in the work of defending this country, the medical service was largely underworked; it had very little to do because the troops were healthy, and simply had to see that the sanitary arrangements were proper. In modern warfare when the field of battle may be our own country and our own homes, when our hospitals are full, the medical staff will be overworked all along the line. I am using this as an illustration to show that there must not be too great a rigidity in our organisation. There is a great danger of each unit saying that they must have their own medical officer. The work must be properly distributed; we must not be too rigid in our ideas. There must be some mobility and, above all, in the arrangements which are contemplated for first-aid posts it is very essential not only to have fixed posts in certain places but first-aid posts on wheels with a full staff as well, able to go anywhere. We must do more in the way of mobility. I commend, therefore, these three essentials which are liable to be forgotten, but which must not be forgotten in any great system of organisation—coordination, improvisation and mobility.
  8.40 p.m.
  Mr. Tomlinson: There is one aspect of the question which I want to bring before the House. We have heard a great deal about evacuation and of the part that has to be played by the people to whom children in the main will be evacuated. The hon. Member for St. Albans (Sir F. Fremantle) has emphasised the need for
  2302
  co-ordination. I want to speak in the interests of co-ordination, and to bring before the House a question which is causing a great deal of misunderstanding and is responsible in local authorities for a good deal of ill-feeling towards this particular question. Civil Defence, as I understand it, applies to all sections of the community, but in the Debate so far we seem to have lost sight of one section of local administration upon which we shall have to depend a very great deal, in the event of an emergency, for the effective carrying out of our plans. I refer to the local education authority. Some time ago, owing to the unsatisfactory answer to a question that I put, I intimated that I would raise the question on the Adjournment. The fact that this Vote is being taken now relieves me of that necessity and enables me to put the point which is aggravating the minds of many of our people in connection with this matter.
  I refer to the differentiation which is being shown by the Lord Privy Seal in his dealings with the local education committee as against the air-raid precautions committee. When the question of Civil Defence was first considered I took it that school children were regarded as part of the general population; and I still think they are a part. I look upon school children as the most important section of the community and, therefore, the question arose whether it was the duty of the air-raid precautions committee to make provision for them or whether it was the duty of the local education authority to make provision for their safety in the event of an emergency. A pamphlet, 1461, was sent by the Board of Education to local authorities enjoining upon them certain duties, but those duties were not made mandatory. Then followed, some 19 or 20 months afterwards, a circular which to all intents and purposes made the duties mandatory, but determining that a different rate of grant should be available to a local education committee from that which is available to the air-raid precautions committee. It was a 50 per cent. grant in the case of the education authority and a 75 per cent. grant to the air-raid precautions committee; the same people, doing the same job, in the same room, but differently designated because of the different functions they were carrying out.

  2303
  That, I repeat, has given rise to a great deal of misgivings and is leading to some misunderstanding. I suggest that work which the local education authority ought to be doing in that direction is not progressing as it should because this particular problem has not yet been resolved. The Lancashire County Council air-raid precautions committee and the Lancashire education authority air-raid precautions committee have reveiwed the whole situation, and have come to the conclusion that in order to make the provision which they consider is necessary in connection with their school children they will require to spend £500,000. The progress of that work has been held up. I do not suggest that it is being deliberately held up; I do not think it is for a moment; but to some extent the work is being held up because of the dispute which is going on among themselves as to which body should do the work. I want to ask, when is a school child a member of the population and when is it a school child? Is it the duty of the education authority to guard and care for children between the hours of nine and four, and is it the duty of the air-raid precautions committee to guide and care for school children in other hours?
  Because of the fact that there is a differentiation in the grant, these difficulties are presenting themselves. The question I have asked myself is whether or not I, as a member of an air-raid precautions committee, should not be called upon to provide for the children who are in school trenches in the vicinity of the school, but not actually in the school playground, which would be available for the use of those children in an emergency, and yet available at the same time, outside the precincts of the school, for the general population. If that is done, the 75 per cent. will be granted by the Government to the local authority. But if, in the interests of the children and the better organisation of the school in an emergency, it is decided to build the trenches within the precincts of the school, in the school-yard, that is an educational undertaking, and there is a grant of 50 percent.
  I know that in the niceties of the Lord Privy Seal's mind an argument can be devised whereby that can be justified, and I can understand that argument; but I cannot make anybody outside the House,
  2304
  and certainly I cannot get anybody in educational circles, to accept the argument. They do not understand the working of the Lord Privy Seal's mind in the matter of this differentiation. In the interests of the work that is to be done, and in the interests of the efficiency of the whole, I ask that these two services should be brought into line as far as the grant is concerned. The local education authorities are very disturbed about the matter. It is not a question of one authority here and there being concerned. I would recall to the Lord Privy Seal that all education authorities in the country, speaking through their respective organisations, have either passed resolutions or at least been a party to the passing of resolutions at their own meetings or in conference. There would not be that unanimity among them unless they felt that they had a very real grievance. I am hoping that the Lord Privy Seal will bring about a revision of the finances of this question earlier than he had intended, in order that the matter can be put straight and work that is essential can go forward.
  8.49 p.m.
  Mr. Johnston: One sits through a Debate of this kind with a growing sense of exasperation that resources which we might well have been using to build and equip houses for our citizens are being used in order that we may dig ourselves into the earth and live like moles or rats. We might have been clearing away bracken or reclaiming swamps, we might have been destroying diseases and pests, but instead we are harrassing our scientists and engineers to devise gas masks for babies. Europe is spending its last shilling and slithering into bankruptcy while we prepare for rickets, anaemia, more under-nutrition, and perhaps dementia and slaughter. Yet. what can we do? Until we can create some kind of organised international peace force, some tribunal of equity, we must take what steps are open to us to protect our civil population from the consequences of the modern irruption of cave-man philosophy and its practice in our life and times.
  I do not propose to attempt in any way to cover again ground that has been well covered by hon. Members on both sides of the House. I wish to devote my remarks to two specific issues, and first, I want to say something about the shel-

  2305
  tering of the industrial population in our vulnerable areas. There is no sense in disguising the fact—and I am sure the Lord Privy Seal will not disguise it—that there are considerable parts in some of our vulnerable areas where no shelter of any kind exists and where there is no protection of any kind. Perhaps it would be improper for me to specify where some of those places are, but the fact remains that some publicity, at some time or other, may be required in order that the citizens involved may deal with those who are responsible. Certain organs of the Press may be partly to blame for this state of affairs. Every time the editor of a great newspaper exercises—as one does this morning—his gift of prophecy, and declares that there will be no war, he multiplies inevitably the number of people who ask themselves why they should prepare for something that is never going to come. The number of foolish virgins is multiplied every time the editor of a responsible newspaper in this land says, in terms of betting figures, that it is 10 to one against the balloons going up this autumn.
  We have heard a multiplicity of suggestions about shelters. In my view, it is absurd to concentrate upon any one type to the exclusion of others. There is what is called the Anderson shelter. I trust the right hon. Gentleman will be able to give us some figures not only as to the numbers that have been issued, but the numbers that have been erected, so that we may see what proportion of the people in our vulnerable areas are protected by Anderson shelters. Undoubtedly, there are many advantages in the Anderson shelter in certain areas. Where a man has a back-yard, or in the country, where he has a cottage, he will find that the Anderson shelter is perhaps the best mode of protection which he can get. Anyone who has seen tests made upon some of these steel shelters and seen 500lb. bombs explode within a radius of 80 feet of one of these shelters, knows that, as protection, they are probably as efficient as anything that can be provided, in certain circumstances and in certain areas. We have been urged in many quarters to concentrate upon deep shelters. There was the Hailey Committee, one of the members of which was my hon. Friend the Member for East Woolwich (Mr. Hicks). It gave the
  2306
  answer to the propagandists of deep shelters for every area in the country. There are certain districts where deep shelters are impossible. There are water-logged areas, for example, and there are areas which are riddled with water pipes, sewerage pipes, and so on, in such a way as to make the provision of deep shelters an impossibility.
  Then we have the problem of the tenement dwelling. It is not peculiar to Scotland. Unfortunately, there is still a very large proportion of the population in our vulnerable areas housed in these crowded tenements. We have to ask ourselves what, if anything, can be done, not in a year's time, but this autumn in order to give protection to our tenement dwellers. I believe there are about 600,000 people living in tenements in Glasgow alone. There will be considerable evacuation, it is true, in case of emergency, but there will remain a very large problem for the Lord Privy Seal's Department and the Scottish Office to deal with in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Dundee and similar towns. Something can be done there in the opinion of our municipal engineers. They declare that baffle walls, for example, can be quickly and cheaply erected at the ingress and egress ends of the closes, that the closes themselves can be strutted and that the half-landings can be strutted. Indeed, there are municipal engineers who believe that where the tenements are strongly built of stone, protection may be secured in the closes by the means I have just indicated. But when all is said and done, the fact remains that we do not, at the moment, see our way to guarantee protection of any kind to large numbers of our fellow-citizens in the autumn of this year.
  For my own part, the more I study this question—and I shall give some facts and figures about Continental experience—the more certain I am that if I had my choice, I would prefer, in the event of an emergency, to make for a trench, if a trench could be provided within a radius of 50 or 100 yards from the place where I lived. A trench a long distance away is useless, and it may be said that greater damage can be caused in the making of trenches than they are worth. But, by and large, a considerable amount of safeguard can be provided by trenches against blast and splinters. They require, however, to be covered over. We should not have any repetition of what happened

  2307
  last September. We should take steps to prevent them from becoming waterlogged. If the trenches are covered over with sheeted steel, with sods on top, they can be kept perfectly dry, and the experience of other countries has shown that they may become very effective shelters.
  I have heard one or two hon. Members refer to Spanish experiences. I think I have read every line that has been published in English and a little that has been published in French about experiences in the recent civil war in Spain. In Barcelona, in March, 1938, there was one occasion on which they had 12 raids within 48 hours by varying numbers of bombing machines. The result was 1,000 dead and over 2,000 wounded. The hospitals were overcrowded; there was a shortage of water and of medical supplies, and an almost complete lack of adequate warning. The experience of Barcelona in regard to shelter was something which we would do well to avoid if we can. In the last War the official figures show that we had, in this country, 51 raids by German aeroplanes. As a result there were 557 people killed and 1,358 injured. But the modern weapons of devastation are infinitely more powerful. The official German figures for the last War showed that it took 19 bombs to kill a German and eight bombs to injure a German. But in Barcelona, in March, 1938, there were 15 casualties for every bomb dropped. In other parts of Spain, in Valencia for example, they dug trenches and had shelters made of concrete blocks, and I believe that in Valencia there was a smaller casualty rate than in any other part of Spain.
  Mr. E. J. Williams: Were those underground shelters?
  Mr. Johnston: I understand almost all were underground. I am referring particularly to trenches. In other parts of Spain they had trenches 28 feet deep running along the main streets with branch trenches running along the side streets. In those they had benches, cooking utensils, oil lamps, and so forth. The chief of the protection service in Catalonia reported that in August, 1938, they had 2,000 public shelters both open and covered all over Catalonia. Their trenches sheltered 40,000 people; their galleries sheltered 83,000; their railway tunnels, 11,000, and their cellars 12,000. In
  2308
  France, with all their experience, they are going in for the digging of trenches provided that those trenches are not more than 300 metres from any point where there might be flying debris. At Zurich, in Switzerland, last September the chief of police expresed the belief that he had the most effective air-raid protection system in Europe. Personally, I would dispute that claim. Taking it by and large, the best of our shelters here are probably better than the best of the Continental shelters. Where we have failed hitherto, is that we have concentrated so largely upon the Anderson shelter and have failed to urge local authorities, where they cannot put up a sufficiency of Anderson shelters, to dig trenches, to line those trenches, to cover them up and do the best they can with them for this winter.
  I would urge the right hon. Gentleman to give us the most explicit assurance he can that every step that is possible will be taken by his Department to see to it that where aboveground shelters are not suitable or cannot be provided in sufficient quantities, the local authorities will be urged instanter to provide shelter by digging. I know that he charges them nothing for materials, and I am not yet quite certain what proportion of the digging costs, if any, is charged against local authorities, but I beg of him to make these figures, facts and percentages perfectly clear, so that if the day of convulsion and disaster should come upon us this autumn, we in this House will have done everything in our power to urge the responsible local authorities to spare no pains or energy in providing adequate shelter for the population in the vulnerable areas. The hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) and other hon. Members to-night have rather created an alarmist impression by contrasting the numbers of shelters with the total population of the country. I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will show how absurd that is. We must only equate the shelters, at the moment at any rate, with the population in our vulnerable areas. Later on we may require to extend these vulnerable areas, but as things are no useful purpose is served by unduly deprecating the efforts that have already been made.
  Now I should like to say a word or two on the evacuation schemes. Our total population in the evacuable areas is 11,000,000 in England and 1,750,000 in Scotland. The total numbers of people

  2309
  within the priority classes—that is, school children, pre-school children and mothers, expectant mothers, and blind adults—are 3,000,000 for England and 500,000 for Scotland. In Scotland we got voluntary offers in our reception areas for half our total requirements, that is, for school children unaccompanied by mothers, and we got offers from householders in the reception areas, in the rural areas, for 250,000 people. In England the proportions were pretty much the same. For the other half the Government have power under the Civil Defence Act for compulsory billeting. A great number of these places will be filled by voluntary billets, an enormous number of mothers with preschool children. For my part, I know of no episode in all the history of this country that gives us more encouragement for the future, whatever comes out of these days of distress and anxiety, than this, that housewives in a time of peace, not under the stress of war, will take hundreds of thousands of children whom they never saw, from distant areas, house them, and look after them in the national interest. I think that is a great thing, something that we ought to be proud of, and the nation as a whole would do well to make it figure more largely in our public discussions than we have hitherto done. Niggling criticism about little points here and there we can all make, but here is the big thing, that the people of this country have sufficient public spirit and humanity to make offers on the gigantic scale indicated. We all ought to be proud and hopeful as a result.
  Let me give some details, as I do not think they have ever been given in public before. In the County of Kirkcudbright the total number of persons for whom accommodation was available was 6,500, and voluntary offers were made for 6,100; in the County of Moray the accommodation available was for 2,500, and the number of children for whom accommodation was volunteered was 2,200; Peebles County, 3,000 vacant places, 1,800 offers; and the Burgh of Huntly, in the north, 942 vacant places, 865 volunteers. The same figures apparently, although I have not got them here, apply in England. The Minister of Health, speaking in this House on 2nd March, detailed places like Aberdare and Mountain Ash in Wales, places in Cheshire, places in Lanacashire and in the North
  2310
  Country, all over England and Wales, where the same proportion of offers were made by the ordinary householder, in mining villages, in rural villages, all over the land. A common purpose has achieved a common result.
  I end with two suggestions, not criticisms. Will the right hon. Gentleman do his best to see that his colleagues pay a little more attention to the food supply in the reception areas? We slept in the summer. It would have been a very wise thing if the suggestion that I have made in this House before had been acted upon. The right hon. Gentleman ought to have been on the wireless pleading with every householder in a reception area to be growing more green vegetables this summer. We ought to have doubled, trebled, quadrupled the amount of green vegetables that we were raising in our reception areas. Now I go farther, and I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that, that opportunity having passed, either he or the Chancellor of the Duchy, who is responsible, should be appealing to every householder who is going to take children in the event of a war to store a limited amount, if you like, of tinned food supplies, of certain kinds which I will not indicate here. If you are going to double, treble or quadruple your population of mothers and children in the receiving areas you ought to be doing everything you can—and it can be done at no cost to the Exchequer—to see that there is in every receiving household a store of tinned foodstuffs against an emergency.
  The Minister of Health, who has now come in talked to-day about the water supplies in the rural areas and of his difficulties in regard to them, and we very largely sympathise with him. He cannot in a few months' time undo the follies and lack of prevision of 100 years, but he can do this. Some months ago he got from the Treasury an agreement whereby local authorities could co-ordinate their water supplies and tools and implements and arrangements. He got a grant from the Treasury towards co-ordinating their supplies, on the grid system, in the vulnerable areas. Sometimes two systems are running down the same street, and certainly any number of them are only a quarter or half a mile away from each other. The time limit is about up, and I beg the right hon. Gentleman to get that period of grace extended by the Treasury.

  2311
  If our difficulties do not come this autumn there is no harm done. If they come, the sooner we can make arrangements for additional supplies of water in our difficult areas the better and the safer we shall be.
  As I have said, self-depreciation may be carried to such lengths as to reach vast depths of absurdity. I have given some figures about evacuation and about the reception areas which indicate to some of us that the social consequences of the times in which we are living may be more tremendous than we can guess. We shall have a change in outlook among those evacuated children such as they will never forget. Perhaps it will be good also for the people in the receiving houses. It will do them good to be in close, everyday touch with youngsters from our urban areas. There will be changes in their food supply and food outlook, there will be changes in human and class sympathies. Although we may have difficulties about religion, about sending the children of parents of one religious persuasion into the household of those of another religion, although there may be difficulties about supervision, take it for all in all we have not in our day witnessed such a magnificent voluntary social effort as this that we are discussing to-night. Let us encourage the spirit of it, and out of all the anxieties and the miseries of our time the cohesion and humanity evinced in these evacuation arrangements may emerge as the greatest advance and achievement of our day and generation. There are and there can be no politics in saving a baby from a bomb. We need wardens—more of them; nurses —more of them; auxiliary firemen—more of them; volunteers for social services of all kinds—more of them.
  We on this side have not hampered by factious criticism at any stage these Civil Defence arrangements. The spirit evinced by my hon. Friend the Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. C. Morrison) in his speech to-night is the spirit that has guided us. We have assisted in every way we can. Unfortunately, the form of the Vote to-night means that we cannot vote for a reduction in the Estimates. We are compelled by Parliamentary form and usage on the Report stage of a Vote to appear to be more violently in opposition to the right
  2312
  hon. Gentleman than we are. But it is the lives of all our civilian relatives which are at stake. If the great collapse of civilisation comes when the harvests of Eastern Europe are garnered this autumn we shall all at least be able to say that we spared no effort to safeguard the lives of the civilian population of this country.
  9.22 p.m.
  Sir J. Anderson: I think everyone in the House will agree that this has been a very friendly Debate, exceptionally friendly, and I should like to express my gratitude to hon. Members on both sides of the House who have made appreciative remarks, in one or two cases perhaps a little too appreciative, of the progress that has been made in our Civil Defence arrangements. I am in as good a position as anyone to assess the preparations at their true worth. I know what has been achieved, and I know what are the shortcomings and deficiencies which still exist. There is no virtue in undue self-depreciation, as the right hon. Gentleman has just said: on the other hand, it is not right that we should conceal from ourselves and the country the nature of the effort which is still required of us. The six Votes with which we are dealing all relate in one way or another to Civil Defence, and represent a sum total of expenditure of well over £70,000,000 in a single financial year. That is the measure of the effort we are putting forth.
  On this occasion, exactly five months after a similar occasion on which I gave a review of our Civil Defence plans, I should have liked, had it been possible, to make a similarly comprehensive review. I am afraid that I cannot do that and at the same time come anywhere near to doing justice to the many points which have been put to the Government by speakers on both sides of the House. But I shall try to combine the two objects, and to give something of a review and, so far as I can in so doing, take up a number of the points of criticism and constructive suggestion which have been made—and the points of constructive suggestion have, I think, exceeded in number and importance the points of criticism—in regard to various aspects of our Civil Defence arrangements.
  First I will deal with the question of personnel, to which the hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) devoted a substantial part of his remarks in the open-

  2313
  ing speech. When, five months ago, I gave the review to which I have just referred, we had just embarked on a great National Service campaign. I ventured at that time to predict that the spirit of voluntary service which the people of this country has shown so often in the past would be fully equal to the vast demands we were making on it. The event has shown that that confidence was fully justified. The response to the call has been worthy of our highest traditions. In the six months which have elapsed since the campaign was launched the total number of enrolments for all forms of National Service has been more than 1,380,000. That substantial total is, of course, in addition to the numbers already on the books when the campaign was launched. Enrolment is still going on for Civil Defence at the rate of over 20,000 men and women each week—not applications but actual enrolments. The number of offers is substantially greater. That, surely, is a record of which the country may well be proud.
  For the Civil Defence services with which we are concerned to-night the gross total at which we are aiming is well over 2,000,000. To give an idea of the numbers involved let me compare the numbers that we require for Civil Defence with those of the regular services which the Civil Defence Auxiliary Services are designed to supplement. In that way one can best sec the effort we have been making in its true perspective. The total strength of our regular peacetime fire brigades throughout the country is about 21,000. For the Auxiliary Fire Service we shall need at least 300,000—a voluntary service more than 15 times the size of the normal peacetime establishment. For the police, the total in peacetime is about 70,000 men. For Auxiliary Police Services we want over 270,000.
  Where do we stand to-day? Towards the total of well over 2,000,000, which I should emphasise includes a liberal allowance of reserves, we have now on the strength about 1,900,000 men and women. That is a gross total which gives solid evidence of the good will and public spirit of the people as a whole. At the same time we must not be misled into thinking that, because we have practically reached the gross total at which we aimed, we have secured all the volunteers we need. The total masks deficiencies in two
  2314
  respects, to which attention has been called before. There are deficiencies in particular services and particular areas which are offset by surpluses elsewhere. For the Auxiliary Fire Service, for instance, we still need about 100,000 volunteers, and in the Nursing Services we need nearly 60,000. It is a curious fact that at one of our sea-port towns the total war establishment for air raid wardens is something under 13,000 and the total number enrolled is 21,000, a surplus of 8,000; but in the same town the numbers of personnel enrolled for first-aid parties show a deficiency of nearly 3,000, and the numbers enrolled for ambulance work show a deficiency of over 2,500.
  Our immediate task is to fill these gaps. We have to concentrate attention on the particular services and the particular localities where the deficiencies remain. Wherever possible, we have to divert volunteers from services which are already up to strength to other services where there is a deficiency. The services where deficiencies are most marked are the Auxiliary Fire Service and the Casualty Services. The Auxiliary Fire Service now causes me no anxiety. I am now perfectly certain that, with the attraction that that service offers, the numbers already available—roughly, 200,000—will very quickly convert themselves into the 300,000 or whatever larger number may be required. I am perfectly certain that we shall get volunteers as rapidly as they can be trained.
  I have a rather different story to tell in regard to first-aid parties and ambulance drivers. I am concerned at the shortage still existing in our recruitment for these very important branches of National Service. My Department has been looking into the possible causes of that shortage. I think, perhaps, that, as regards the stretcher bearers, there may be hindrances to recruitment which could be removed, for example, by some modification of the training arrangements. I think we have been trying unduly to get two requirements—physique for handling the stretchers and different requirements for training in first-aid which at present we expect the stretcher bearers to undertake. Some adjustments in that respect may remove deterrents which at present operate to check recruiting. As regards ambulance drivers, the case is quite different. We thought at first that we could

  2315
  count on women, but we found when we looked into it that in all probability we should never be able to get from the existing body of women drivers the very large number of ambulance drivers required. In London, the number of registered women drivers is only 40,000 and we want no fewer than 17,000 ambulance drivers. Obviously we shall have to look elsewhere for a proportion of the personnel required. There is no reason why some of the older men should not offer their services. We have either raised or abolished the age limit that previously applied in the case of men enlisted for that service. In future, fitness for the job, rather than age, will be the determining factor.
  Behind this whole business of recruiting for the Defence Services, however, there lies a general problem, a problem to which the hon. Member for South Shields and other Members have referred, a problem of organisation. We have got to take the measures necessary to consolidate these services, to turn what was inevitably a somewhat ill-knit mass of volunteers into a co-ordinated body, a corporate whole, able to function as a fourth arm of National Defence. That is the main task that now lies before us in this particular field, and it is on this that I propose that my Department should concentrate its attention in the coming months.
  We have to secure an adequate proportion of whole-time service, but there is a great difficulty there. A number of people are very willing, could they see their way, to offer full-time service. They are trained in the duties, but they do not offer because they have their ordinary occupations and do not know exactly how they may be situated if war comes. That is a difficulty which no one can get over for them. It is a difficulty of the facts. But in one way or another we shall have to endeavour to secure the necessary framework, backing, or stiffening of fully-trained personnel on whom we can rely. I would offer a word to those who are doubtful about the adequacy of our Civil Defence services. As I have said, our numbers include substantial reserves. We have, as a sort of concealed reserve, all the people, and their number is rapidly growing, who have been trained in industrial A.R.P. They are there, and will be available to help at a pinch; but
  2316
  there does remain a very important problem of organisation which will have to be worked out. Frankly, we concentrated first on getting, everywhere, as rapidly as possible, a sufficient body of trained people. The question of detailed organisation undoubtedly had to be tackled but, in the circumstances, could be left to a later stage.
  In that connection I would like to take up a point which was made by the hon. Member for North Tottenham (Mr. R. C. Morrison) in the course of his very friendly speech. He spoke about the need for giving these volunteers a corporate sense which some of the older services already have, and he stressed the importance of organising exercises of a really practical sort. He had one or two other suggestions to which I will certainly give very close attention, including what he said about the importance of organising social and recreational activities. These go a very long way and contribute a great deal to the creation of the corporate sense to which he referred.
  So much for the matter of personnel. I wanted to say something about equipment. Very little has been said on that subject in the course of the Debate, and I, therefore, conclude that hon. Members are, on the whole, satisfied with the rate at which equipment has been coming along. It is becoming available under almost all heads in rapidly increasing quantities. I have to confess that one or two items are still causing anxiety. I was very anxious about the children's respirators and the anti-gas device for babies, which had to be put into mass production on a large scale. There are many components, and one has encountered the difficulties which always seem to arise when new productive capacity has to be created in a matter of this sort. These are now in course of delivery; and, while I cannot pretend that all the difficulties have been overcome and I am disappointed that production has not been more rapid, my Department is making every effort to secure delivery of the required quantities at the most rapid rate possible. I have said that those are matters on which the generally satisfactory position which I have been able to report has to be made subject to some qualification.
  I apologise to the House for rushing matters rather. There is considerable

  2317
  ground to cover, and I want to pass straight away to the question of shelters. This is a very important subject to which many hon. Members have referred. Let me deal first with the position as regards the steel garden shelter. The total number ordered is 2,500,000. The number delivered is roughly 1,000,000— shelter capable of giving protection to nearly 6,000,000 people in the vulnerable areas. That is a very considerable contribution to the whole shelter problem which, as the right hon. Gentleman said, must be looked at in its proper perspective in relation to the vulnerable areas and not to the population of the whole country. As to the erection of these shelters, people have spoken of seeing the components lying about in back yards. Delivery has been very rapid, but I have taken steps to obtain returns from different parts of the country in regard to erection, and I have been agreeably surprised at the high proportion which I find have already been erected, in many areas by the householders themselves. That, of course, was the intention when this form of shelter was first devised. It was believed that it would prove so easy of erection that householders would in the majority of cases be able to do what was necessary themselves. The proportion erected varies greatly in different parts of the country, and I propose through my regional staff to take that matter up in the next few weeks and to stimulate progress as far as may be in the erection of these shelters.
  One other point about the steel shelters is the question of placing them on sale and making them available to the very important section of the community which is above the level fixed for the free distribution. I agree that it is very important in the national interests that that section of the community should have protection. The need for protection in their case is in no way inferior to the need of the other people. I answered a question which was not reached to-day— the answer has gone in—on the subject of the sale of these shelters. The position is that as from next month I hope that a certain number of these shelters will be made available through local authorities for purchase by householders. The number at first will be something like 5,000 a week, but I hope that it will
  2318
  progressively increase. Certain details in regard to price have to be settled, but I have every reason to think that the price to the householder delivered will be under £8. I am perfectly prepared to discuss with local authorities who are willing to make arrangements the terms on which the shelters can be made available for purchase by instalments.
  I emphatically agree with what was said by the right hon. Member for West Stirling (Mr. Johnston) that our policy must be to rely, not on one form of protection alone, but on protection by all the means open to us, in order to secure as rapidly as possible the fullest measure of protection for the whole country. We have now reached the point at which the local authorities have powers under the Civil Defence Act, and the fullest instruction and guidance has been given in various handbooks and leaflets. I have made it clear to local authorities that my technical staff, which is being increased as rapidly as I can secure suitable qualified technical people, will be available to the local authorities for discussion and help in their problems. In the case of South Shields, my technical staff have been in consultation with the local borough engineer on the shelter problem, and approval has already been given in general terms to a large part of the programme that has been put forward. I want to emphasise the fact that the technical staff of the Department will be available to assist local authorities in every way possible. Beyond that, I have offered to organise, for any local authorities that may feel that they require additional technical assistance, the services of engineering consultants, and an organisation has been established in my Department and in the regions for that purpose. No local authority need hesitate to face up to this very difficult and important problem merely because it has not immediately available in its own service the technical staff necessary to do the work. Assistance can be made available, and local authorities are aware of the fact.
  I want now to say a word about the problem of deep shelters. My hon. Friend the Member for Duddeston (Mr. Simmonds) expressed the hope that the importance of providing deep shelter— or strong shelter, as I prefer to call it, because it is a question of strongly pro-

  2319
  tected shelter, whether surface shelter or deep shelter—was not being overlooked; and other hon. Members referred to the same topic. There seemed to be some doubt whether what I told the House, when I reported the recommendations of what has come to be known as the Hailey Conference, did in fact represent the policy of the Government. I am in a position to remove any doubts on that subject. The policy which I stated to the House, of providing more heavily protected shelter in special cases, remains the policy of the Department, and the effective policy of the Department. I do not think we should ever be prepared to publish particulars of the cases in which heavily protected shelter has been approved, but certain local authorities have received approval for the provision of heavily protected shelter for their control rooms, and there is a co-ordinating committee in existence whose function it is to consider the cases of important industrial establishments, with a view to determining where more heavily protected shelter ought to be provided.
  There has, I think, as my hon. Friend the Member for Duddeston suggested, been a misunderstanding of the Government's policy on this matter—a misunderstanding to which, I think, some of the speeches made in this House may have contributed. It was said in criticism of that policy, when I announced it, that it seemed to amount to saying, "If you cannot provide heavily protected shelter for everyone, provide it for no one." That, of course, would be a complete travesty of the facts with regard to this policy. The policy is that, if you have not the resources to enable you to provide heavily protected shelter for everyone, you should use those resources so as to provide such shelter where it can be of the greatest service and where it is most needed, not where the clamour for it is greatest. That is the policy of the Department.
  Sir P. Harris: Would the right hon. Gentleman say that the places where it is most needed are places where the population is very congested, and which are right in the danger zone? Would they come within his definition?
  Sir J. Anderson: That depends on a variety of considerations. Where the population is most congested, the scale
  2320
  on which such shelter would have to be provided, if it were provided at all, might be such as to rule it out. What we propose to do is to deal first with such cases as control rooms, command headquarters, specially vital and vulnerable industrial establishments, and so on, as I announced when I made my first statement on the subject of the report of the Hailey Conference. We propose to take the most urgent cases first, and from those to proceed, as time and resources permit, to deal with other cases, without allowing the question of heavily protected shelter to prejudice us in the discharge of our primary obligation to provide splinter and blast-proof shelter on the greatest possible scale in vulnerable areas for the maximum number of people, relying in that connection, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Stirling indicated, on all types of shelter.
  In the case of the difficult problem of tenements in the Scottish cities, I believe myself that the ultimate solution will be found in a combination of expedients, such as the strutting of closes and possibly half-landings, and covered trenches. I do not like the use of the word "trench" in this connection, as it suggests to many people a nasty open trench. I know that the right hon. Gentleman means a properly covered and protected excavation. There are also, of course, the standard forms of surface shelter to which my hon. Friend the Member for East Aberdeen referred, and which can be made available in units for varying numbers, both as private shelters and as communal shelters. I hope that local authorities will proceed as rapidly as possible with the provision of concrete or brick shelters in cases where the standard steel shelter is not suitable.
  I want to pass to another subject, with which I will deal very briefly. In the last few months we have been able to make very considerable progress with our regional organisation—not only the regional organisation for peace-time administration, which has now taken over a great deal of work that used to be done centrally in dealing with schemes submitted by local authorities—but the nucleus of the war-time organisation headed by the Regional Commissioners. I attach the greatest importance to the peace-time activities of the members of that organisation. It is perfectly true,

  2321
  as one hon. Member said, that in peacetime the Regional Commissioners have no executive powers, but they have very important functions, which they have been exercising to the full. They have been establishing contact with the local authorities; they have been discussing, through the regional councils that have been established, such problems of war organisation as mutual aid, mobility of personnel, and arrangements which will overcome in practice many of the defects to which our system of recruitment for Civil Defence is open.
  The rapid development of that regional machinery has, moreover, made it possible to undertake practical exercises with increasing frequency over wider areas, and this in itself has done, and is doing, much to stimulate interest in the work and to develop a keen spirit on the part of the personnel. Very useful information has been obtained as a result of these exercises. They serve, of course, a dual purpose—a very valuable purpose from the point of view of the active defence services, and also the purpose of giving the Civil Defence personnel practical experience, and enabling the public, in greater or less measure, themselves to take part. Next week we are undertaking, as hon. Members know, an exercise on a scale more ambitious than anything hitherto attempted. There will be a black-out over about half the country, from the Humber to the Isle of Wight, and going as far west as Staffordshire and Warwickshire. It has been said in criticism of that arrangement that it is unfortunate that it is timed to begin at about midnight. I agree. But it is the holiday season, and it was represented very strongly from various quarters that to start a black-out, especially in seaside resorts, earlier than midnight, would have exposed a great many people to inconvenience, and would have involved a not inconsiderable loss to many people who rely for their business on the holiday period. I come now to deal with a subject which was referred to by the hon. Member for South Shields in his opening speech.
  Mr. Boothby: Before my right hon. Friend leaves the subject of shelters, may I ask whether the Government have in mind any practical steps to facilitate the further production of these shelters, both
  2322
  concrete and steel, or whether they propose to leave the matter entirely with the local authorities?
  Sir J. Anderson: I purposely refrained from dealing with that matter, which seemed to me one of detail and one which requires consultation with the local authorities. If the local authorities were prepared to use the concrete shelters, wherever they are appropriate, I should be perfectly prepared to consider proposals for a scheme of bulk purchase. I do not follow my hon. Friend to the fullest extent in what I consider to be perhaps a somewhat undue preference on his part for concrete shelters, as distinct from other types of shelter.
  The hon. Member for South Shields dealt with the question of cost from two aspects. He spoke of the burden which the ordinary preparations for Civil Defence would impose upon local authorities and the burden which the shelter policy would impose upon them. As regards the burden on local authorities, I have obtained returns from various parts of the country showing what has been included in the rate demands for this year on account of Civil Defence preparations. My figures, I admit, do not seem to correspond exactly with those in the possession of the hon. Gentleman, and it may be that there is some confusion between estimates and expenditure actually incurred. I do not think we shall be in a position until later in the year to estimate with precision the actual burden which is falling this year on local authorities, but I am aware that there will be inequality as between one authority and another and as I have said before I recognise that there may be a case for expediting the finanical review contemplated under the Act of 1937 and it is the intention of the Government that the review should be undertaken in the spring of next year which I think is the earliest period at which it will be possible to make a realistic review. At the moment if one quoted the expenditure of the local authorities in respect of air-raid precautions, shelters and that sort of thing the figure would be surprisingly small in relation to the charges falling on local authorities in connection for example with street lighting, scavenging or whatever it might be. As regards schools, I was glad that no hon. Member suggested that there was anything in the nature of a breach of

  2323
  faith in the attitude which had been taken.
  It being Ten of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER proceeded, pursuant to Standing Order No. 14, to put forthwith the Question necessary to dispose of the
  Report of the Resolution under consideration.
  Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
  The House divided: Ayes, 253; Noes, 135.

  Division No. 292.]

  AYES.

  [10.1 p.m.

  Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

  Entwistle, Sir C. F.

  Mabane, W. (Huddersfield)

  Adams, S. V. T. (Leeds, W.)

  Erskine-Hill, A. G.

  MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

  Albery, Sir Irving

  Everard, Sir William Lindsay

  McCorquodale, M. S.

  Allen, Col. J. Sandeman (B'knhead)

  Fildes, Sir H.

  MacDonald, Rt. Hon. M. (Ross)

  Anderson, Sir A. Garrett (C. of Ldn.)

  Fleming, E. L.

  MacDonald, Sir Murdosh (Inverness)

  Anderson, Rt. Hon. Sir J. (So'h Univ's)

  Fox, Sir G. W. G.

  Macdonald, Capt. P. (Isle of Wight)

  Anstruther-Gray, W. J

  Fremantle, Sir F. E.

  McEwen, Capt. J. H. F.

  Apsley, Lord

  Furness, S. N.

  McKie, J. H.

  Aske, Sir R. W.

  Fyfe, D. P. M.

  Macmillan, H. (Stockton-on-Tees)

  Assheton, R.

  Gibson, Sir C. G. (Pudsey and Otley)

  Macnamara, Lieut.-Colonel J. R. J.

  Baillie, Sir A. W. M.

  Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir J.

  Magnay, T.

  Baldwin-Webb, Col. J.

  Gledhill, G.

  Maitland, Sir Adam

  Balfour, Capt. H. H. (Isle of Thanet)

  Gluckstein, L. H.

  Makins, Brigadier-General Sir Ernest

  Beechman, N. A.

  Glyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

  Manningham-Buller. Sir M.

  Beit, Sir A. L.

  Goldie, N. B.

  Margesson, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. D. R.

  Bernays, R. H.

  Gower, Sir R. V.

  Markham, S. F.

  Boothby, R. J. G.

  Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

  Medlicott, F.

  Boulton, W. W.

  Granville, E. L.

  Meller, Sir R. J. (Mitcham)

  Bower, Comdr. R. T.

  Greene, W. P. C. (Worcester)

  Mellor, Sir J. S. P. (Tamworth)

  Brabner, R. A.

  Gridley, Sir A. B.

  Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

  Broadbridge, Sir G. T.

  Grimston, R. V.

  Mitcheson, Sir G. G.

  Brocklebank, Sir Edmund

  Guinness, T. L. E. B.

  Morgan, R. H. (Worcester, Stourbridge)

  Brooke, H. (Lewisham, W.)

  Gunsten, Capt. Sir D. W.

  Morris-Jones, Sir Henry

  Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Newbury)

  Hacking, Rt. Hon. Sir D. H.

  Morrison, G. A. (Scottish Univ's.)

  Browne, A. C. (Belfast, W.)

  Hambro, A. V.

  Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester)

  Bull, B. B.

  Hammersley, S. S.

  Muirhead, Lt.-Col. A. J.

  Burgin, Rt. Hon. E. L.

  Hannah, I. C.

  Munro, P.

  Burton, Col. H. W.

  Harbord, Sir A.

  Naven-Spence, Major B. H. H.

  Butcher, H. W.

  Haslam, Sir J. (Bolton)

  Nicholson, G. (Farnham)

  Cartland, J. R. H.

  Heilgers, Captain F. F A.

  Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

  Carver, Major W. H.

  Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

  O'Connor, Sir Terence J.

  Cary, R. A.

  Heneage, Lieut.-Colonal A. P.

  O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

  Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

  Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan.

  Orr-Ewing, I. L.

  Cazalet, Capt. V. A. (Chippenham)

  Hepworth, J.

  Perkins, W. R. D.

  Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Edgb't'n)

  Higgs, W. F.

  Petherick, M.

  Channon, H.

  Hoare, Rt. Hon. Sir S.

  Pickthorn, K. W. M.

  Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

  Hogg, Hon. Q. McG.

  Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

  Clarke, Colonel R. S. (E. Grinstead)

  Holdsworth, H.

  Porritt, R. W.

  Colman, N. C. D.

  Holmes, J. S.

  Procter, Major H. A.

  Colville, Rt. Hon. John

  Hopkinson, A.

  Pym, L. R.

  Conant, Captain R. J. E.

  Hore-Belisha, Rt. Han. L.

  Radford, E. A.

  Cooke, J, D. (Hammersmith, S.)

  Horsbrugh, Florence

  Raikes, H. V. A. M.

  Courthope, Col. Rt. Hon. Sir G. L.

  Howitt, Dr. A. B.

  Ramsay, Captain A. H. M.

  Cox, H. B. Trevor

  Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

  Ramsden, Sir E.

  Craven-Ellis, W.

  Hudson, Rt. Hon. R. S. (Southport)

  Rankin, Sir R.

  Critchley, A.

  Hums, Sir G. H.

  Rathbone, J. R. (Bodmin)

  Croft. Brig.-Gen. Sir H. Page

  Inskip, Rt. Hon. Sir T. W. H.

  Read, A. C. (Exeter)

  Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

  James, Wing-Commander A. W. H.

  Reed, Sir H. S. (Aylesbury)

  Cross, R. H.

  Jarvis, Sir J. J.

  Reid, J. S. C. (Hillhead)

  Crossley, A. C.

  Jennings, R.

  Remer, J. R.

  Crowder, J. F. E.

  Jones, L. (Swansea W.)

  Rickards, G. W. (Skipton)

  Culverwell, C. T.

  Keeling, E. H.

  Ropner, Colonel L.

  Davies, C. (Montgomery)

  Kellett, Major E. O.

  Rosbotham, Sir T.

  De Chair, S. S.

  Kerr, Colonel C. I. (Montrose)

  Ross, Major Sir R. D. (Londonderry)

  De la Bère, R.

  Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

  Rowlands, G.

  Denman, Hon. R. D.

  Kerr, Sir John Graham (Sco'sh Univs.)

  Royds, Admiral Sir P. M. R.

  Danville, Alfred

  Kimball, L.

  Russell, Sir Alexander

  Dodd, J. S.

  Lamb, Sir J. Q.

  Salmon, Sir I.

  Donner, P. W.

  Lancaster, Lieut.-Colonel C. G.

  Salt, E. W.

  Dorman-Smith, Col. Rt. Hon. Sir R. H.

  Law, R. K. (Hull, S.W.)

  Samuel, M. R. A.

  Dower, Lieut.-Col. A. V. G.

  Leech, Sir J. W.

  Sandeman, Sir N. S.

  Drewe, C.

  Lees-Jones, J.

  Sandys, E. D.

  Duckworth, Arthur (Shrewsbury)

  Leighton, Major B. E. P.

  Schuster, Sir G. E.

  Duncan, J. A. L.

  Lennox-Boyd, A. T. L.

  Scott, Lord William

  Eastwood, J. F.

  Levy, T.

  Shakespeare, G. H.

  Eckersley, P. T.

  Lindsay, K. M.

  Shaw, Captain W. T. (Forfar)

  Edge, Sir W.

  Lipson, D. L.

  Shepperson, Sir E. W.

  Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

  Little, Sir E. Graham-

  Shute, Colonel Sir J. A.

  Elliston, Capt. G. S.

  Llewellin, Colonel J. J.

  Simmonds, O. E.

  Emmott, C. E. G. C.

  Lloyd, G. W.

  Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir J. A.

  Emrys-Evans, P. V.

  Loftus, P. C.

  Smith, Bracewell (Dulwich)

  Smithers, Sir W.

  Taylor, C. S. (Eastbourne)

  Wells, Sir Sydney

  Snadden, W. McN.

  Thomas, J. P. L.

  Williams, Sir H. G. (Croydon, S.)

  Somervell, Rt. Hon. Sir Donald

  Thornton, Sir J. D. W.

  Willoughby de Eresby, Lord

  Somerville, Sir A. A. (Windsor)

  Thorneycroft, G. E. P.

  Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir A. T. (Hitchin)

  Southby, Commander Sir A. R. J.

  Touche, G. C.

  Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel G.

  Spears, Brigadier-General E. L.

  Tree, A. R. L. F.

  Winterton, Rt, Hon. Earl

  Spens. W. P.

  Tryon, Major Rt. Hon. G. C.

  Womersley, Sir W. J.

  Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

  Turton, R. H.

  Wood, Hon. C. I. C.

  Storey, S.

  Wakefield, W. W.

  Wright, Wing-Commander J. A. C.

  Stourton, Major Hon. J. J.

  Walker-Smith, Sir J.

  York, C.

  Strickland, Captain W. F.

  Wallace, Capt. Rt. Hon. Euan

  Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (N'thw'h)

  Ward, Lieut.-Col Sir A. L.. (Hull)

  TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

  Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

  Waterhouse, Captain C.

  Major Sir James Edmondson

  Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

  Webbe, Sir W. Harold

  and Captain Dugdale.

  Tasker, Sir R. I.

  Wedderburn, H. J. S.

  NOES.

  Adams, D. (Consett)

  Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

  Pearson, A.

  Adams, D. M. (Poplar, S.)

  Hall, J. H. (Whitechapel)

  Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

  Adamson, Jennie L. (Dartford)

  Hall, W. G. (Colne Valley)

  Poole, C. C.

  Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

  Hardie, Agnes

  Price, M. P.

  Ammon, C. G.

  Harris, Sir P. A.

  Pritt, D. N.

  Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

  Hayday, A.

  Quibell, D. J. K.

  Banfield, J. W.

  Henderson, A. (Kingswinford)

  Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

  Barnes, A. J.

  Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

  Richards, R. (Wrexham)

  Barr, J.

  Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

  Ridley, G.

  Batey, J.

  Hicks, E. G.

  Riley, B.

  Beaumont, H. (Batley)

  Hills, A. (Pontefract)

  Ritson, J.

  Bellenger. F. J.

  Horabin, T. L.

  Roberts, W. (Cumberland, N.)

  Benn, Rt. Hon. W. W.

  Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

  Robinson, W. A. (St. Helens)

  Benson, G.

  Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

  Rothschild, J.A. de

  Brown, C. (Mansfield)

  John, W.

  Sexton, T. M.

  Burke, W. A.

  Johnston, Rt, Hon. T.

  Shinwell, E.

  Cape, T.

  Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

  Silkin, L.

  Charlton, H. C

  Kennedy, Rt. Hon. T.

  Silverman, S. S,

  Chater, D.

  Kirby, B. V.

  Sinclair, Rt. Hon. Sir A. (C'thn's)

  Cluse, W. S.

  Kirkwood, D.

  Sloan, A.

  Collindridge, F,

  Lansbury, Rt. Hon. G.

  Smith, E. (Stoke)

  Cave, W. G.

  Lathan, G.

  Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees- (K'ly)

  Daggar, G.

  Lawson, J. J.

  Smith, T. (Normanton)

  Dalton, H.

  Lee, F.

  Sorenson, R. W.

  Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

  Leslie, J. R.

  Stewart, W. J. (H'ght'n-le-Sp'ng)

  Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

  Logan, D. G.

  Strauss, G. R. (Lambeth, N.)

  Day, H.

  Lunn, W.

  Summerskill, Dr. Edith

  Dobbie. W.

  Macdonald, G. (Inse)

  Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

  Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

  McEntee, V. La T.

  Thurtle, E.

  Ede, J. C.

  McGhee, H. G.

  Tinker, J. J.

  Edwards, A. (Middlesbrough E.)

  MacLaren, A.

  Tomlinson. G.

  Edwards, Sir C. (Badwellty)

  Maclean, N.

  Viant, S. P.

  Edwards, N. (Caerphilly)

  MacMillan, M. (Western Isles)

  Walkden, A. Q.

  Evans, D.O. (Cardigan)

  Mainwaring, W. H.

  Watkins, F. C.

  Foot, D. M.

  Marshall, F.

  White, H. Graham

  Frankel, D.

  Messer, F.

  Whiteley, W. (Blaydon)

  Gallacher, W.

  Milner, Major. J.

  Williams, E. J.(Ignore)

  Gardner, B. W.

  Montague, F.

  Williams, T. (Dan Valley)

  Garro Jones, G. M.

  Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

  Wilmot John

  George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesey)

  Nathan, Colonel H. L.

  Wilson, C. H. (Attercliffe)

  Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

  Naylor, T. E.

  Windsor, W. (Hull, C.)

  Griffith, F. Kingsley (M 'ddl'sbro, W.)

  Noel-Baker, P. J.

  Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

  Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

  Oliver, G. H.

  Young, Sir R. (Newton)

  Griffiths, J. (Llanelly)

  Owen, Major G.

  Groves, T. E.

  Paling, W.

  TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

  Guest, Dr. L. H. (Islington, N.)

  Parkinson, J. A.

  Mr. Mathers and Mr. Adamson.

  Question put, and agreed to.

  Mr. SPEAKER then proceeded to put forthwith the Questions, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolutions reported in respect of Classes I to IX of the Civil Estimates, the Revenue Departments Estimates, the Navy Estimates, the Army Estimates, and the Air Estimates."

  CIVIL ESTIMATES AND SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES, 1939.

    CLASS I.
    CENTRAL GOVERNMENT AND FINANCE.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of Class I of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS II.
    FOREIGN AND IMPERIAL.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolutions reported in respect of Class II of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS III.
    HOME DEPARTMENT (INCLUDING AIR-RAID PRECAUTIONARY SERVICES), LAW AND JUSTICE.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolutions reported in respect of Class III of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS IV.
    EDUCATION AND BROADCASTING.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of Class IV of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS V.
    HEALTH, LABOUR AND INSURANCE.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolutions reported in respect of Class V of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS VI.
    TRADE, INDUSTRY AND TRANSPORT.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolutions reported in respect of Class VI of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS VII.
    COMMON SERVICES (WORKS, STATIONERY, ETC.).
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolutions reported in respect of Class VII of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS VIII.
    NON-EFFECTIVE CHARGES (PENSIONS).
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of Class VIII of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

    CLASS IX.
    EXCHEQUER CONTRIBUTIONS TO LOCAL REVENUES.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of Class IX of the Civil Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.
    REVENUE DEPARTMENTS ESTIMATES AND SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATE, 1939.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of the Revenue Departments Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.
    NAVY ESTIMATES, 1939.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of the Navy Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.
    ARMY ESTIMATES, 1939.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of the Army Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.
    AIR ESTIMATES, 1939.
    Question,
    "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the outstanding Resolution reported in respect of the Air Estimates."
    put, and agreed to.

  WAYS AND MEANS [31st July].
  Resolution reported,
  "That, towards making good the Supply granted to His Majesty for the Service of the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1940, the sum of £472,908,146 be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom."
  Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolution by the Chairman of Ways and Means, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Captain Crookshank.

  CONSOLIDATED FUND (APPROPRIATION) BILL,
  "to apply a sum out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the year ending on the thirty-first day of March, one thousand nine hundred and forty, and to appropriate the supplies granted

  2329
  in this Session of Parliament," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed.—[Bill 222.]

  WAR RISKS INSURANCE BILL.
  Order read for Consideration of Lords Amendments.
  Lords Amendments considered accordingly.
  CLAUSE 8.—(Registration of insurances which would be required in the event of war.)
  Lords Amendment; In page 8, line 13, leave out from "who" to "and" in line 15 and insert:
  "are authorised by the Board to receive on their behalf applications under this section."
  10.16 p.m.
  The Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade (Mr. Cross): I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
  This is a drafting Amendment, the purpose of which is to make clear the intention that the persons that will be employed as agents of the Board of Trade for the purpose of the commodity insurance scheme that is to be put into operation in the event of war, will also be agents for the Board of Trade for the purpose of registering applications in time of peace.
  Perhaps I might add also that the third, fourth and fifth Amendments on the Paper are consequential upon this drafting Amendment.
  Subsequent Lords Amendment, in page 9, line 38, agreed to.
  CLAUSE 13.—(Employment of agents by Board of Trade.)
  Lords Amendment: In page 12, line 33, leave out from "for" to "and" in line 34 and insert:
  "any of the purposes of this Part of this Act."
  Mr. Cross: I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
  Mr. Speaker: This raises a question of Privilege and an entry will be made in the Journals of the House.
  Remaining Lords Amendments agreed to. [Several with Special Entries.].

  AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT ACT, 1939.
  10.17 p.m.
  The Minister of Agriculture (Colonel Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith): I beg to move:
  "That the Scheme under the Agricultural Development Act, 1939, for the collection of levies from manufacturers of barley products and importers of beer and for enabling barley subsidy payments to be made to growers of barley in respect of barley grown by them in the United Kingdom and harvested by them during the year 1939, a draft of which was presented to this House on the 26th day of July, 1939, be approved."
  The House will remember that during the passage of the Agricultural Development Bill, I mentioned that although considerable progress had been made in negotiations with the interests concerned towards the preparation of a long-term scheme to deal with the barley crop, it had become evident that it would not be possible to complete these discussions and to bring such a scheme into operation by 1st August in order to deal with the new crop of barley when it begins to come on to the market. Therefore we took power under Section 20 of the Agricultural Development Act to prepare a simplified temporary scheme to operate for the 1939 crop. This scheme has now been prepared, and the Resolution which I am moving, invites the House to approve the scheme in the form already circulated to hon. Members in the White Paper issued last week.
  It might be for the convenience of the House if I outline briefly the chief provisions of the scheme. In general, the scheme provides for contributions to be paid into a Barley Fund by brewers and importers of beer and manufacturers of pot-still whisky upon a sliding scale which will vary with the price of barley, together with such sums from the Exchequer as will provide for an acreage subsidy to growers of barley in the United Kingdom, which will also vary according to the price of barley.
  The rate of the levy and the subsidy payment to growers will depend upon the

  2331
  weighted average price of home-grown barley during the six months from 1st August, 1939, to 31st January, 1940, as ascertained from the returns which will be rendered under the Corn Returns Act, 1882. In order to collect levies on imports of beer, which, of course, must be done when the beer actually enters the country, it is necessary to fix a provisional rate of levy for the first six months of the barley year, and for this purpose an estimate must be made of what is likely to be the average price of barley during the season, much in the same way as the Wheat Commission make an estimate of the average price of wheat in order to assess the quota payment under the Wheat Act. Paragraph 5 of the scheme, therefore, provides that the Minister shall prescribe, as soon after the 1st August as possible, an estimated average price. We hope to be able to make an estimate and publish it in 10 or 12 days' time, as soon as we can form some idea of what the market for the home-grown barley of the new crop will be.
  All brewers and importers of beer will be required to contribute to the fund on a sliding scale. The amount of the levy will vary from Id. to Is. per standard barrel of beer, according as the price of barley varies between 9s. 11d. and 8s. 1d. per cwt. There will be the usual allowance for repayments of levy on beer which may be exported, lost or destroyed as in the case of Customs and Excise Duties. The levy for manufacturers of pot-still whisky will vary from Id. to 4d. per proof gallon. The remainder of the moneys necessary to pay the appropriate rate of subsidy to the farmer will be found from the Exchequer. If the average price of barley falls as low as 8s. per cwt. it is estimated that the Exchequer contribution will not exceed £500,000.
  As far as whisky is concerned there was a strong desire expressed by both the farmers and the distillers in Scotland that the existing arrangements which are in operation there now should continue, that is to say, that there should be a fixed price for local barley. That is considered to be more satisfactory from the standpoint of both parties in Scotland than the provisions of this temporary levy subsidy scheme. I am told that owing to the nature of the trade and the limited number of persons engaged in that trade
  2332
  it will be a relatively easy matter to supervise the scheme and to administer an arrangement of this kind. It will mean a definite price for the local barley.
  Paragraph 12 of the scheme provides that the manufacturer of pot-still whisky may be exempt from the liability to pay the levy provided he notifies the Secretary of State for Scotland of his intention to claim exemption from the scheme, and he satisfies the Department that he has fulfilled the conditions specified in the scheme. If the conditions are not fulfilled at the end of the year, then the distiller will be liable to pay on the whole of his production of whisky during that year. Should any distiller prefer not to claim exemption he will then be liable to pay levy on his production of whisky at the appropriate rate. A similar arrangement will be applied to distillers in Northern Ireland.
  This is a temporary scheme which had to be devised within a very short time. It may be said that in addition to the brewers and the distillers there are a number of other users of barley for malting purposes, but the quantity of barley used for such other purposes is very much smaller than that used by brewers and distillers, and a number of complications arise which would require exploration and a lot of negotiation before we could devise appropriate scales of levy and before we could introduce administrative machinery for its collection. There is one other complication. Unlike brewers and distillers, manufacturers of other barley products, such as malt extract, are not already under Customs supervision. For these reasons it has not been practicable to include those other users within the scope of this temporary scheme, but I should like to make it quite clear that their omission is entirely without prejudice to their inclusion in the long-term scheme which we hope to devise during the autumn.
  As to the effect of the scheme on the farmer, it provides that subsidy shall vary from 2s. 6d. to 30s. per acre, according as the price of barley falls from 9s. 11d. to 8s. 1d. per cwt. If therefore the average price of barley, irrespective of its use, falls as low as 8s. per cwt.—32s. per quarter—the farmer will receive on the basis of the average yield 39s. 6d. per quarter for his barley instead of 32s. per quarter. Of course, the barley grower

  2333
  who realises more or less than the average price will secure a greater or a less return than the 39s. 6d. per quarter.
  I am glad to say that this scheme has been prepared in close co-operation with the brewers, the distillers and the fanners, and is in fact an agreed measure. I should like once again to acknowledge the willingness of the brewers and the distillers to co-operate, although I know that some of them do not like a levy contribution, but I feel that this ready co-operation which we have found is a very good augury for the future negotiations which will have to take place in order to work out the long-term scheme. I am convinced that the scheme will provide a very valuable safeguard to the grower of barley, and for the first time under statutory powers the users of barley for malting are making their contribution towards the assistance of the home producer of their raw material. I think this marks a very notable advance in cooperation between agriculture and industry, and as such I commend the scheme to the approval of the House.
  10.27 p.m.
  Mr. T. Williams: I am quite sure that after the lucid speech of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman every hon. Member in the House will understand this barley scheme. I am sure that they know the finance of the scheme; just how much the grower is going to contribute if the price falls below a certain figure, and they know just what that means on a gallon of beer, in fact, they know all about it. If they do they know more than I do. I have read the scheme very carefully, and the right hon. Gentleman's speech is conspicuous not so much for what he said as for what he did not say. There are certain omissions in this draft scheme for which no explanation has been forthcoming from the Minister, and so far as I am concerned, I am just where I was when I first read the scheme. It is perfectly true that some scheme such as this was necessary under the Act which was passed by this House, and, therefore, I cannot imagine any hon. Member putting up any fundamental opposition to some scheme. But at least we are entitled to know what the scheme really involves. The only thing that the right hon. Gentleman told us about a potential Treasury payment was that if the price of barley for manufacturing purposes falls below
  2334
  8s. the Treasury contribution might be £500,000. So far as the brewer is concerned, he told us that if he paid on a certain scale of prices there will be a certain scale of charges, and that if the price of barley falls to a certain point the brewer will pay so much per standard barrel of beer into the fund out of which a subsidy is to be provided.
  But what the right hon. Gentleman failed to do was this. He gives us a list showing that if the price of barley falls below 10s. to 8s. 10d. then a subsidy per acre of 2s. 6d. will be payable. The price goes down from 9s. 10d. to 8s. 1d., and the subsidy per acre is also given in the third column on page 8. Therefore, we understand from that page that the guaranteed price provided by this scheme will be 10s. per cwt. for barley sold for manufacturing purposes. So far, so good. That is clear. However, when we turn to the Second Schedule on page 11, we are told that if the price of barley falls to 9s. 10d. per cwt., the brewers and importers of beer will pay Id. per standard barrel of 36 gallons towards the subsidy referred to on page 8, and if the price of barley falls to 8s., the brewers will have to pay Is. per standard barrel of 36 gallons towards that subsidy.
  What I want to know, and what the House is entitled to know is this. We understand now that the guaranteed price is 10s. per cwt. for manufacturing barley, we know that under the price scheme it may be that the brewers and importers of beer and producers of pot-still whisky will make a certain contribution, but what contribution, or what proportion of the contribution, the brewers or the whisky manufacturers will have to make in certain given circumstances is not explained. While the right hon. and gallant Gentleman thanks his lucky stars that the brewers have been generous and have cooperated, he does not tell us to what extent they have co-operated. I know that the guaranteed price of 10s. for barley for manufacturing purposes is higher than the price received by the producers in any of the last nine years, except 1937. I am not even going to argue that a price of 10s. is an excess price-it may be a reasonable price, and one that will foot the bill of the farmer—but what I want to know is what proportion of the subsidy is paid by the brewers on the one hand and the Treasury on the other. There is nothing in the scheme

  2335
  which tells us what the two proportions are, and the right hon. and gallant Gentleman did not even hint what they are. He told us what the maximum payments maybe, but he did not tell us what proportion of the difference between the average market price and 10s. the brewers will have to meet. That may be a very dreary way of explaining the thing, and it may be even less clear now than it was when the Minister sat down, but if I have at least made the thing clear at all, hon. Members will understand what I am getting at—that the guaranteed price is known, that certain contributions from the brewers in certain circumstances are known, and the subsidy from the Treasury will have to come in later to fill the bill; but we do not know what the two proportions are. I hope the right hon. and gallant Gentleman will explain that.
  Then, I want to ask why it is that in the case of barley sold for the purposes of manufacturing beer a guaranteed price of 10s. per cwt. is provided for, when under paragraph 12 in the scheme, if pot-still whisky producers comply with two conditions, they can be exempted from any payment towards the scheme, and presumably, in that case, the Treasury payment will increase accordingly. It may be that I am wrong in that assumption. The two conditions to be fulfilled are, first, that in the manufacture of that pot-still whisky, 50 per cent. of malt made from British barley must be used and, second, that the producer of the whisky must have paid an average price of 8s. per cwt. for the barley. Why should it be 8s. per cwt. in the case of whisky and 10s. per cwt. in the case of beer? I know the right hon. Gentleman referred to Scotland, where whisky is largely produced and to the fact that this would be convenient for them there, but, it appears to me that the question is invited: Why should the beer producers have to pay 10s., while the whisky producers have to pay only 8s. per cwt.? Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will further elucidate those points. First what proportion of the difference between the market price and the standard price will the brewers' contribution be, and what proportion of that price will be left to the Treasury and, secondly, why are the whisky pro-
  2336
  ducers, if they pay 8s. per cwt., exempt from the scheme?
  There is one other question. Perhaps it is scarcely relevant, since the scheme is intended to apply only for one year. But when the year has passed, other schemes will be forthcoming according to the terms of the Act and similar or almost similar arrangements will have to be embodied in them. In 1937 the average price paid for barley from August to the end of January was 12s. per cwt. Suppose in some subsequent year there is a very small crop and barley producers sell at the maximum price and that price exceeds 10s., what is to happen? Will the beer and whisky producers and the Treasury all be exempt from any contribution and excluded from any participation in the price, in excess of the standard price laid down in this scheme? We ought to know that, because, on this temporary scheme, future permanent schemes will be, more or less, based and the more we know about the temporary scheme, the better shall we understand any permanent scheme that is brought forward. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will answer those question and then we may let him have his Resolution.
  10.38 p.m.
  Sir Sydney Wells: This, of course, is a temporary expedient, and I speak with some knowledge of the brewing industry when I say that I agree with the Minister, that some brewers do not like it. I do not think that any trade desires extra taxation. But it is an agreed scheme, because the brewers feel that they would like to see the farmer get a. fair price for his barley. In any scheme that is brought forward, either now or in the future, we, as brewers, desire to see that the farmer does get the advantage of the extra payment and that it is not lost by way of middlemen or in any other way. The hon. Member for Don Valley (Mr. T. Williams) asked what would be the maximum. I believe the maximum payable by the brewers would be, if necessary, something like £900,000, or just over that sum, if the charge were to be levied for this year.
  One of the difficulties—I think the great difficulty—regarding barley in this country, is the question of foreign barley coming in at a low price and knocking the bottom out of the English market.

  2337
  As hon. Members know there is a 10 per cent. duty on foreign barley and none on Empire barley. If that duty could be trebled, with a preference on Empire barley, I think the bottom could be put into the barley market, and we should not have this trouble in front of us year after year. The farmer cannot sell his feeding barley at anything like the value which it ought to fetch, and the foreign feeding barley comes into this country at from 18s. to 24s. a quarter, whereas feeding barley in this country should be something like 30s. a quarter. Malting barley, of course, has a limited market, and the farmer always feels very hurt when he has a good class of barley and cannot sell it for malting and perhaps has to sell it at as low as 15s. We accept this scheme because we believe that it will help the farmer through what will be in all likelihood a very difficult season in this next year, and we hope that we may be able to create a permanent scheme for the future benefit of the farming industry.
  10.41 p.m.
  Captain Heilgers: I do not believe that we can deal with this matter by means of an import duty, as was suggested by the hon. Member for Bedford (Sir S. Wells). I have had a good deal of experience of this problem. The import duty position has been examined repeatedly, and it has been on all occasions found to be impracticable. But it was not for that purpose that 1 rose to-night. I rose to congratulate the Minister and to say that it is something of a triumph on his part to have produced a scheme at last. Ever since 1922 the best brains in agriculture have been engaged in the search for a solution of the barley problem, and it has been no easy problem, because the East of England has wanted a high price for malting barley and the West has wanted a cheap barley for feeding pigs. This scheme, at any rate, caters for both parties. I think there is one danger about the scheme, and that is lest the 10s. per cwt. does become a general standard price and the best growers will not be able to obtain a due reward for the best barley that they produce. Anyhow, it seems to me that, in spite of that difficulty, any scheme is better than no scheme at all, and I do thank the Minister for what he has done in the matter.
  10.43 p.m.
  Lieut.-Colonel Heneage: It is only right that the hon. and gallant Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Captain Heilgers) and myself should say a few words about this barley scheme, and I join with the hon. and gallant Member who sits for Suffolk, while I represent Lincolnshire, in congratulating the Minister. Norfolk, Suffolk, and Lincolnshire caused the great trouble to the National Government. From the point of view of the farmers, they want to know when they are going to get the money. As the House knows, they are extremely short of money, and I should be very glad if the Minister would let us know the average weighted price. I am sure the House will excuse my mentioning that the farmers would like to know whether they can get something on account, but I do congratulate the Minister on the scheme that he has produced.
  10.44 p.m.
  Sir R. Dorman-Smith: In answer to the hon. Member for Don Valley (Mr. T. Williams), who asked about the proportions as between the Treasury and the brewers, the proportion will be that the Treasury will pay round about a third and the brewers two-thirds; that is to say, to take one example, if we take 900,000 acres of barley, with a total of 15,000,000 barrels of beer, and the brewers have a price of 32s., the brewers will be paying £900,000, the subsidy per acre will be 30s., there will be a total subsidy of £1,350,000; and the Government them-serves will pay round about £450,000. It is impossible to give any exact figure, but it is round about one-third from the Government and two-thirds from the trade. As far as pot-still whisky is concerned, and why there is a less price for the barley used for that—8s. instead of 10s.—the price of the barley used for whisky always has been lower than that used for beer as it is of not quite so high a grade. If the whisky distillers give over the 8s. there is no subsidy whatever from the Treasury. With regard to the hypothetical question of an hon. Member as to what may happen in the future, I do not like to be dogmatic, but as I see it— certainly in this year—if growers do get the 40s. or over there will be nothing from the Treasury and nothing more from the brewers. They will just get their 40s. or more. This is an insurance scheme; it

  2339
  is putting a bottom to the market and is not guaranteeing a profit.
  I am grateful to my hon. Friends for the kind words which they have said about this scheme, and I too am very glad indeed that we have been able to secure a foundation for barley growers in the future. I am afraid that I cannot give the hon. Member any firm idea of when there may be an advance under this scheme, because, as he knows, we first have to ascertain the market prices, but under Section 17 there is power to make advances at a suitable moment, and we will try to make an advance when we can.
  10.47 p.m.
  Colonel Sir George Courthope: There are two points which have not been mentioned to which I hope my right hon. and gallant Friend will pay close attention. As has been said already, the brewers, of whom I am one, have assented to this scheme in their desire to help the producers of their principal raw material. We are exceedingly anxious to ensure that the price we pay shall reach the farmers and not stick on the way, and I fancy it will be very much easier for the right hon. and gallant Gentleman than it will be for the brewers to ensure that that is so. Inevitably a very large proportion of the malt used by the brewers is purchased in the form of malt and not in the form of barley, and there is one detail which I hope the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and his officers will watch. There has been trouble in the past arising from what is known as Danish island barley. After it has been converted into malt it is very difficult to distinguish it from malt made from home-grown barley. There are considerable imports of that commodity at prices which one would expect to pay for feeding barley, and there is a distinct risk, unless the position is carefully watched, that part of that Danish island barley malt will find its way into use as home-grown malt. I should feel very much happier if the right hon. and gallant Gentleman would give us an assurance that those two points will not be overlooked.
  10.49 p.m.
  Mr. T. Williams: If I may have the permission of the House to speak again, I should like to say that it is now clear what the guarantees exactly are. The
  2340
  right hon. and gallant Gentleman has told us that any deficiency between the market price and the standard price will be made good as to two-thirds by the brewers and one-third by the Treasury. If the price went to the lowest point of 8s. brewers would still have to pay 9s. 4d. per cwt. for their barley and the Treasury would have to come in with 8d. There is another question I would beg of him to keep in mind. I raised the same question on Second Reading. While the brewers are known for their generosity in many ways I am not too sure that they will be happy if they find that they have to guarantee 9s. 4d. per cwt. for the barley they take from home producers, and that in a bad season they are called on to pay 12s. or 13s. It is worth while the right hon. Gentleman looking at this, because even the brewers are serious business people if their profits are any guide, and if the right hon. Gentleman is searching for stability in the agricultural industry he not only wants to put a bottom in the price but he wants to make doubly sure that the scheme is not going to be crippled.
  Resolved,
  "That the Scheme under the Agricultural Development Act, 1939. for the collection of levies from manufacturers of barley products and importers of beer and for enabling barley subsidy payments to be made to growers of barley in respect of barley grown by them in the United Kingdom and harvested by them during the year 1939, a draft of which was presented to this House on the 26th day of July, 1939, be approved."

  AGRICULTURAL MARKETING ACTS.
  10.52 p.m.
  Sir R. Dorman-Smith: I beg to move,
  "That the Scheme under the Agricultural Marketing Acts, 1931 and 1933, for regulating the marketing of milk products, a draft of which was presented to this House on the 13th day of July, 1939, be approved."
  This scheme was submitted to my predecessor and the then Secretary of State for Scotland in 1936. The completion of the statutory procedure was delayed until it could be ascertained what place this scheme should take in the structure of the milk industry. With the withdrawal of the Milk Industry Bill it was decided that the scheme should be proceeded with. Therefore, in accordance with the Act, the Secretary of State and myself, and our

  2341
  predecessors, satisfied ourselves that the promoters were substantially representative of the milk manufacturers concerned. We received representations from people who thought their interests might be affected, and caused a public inquiry to be held, at which these objections were investigated. We considered the report of the commissioner, and we made such modifications as we thought desirable, and these have been agreed by the promoters of the scheme.
  The products covered are butter, cheese, condensed milk, whole or skimmed, dried milk, whole or skimmed, cream and sterilised cream. The scheme will confer most of the main powers authorised by the Agricultural Marketing Acts. The board may regulate the prices at which the products are to be sold, the persons to whom they are to be sold, the terms of sale and the grading and packing of the products. I cannot say how the board will exercise its powers because it is not in existence. Its main objective will be to maintain stability in the milk products market. It has been evident for a long time that some coherent marketing policy in milk products is necessary. The scheme is essentially one for the regulation of factory produce. The farm producer and the small dairy producer will be exempt from it. The board will be elected by the producers of the various regulated products, and the scheme is devised to, and we hope will in fact, secure not only a board of representatives of the industry but a set of business men who will be able to look after the interests of the industry as a whole.
  If Parliament approves it, the scheme will not come into force before it has had the approval of a two-thirds majority of the producers of each product. If that requisite majority is not attained for any one or more of those products, these products will be excluded from the scheme, and the scheme will be confined to the ones which meet with approval. There is the usual provision for the revocation of this scheme by poll if desired. Undoubtedly this scheme will be of great value not only to the milk products industry but also to the milk industry as a whole.
  10.57 p.m.
  Mr. T. Williams: In 1932 I might have welcomed this scheme with open arms. The scheme, drawn as it is out of the
  2342
  Act of 1931, would have been designed exclusively for the purpose of marketing certain commodities, with all of which on this side of the Committee we agree, but the passing of the Act of 1933, which confers upon the Government, wherever a marketing scheme is in existence or is being thought of, power to regulate the marketing of the commodity which is to be marketed through the scheme, rather tends to disturb one's mind as to the power which the 1933 Act gives, once a marketing scheme is brought into existence.
  I would remind hon. Members that this scheme will be governed, according to pages 4, 5 and 6, by 25 persons all of whom are producers, and that not a consumer is to be found anywhere in that scheme, even including the co-operative wholesale societies. I know that when the scheme was contemplated the Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society had to be consulted because they formed part of the scheme. I have no objection to the marketing scheme as such, but I am advising hon. Members to note that the 25 members who will constitute the board are everyone producers' representatives and that, apart from the cooperative society's representatives, there is no representative of the consumers of these commodities. I am particularly concerned about that. I have no intention of voting against the scheme, but we ought to bear in mind that butter, cheese and other milk products are embodied in the scheme and that if, as a result of the scheme, the Minister is given power to regulate the imports of butter, on top of the 1½d. per pound duty paid by foreign countries, it might conceivably be used with grave detriment to the large multitude of consumers in this country.
  We have no objection to a marketing scheme as such. We wish it well and hope that it will rationalise the various factors and help to produce efficient organisation in the distribution of this product. But we warn the Ministers that if, before this scheme has really got under way, they are going to make their primary object the regulation of vital imports of commodities, they will hear a good deal more about it in this House. For the reasons I have given, and because of the fact that the Labour Government were responsible for the Act of 1931, we could

  2343
  not in any circumstances oppose a marketing scheme, but we are very chary of what the effect of the Act of 1933 may be, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be extremely careful, when the ballot is ultimately taken and the appropriate majorities are obtained, not to exercise too much power in advising the Board of Trade to restrict unduly the imports of butter, cheese or any other of these milk commodities.
  11.1 p.m.
  Mr. A. V. Alexander: My hon. Friend has indicated that we are not going to Divide on this Motion, but I think that, before the scheme is passed, it should be made clear that there are people included in the promotion of the scheme who find themselves almost forced to be included because of existing facts in the milk industry. If there were no milk marketing boards operating in the way that they are, there would be no necessity for a secondary Milk Products Board, and it follows that some people who are included in the promotion of the scheme would not be there but for the fact that they have to accept the position created by the operation of the Milk Marketing Board. While I agree entirely with my
  2344
  hon. Friend that, from the point of view of the objects of the scheme, the whole directorate of the first board must be regarded as representing producers, because they are manufacturers of secondary products, I do not think the people who represent the Co-operative movement on the board will forget that they are representatives of the consumers. If they did, they would soon be reminded of it by their own co-operative consumers.
  Resolved,
  "That the Scheme under the Agricultural Marketing Acts, 1931 and 1933, for regulating the marketing of milk products, a draft of which was presented to this House on the 13th day of July, 1939, be approved."
  The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
  ADJOURNMENT.
  Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Lieut.-Colonel Charles Kerr.]
  Adjourned accordingly at Three Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.

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  HORSES (EXPORTS).
  UNITED STATES TEXTILE EXPORTS (SUBSIDIES).
  UNITED STATES TEXTILE EXPORTS (SUBSIDIES).
  BOARD OF TRADE (STAFF).
  BOARD OF TRADE (STAFF).
BRITISH ARMY.
  WOOLWICH AND SANDHURST SCHOLARSHIPS.
  WOOLWICH AND SANDHURST SCHOLARSHIPS.
  MOUNTED YEOMANRY.
  MOUNTED YEOMANRY.
  MILITARY TRAINING CAMPS (PRESS VISITS).
  MILITARY TRAINING CAMPS (PRESS VISITS).
  COAST DEFENCE TRAINING.
  COAST DEFENCE TRAINING.
  EQUIPMENT DISTRIBUTION.
  EQUIPMENT DISTRIBUTION.
  THE LATE SAPPER D. G. MAXWELL.
  THE LATE SAPPER D. G. MAXWELL.
  REGULAR AND TERRITORIAL ARMIES (STRENGTH).
  REGULAR AND TERRITORIAL ARMIES (STRENGTH).
  RETIRING OFFICERS (RE-EMPLOYMENT).
  RETIRING OFFICERS (RE-EMPLOYMENT).
  MILITIA CAMPS (CONTRACTS).
  MILITIA CAMPS (CONTRACTS).
  RESERVE OF OFFICERS.
  RESERVE OF OFFICERS.
  YEOMANRY UNITS (DOUBLING).
  YEOMANRY UNITS (DOUBLING).
  WAR DEPARTMENT CONTRACTS, LIVERPOOL.
  WAR DEPARTMENT CONTRACTS, LIVERPOOL.
  MECHANISED UNITS (CASUALTIES).
  MECHANISED UNITS (CASUALTIES).
  MILITIAMEN (FOOD).
  MILITIAMEN (FOOD).
  DEPENDANT'S PENSION (FUSILIER F. SMITH).
  DEPENDANT'S PENSION (FUSILIER F. SMITH).
LAND ACQUISITION.
  ROMFORD.
  ROMFORD.
  SHREWSBURY.
  SHREWSBURY.
  NEW FACTORY, ABINGDON.
  NEW FACTORY, ABINGDON.
  MATERNITY SERVICES.
  MATERNITY SERVICES.
  RURAL WATER SUPPLY, SUFFOLK.
  RURAL WATER SUPPLY, SUFFOLK.
  AFFORESTATION (ARGYLL).
  AFFORESTATION (ARGYLL).
  CEYLON.
  CEYLON.
  DOMINIONS (DISCRIMINATION AGAINST INDIANS).
  DOMINIONS (DISCRIMINATION AGAINST INDIANS).
ROYAL NAVY.
  DOCKYARD WORKERS (PENSIONS).
  DOCKYARD WORKERS (PENSIONS).
  SALVAGE OF HIS MAJESTY'S SUBMARINE "THETIS."
  SALVAGE OF HIS MAJESTY'S SUBMARINE "THETIS."
UNEMPLOYMENT.
  WORKING DAYS LOST.
  WORKING DAYS LOST.
  FACTORY SITES, RHONDDA.
  FACTORY SITES, RHONDDA.
  NEW INDUSTRIES, LANCASHIRE.
  NEW INDUSTRIES, LANCASHIRE.
  BENEFITS AND ALLOWANCES (COST).
  BENEFITS AND ALLOWANCES (COST).
  HOSIERY INDUSTRY, LEICESTER.
  HOSIERY INDUSTRY, LEICESTER.
MILITARY TRAINING.
  SOUTH WALES AND MONMOUTHSHIRE.
  SOUTH WALES AND MONMOUTHSHIRE.
  ESSEX AND WEST HAM AREA.
  ESSEX AND WEST HAM AREA.
  ROYAL ARSENAL, BRIDGEND.
  ROYAL ARSENAL, BRIDGEND.
CIVIL DEFENCE.
  AIR-RAID SHELTERS.
  AIR-RAID SHELTERS.
  VOLUNTARY HOSPITALS (GRANTS).
  VOLUNTARY HOSPITALS (GRANTS).
  HOUSE OF COMMONS (REFRESHMENT DEPARTMENT).
  HOUSE OF COMMONS (REFRESHMENT DEPARTMENT).
  ESSENTIAL COMMODITIES RESERVES ACT.
  ESSENTIAL COMMODITIES RESERVES ACT.
  CIVIL AVIATION (FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE).
  CIVIL AVIATION (FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE).
  BRITISH GOVERNMENT INVESTMENTS ABROAD.
  BRITISH GOVERNMENT INVESTMENTS ABROAD.
  NATIONAL FINANCE (STATISTICS).
  NATIONAL FINANCE (STATISTICS).
  SPECIAL AREAS RECONSTRUCTION ASSOCIATION.
  SPECIAL AREAS RECONSTRUCTION ASSOCIATION.
  INCOME TAX (RELIEFS).
  INCOME TAX (RELIEFS).
  LOCAL AUTHORITIES' LOANS (SPECIAL AREAS).
  LOCAL AUTHORITIES' LOANS (SPECIAL AREAS).
  AERIAL WARFARE RESTRICTION (BRITISH POLICY).
  AERIAL WARFARE RESTRICTION (BRITISH POLICY).
  POTATO MARKETING SCHEME.
  POTATO MARKETING SCHEME.
  JUSTICES OF THE PEACE (EAST SUFFOLK).
  JUSTICES OF THE PEACE (EAST SUFFOLK).
  CLERKENWELL COUNTY COURT.
  CLERKENWELL COUNTY COURT.
Preamble
The House met at three of the clock, The Lord Chancellor on the Woolsack.
COTTON INDUSTRY (REORGANISATION) BILL.
Returned from the Commons, with the Amendments agreed to.
LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL (GENERAL POWERS) BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments: the said Amendments considered and agreed to.
LONDON BUILDING ACTS (AMENDMENT) BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments: the said Amendments considered and agreed to.
WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE WATER BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments: the said Amendments considered and agreed to.
SHEFFIELD CORPORATION BILL.
Returned from the Commons, with the Amendments agreed to.
ABERDEEN HARBOUR (SUPERANNUATION) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.
DUNBARTONSHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL (KIRKINTILLOCH STREET IMPROVEMENT) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.
LANARKSHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.
MOTHERWELL AND WISHAW ELECTRICITY, ETC., ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.

SENIOR PUBLIC ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS (LIVERPOOL) BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
3.7 p.m.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF EDUCATION (EARL DE LA WARR): My Lords, this Bill is of great importance to education in Liverpool, but I can present it to your Lordships in quite a few words. It comes to your Lordships with the complete agreement of all the interested parties. I think any one who knows the position in Liverpool knows that the state of their denominational schools, particularly in the dockside area, is extremely serious. He knows also that certain factors in Liverpool have made it always extremely difficult to arrive at any compromise hitherto between the parties concerned. The result is that the state of the schools has for many years been quite lamentable. In considering this question the factor that has influenced me has been that whatever the merits on one side or the other it has been the children who have had to pay the price. There is no point whatsoever in looking back or attempting to allot the blame as between the Corporation, the denominations, and the Board of Education itself, but the quite obvious and outstanding fact is that there has been, and is in fact still at the present moment, no solution of this problem on the accepted lines—that is to say, on the lines generally accepted throughout the country. The object of this Bill therefore is to end the deadlock by facilitating the provision of voluntary schools in Liverpool on the basis laid down in the Bill.
The plan, put quite briefly, is this, that the local education authority, instead of making grants of money towards the provision

735
of school premises by voluntary bodies, as they might have done under the Education Act of 1936, should themselves provide the premises and lease them to those bodies, but only in relation to proposals which have already been submitted under the Act of 1936 and within the time prescribed by that Act. The amount of school accommodation to be provided by the authority under this plan is estimated to be about 15,000 school places. This will approximately cost £900,000, which will be met by loan. Your Lordships may ask why the authority, having declined to operate the 1936 Act, have now put forward the scheme which is embodied in the present Bill. I think that the answer is a twofold one. In the first place, their unwillingness to operate the 1936 Act was, in large measure, due to the fact that they were not prepared to subsidise the property of denominational bodies—property which might in time appreciate considerably as a result of the Council's housing operations. They avoid doing so under the terms of the present Bill since the reversion of the freehold remains with the authority. The second, and much more important reason, is that Liverpool has finally recognised the urgent need for remedying the conditions of the denominational schools, particularly those in the dockside area, and has placed the interests of the children before sectarian and political differences. In this connection, I am able to inform your Lord-ships that the present Bill comes to us with the support of every political Party and every religious creed in the City.
It will be seen that the Bill involves no permanent or continuing alteration of the law since its provisions apply only to the building of schools in respect of which the denominational authorities have already submitted proposals under the 1936 Act within the time limits prescribed by that Act. Moreover, the proviso to Clause I makes it clear that the measure of assistance to be given to denominational bodies under the Bill can be no greater and no less than they could have received under the 1936 Act. The only other provision of the Bill to which I need make specific reference is that referred to in the latter part of subsection (3) of Clause 1. The effect of this is that the terms of appointment of teachers in schools to be built under the Bill will be precisely the same
736
as in the case of schools to which a building grant has been made under the 1936 Act.
Those of your Lordships who have occupied my post at the Board of Education, and indeed anyone who knows the condition of many of the voluntary schools in Liverpool, will appreciate the weight of responsibility involved in allowing the continuance of schools that are bad not only in terms of education, but of the simplest amenities of life including even the most primitive sanitation. Such a state of affairs cannot be allowed for a day longer than is necessary, and that responsibility would be greatly increased were a scheme for its solution, which commands unanimous local assent, to be rejected. I hope, therefore, that your Lordships will show a like unanimity in supporting this measure. I hope, also, that your Lordships will agree with me in feeling that all concerned are to be congratulated on having found a solution to a problem that has been little short of a scandal for a generation. It is a triumph for tolerance for which future generations in Liverpool should be profoundly thankful. I beg to move.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(Earl De La Warr.)
On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed for to-morrow.

BRITISH OVERSEAS AIRWAYS BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
3.14 p.m.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA (THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND): My Lords, the circumstances which have determined His Majesty's Government to sponsor the scheme embodied in this Bill will no doubt be known to many of your Lordships. The burden of maintaining British air lines overseas rests at the present time with two companies, Imperial Airways, which operates, broadly speaking, upon the Empire lines, and British Airways, which operates, broadly speaking, over the Continental lines. These two companies have done much to maintain British overseas air lines, but they are now faced with an almost impossible task, even with the subsidies

737
which they are drawing from the Government. It is quite clear, I think, that if the goal which we are placing before ourselves is to have any chance of being reached, financial resources will be required which it would be quite beyond the capacity of these two companies to raise except upon the most onerous terms. I have referred to the goal which we are now placing before ourselves. That goal can be denned in a single sentence—namely, as being the fullest development of efficient overseas air transport services at reasonable charges.
That being the goal, what are the means by which we seek to achieve it? They are actually the acquisition by a public corporation of both Imperial Airways and British Airways. May I enlarge a little upon the reasons which have driven the Government to the conclusion that this is the best way of dealing with the problem? I spoke of the need for greatly increased capital, which the existing companies could not hope to raise except upon exorbitant terms. The actual additional working capital which it is estimated is required for the efficient discharge of the duties which will devolve upon whatever body is set up to operate the air lines is something like £3,000,000, possibly rather more. In this connection the Government have expressed their agreement with the principle which is implicit in the Report of the Committee which was presided over by my noble friend Lord Cadman—namely, the principle that public money should not be used for raising dividends to undue levels. It is quite clear that public money will in any case be required in order to finance any organisation which hopes to achieve the goal we have now set before ourselves. The only satisfactory method of applying this principle in this particular case is, in our view, through the issue of fixed interest stock, guaranteed as to both principal and interest by the Treasury.
In our view, a non-profit-making public corporation, set up by Statute, will offer greater possibility of advancing British civil aviation than a limited liability company which must, of course, quite properly, watch its shareholders' interests and also be sure of its subsidies and contracts before it can embark on a far-sighted development programme for the
738
operation of new air services with up-to-date and increasingly costly aircraft. We are likewise satisfied that the rapid expansion of overseas air services, coupled with the great technical advances which are being made in this sphere, call for the pooling of experience and equipment, ground organisation, and technical resources generally and the strengthening, by unification, of administrative and operating organisations to the fullest possible extent. Centralised control of the fleet, centralised training of personnel, concentration of management, forward planning, publicity, and so on will all, in our view, bring substantial advantages.
The new operating organisation will not, of course, be a Government Department. It will be a public corporation, though, so long, at any rate, as money is provided from the Air Votes for the Corporation's needs, and so long as the Corporation is dependent upon a Treasury guarantee for its capital and interest, it will be subject to a very large measure of control by the Air Minister. Nevertheless, it is intended that, so far as may be possible, the stimulus to enterprise which is one of the most valuable characteristics of private enterprise shall not be lacking, and we are satisfied that commercial incentive and stimulus to competition will certainly be present in this case. Incentive to commercial enterprise is provided by enabling the Corporation to place to the credit of its own general reserve account any savings in expenditure resulting from efficient administration, or any increases in revenue produced by enterprising publicity and achievement. Competition will be provided, as indeed it is at present, by the heavily-subsidised air lines of foreign countries operating over most of the routes to be serviced by the new Corporation.
I should like to say a word with regard to the terms of acquisition of the two existing companies. The Government, of course, accept the view that the State should pay neither more nor less for assets of this kind than would be paid by a private purchaser, and that being so, the only question with which we were confronted was how best could the value of the two undertakings to a private purchaser be arrived at. Our view was that the only true basis was an assessment of the net tangible assets, plus a figure for the

739
value of the organisation as a going concern and a further figure for development expenditure. With a view to reaching a fair estimate of these assets, an examination of the affairs of the two companies was made by a leading firm of professional accountants, Messrs. Thomson McLintock & Company, and the net result of their examination of all the relevant factors in the case was that they put the value of Imperial Airways at £2,659,086. That figure, distributed over the shares of the Company, worked out at a sum of 32s. 9d. per £1 Ordinary share.
In the case of British Airways, the figure arrived at worked out at the sum of 15s. 9d. for each £1 ordinary share. There was, I must admit, an added difficulty in the way of arriving at the actual value of the assets of British Airways since the whole issued capital had been lost. The offer finally made was examined in the light of all the documents, and at the request of the Treasury, by three independent gentlemen of great business knowledge and experience—the then Sir Frederick Marquis, Sir Andrew Duncan, and Sir Archibald Campbell. After a full examination of all the factors in this case, they pronounced their opinion that the value arrived at was a fair and reasonable one.
I know it has been said that the shares of Imperial Airways were standing in the quotations on the Stock Exchange at a figure below the sum of 32s. 9d. which was the amount determined on in the offer. That is quite true, but I cannot accept the view that the quotation of the shares of a particular company on the Stock Exchange from day to day necessarily represents the true value of the undertaking, and in this case it is perfectly easy to show that that is so. Supposing, for example, that the decision to purchase the assets of Imperial Airways had been reached two years ago. The shares of Imperial Airways two years ago were standing in the Stock Exchange quotations not at 32s. 6d. but at £3, and I wonder what our critics would have said if two years ago, in order to arrive at the value of the assets of Imperial Airways, we had merely taken the number of shares issued by the company and multiplied them by the figure at which they were standing in the Stock Exchange quotation.
LORD STRABOLGI: May I ask the noble Marquess on that point a question, because it is very interesting? Two years ago the capital, I believe I am right in saying, was very much less. It was added to for reasons we know afterwards, and that is why the price came down.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: That may be so, and that could be a relevant factor in this case. Nevertheless I still maintain that it is a fairer way to ascertain the real value of the assets of a company by having them examined by expert and professional accountants rather than by taking the quotation on the Stock Exchange and the value of the shares at any particular day, because we know that shares on the Stock Exchange always go up and down. When we have a period of quietude in the political situation and things abroad appear to be quiet the shares go up, but if one of the Dictators makes a speech probably the shares, equally, go down. It must be quite obvious, therefore, that the quotation on the Stock Exchange cannot be a true reflection of the real value of the assets of an undertaking.
Now a word as to the prospects of our effecting a great advance in British overseas civil aviation as a result of this measure. I know, of course, that some will argue that we are creating a monopoly, and that by so doing we are eliminating the incentive to endeavour which is provided by a healthy competition. I may also perhaps be told that this Bill constitutes a reversal of a policy which was recently recommended by the Committee presided over by my noble friend Lord Cadman. In so far as that may be said to be the case I am disposed to think that if that Committee had been faced with the actual situation with which we are faced at the present day their recommendations might have taken a different form, but at any rate the noble Lord who presided over the Committee with such distinction is, I understand, possibly in a position to address your Lordships this afternoon, and he therefore will be far better able than I am to express an opinion to your Lordships on that particular aspect of the case. But so far as the criticism based on the argument that competition is eliminated is concerned I would point out, as I have already observed, that the criticism over-looks

741
the fact that with the possible exception of civil aviation in the United States of America the effective competition in civil air transport is nowadays international and between national organisations.
Competition between United Kingdom subsidised air line operators has already been tried, and I think that it is generally agreed that it has failed. For example, the Hambling Committee in 1923 showed that competition between companies receiving subsidies from the same Government meant in effect that the Government was competing against itself, and it was the obvious objection to this which gave rise to the setting up of Imperial Airways in 1924. If the total volume of air transport business available were on a large enough scale to support two or more British major operating companies, each with its own ideas on the development of aircraft, and sufficient revenue—and that is a most important consideration—of its own to give effect to its ideas, then it may well be that it could be argued that there would be no case for creating a statutory corporation, but the conditions now obtaining in the British Empire are indeed very different. The total volume of air transport is still small, compared at any rate with surface transport, and consequently the revenue available for technical development must be strictly rationed. In these circumstances we are satisfied that it is more efficient to concentrate the available income in one large organisation and to rely upon international competition to provide the stimulus to progress.
There is another criticism of the proposed measure which has been made, and that criticism is that the Corporation about to be set up, being by far the most important purchaser of the larger type of civil aircraft, will be able to dictate to the British aircraft industry and require the development of types of aircraft special to the needs of the services operated by the Corporation itself, types for which there might be no demand in the world market. That is a possibility which has not been absent from the mind of the Government, and they intend to guard against the risk by setting up a Civil Aviation Development Committee, as was recommended by the Harold Brown Committee whose Report was
742
recently issued as Command Paper No. 6038. With the Corporation consulting fully with that Committee at all stages during the selection and development of new aircraft types, there should, we think, be no danger to the line of development of the Corporation aircraft getting out of step with the line of development of civil aircraft in general, at any rate to such an extent as to prejudice the sale of British air liners in the world market.
Having touched upon one or two of the main criticisms which have been directed against the proposal in the Bill, let me say something of the possibility of advantages which we expect to follow from the setting up of the statutory Corporation. With a non-profit-making statutory Corporation constituted in the way proposed, financed to a considerable extent by the State, and controlled as to policy by the Air Minister, a different conception of the goal which we have set before ourselves at once becomes possible. Let me call your Lordships' attention to the difference between the mandate which was given to Imperial Airways and the mandate which it is proposed to give to the new statutory Corporation. The mandate to Imperial Airways was to use its best endeavours to make its services self-supporting at the earliest possible moment. That was the instruction. The mandate proposed for British Overseas Airways—the name which is to be given to the new Corporation—is a different one. It runs as follows:
"To secure the fullest development consistent with economy of efficient overseas air transport services,"
and given adequate finance the effect of this change upon the development of British civil aircraft should be all to the good and, I should hope, very far-reaching.
I say that for this reason. The type of aircraft needed to help forward the day when civil aviation can, as it is said, "fly by itself" is very different from the type which is at present associated in the public mind with aeronautical progress. The best hope of making civil aviation pay is, I am assured by experts, to fly at speeds of not much more than 100 miles an hour and to develop for this purpose what may be said to be the equivalent of the motor lorry. This was the line followed for many years, and followed very suc-

743
cessfully, by Imperial Airways. The initiation, it is true, of what is known as the "all up" mail scheme in 1934, gave opportunity for rather more ambitious plans—an opportunity, if I may say so, which Imperial Airways and the British aircraft industry were quick to take advantage of, as witness the development of the Empire flying boat. But in spite of that the emphasis was still upon cheap flying rather than upon quick aeronautical progress. Through all these years, while we in this country were aiming at developing civil aircraft that could be operated with the smallest subsidy, a very different policy was being pursued in at least some other countries, and it is this which has led to the impression that British civil aviation has been lagging behind.
To put it quite briefly, while we were developing the air motor lorry other countries were developing the fast luxury air touring car. While we were thinking in terms of cruising speeds of 100 miles an hour, other countries were going into production with expensive machines cruising at 200 miles an hour and more. Imperial Airways, the chosen instrument of the Government, were, of course, perfectly right in following the line of development which they did, because only by that means was there any chance of making civil aviation "fly by itself." With the announcement that henceforth the aim is to secure the fullest development of air transport the picture entirely changes, and the change will quickly be reflected in the type of civil aircraft produced by the British aircraft industry. The new types of civil aircraft reflecting this new policy are already under construction. At any rate, two new types are already under construction and further types are projected. There are no grounds, I think, for any misgivings as to the ability of the British aircraft industry to deliver the goods, provided only, of course, that the basic policy of civil aviation development is sufficiently clear-cut and stable to make long-distance planning possible. The Corporation charged with so broad and imaginative a policy, coupled with the increased financial provision which is now proposed, should create the conditions needed for a big step forward, not only in the development of British civil aircraft but of British overseas air services generally.
744
I have given your Lordships in brief outline the policy of the Government and the proposals which they are making for giving effect to that policy. If it were desired, I should be prepared to give your Lordships explanations of the various clauses of the Bill. It is, however, a long Bill and if I were to do that I should have to make an undue draft upon your Lordships' time. Moreover, this is what is known as a hybrid Bill, and it will therefore have to be submitted to a Private Bill Committee, and should any of your Lordships desire to raise any particular point on any clause, the opportunity will occur when the recommitment of the Bill takes place.
Let me therefore in conclusion say only this. In these days many of us, I think, must often wonder whether the individual responsible for the invention of the internal combustion engine has been a benefactor of mankind, or whether we should not rather regard the invention as a curse. Certainly by making possible the bombing aeroplane it has added to the armoury of the aggressor an appalling engine of destruction. It has equally revolutionised and made far more horrible modern war, in that it has brought the civilian population into the very forefront of the battle-line. This is indeed a monstrous and a terrible thing; yet we should not lay the blame for it at the door of the inventor, but rather must we blame the criminal perversity of mankind itself for prostituting to evil ends an invention which, properly used, is capable of advancing the interests of the world at large. We may at least congratulate ourselves upon the fact that it is with this latter possibility and not with the former that we are preoccupied so far as the provisions of this Bill are concerned. I beg to move that the Bill be now read a second time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(The Marquess of Zetland.)
3.54 p.m.
LORD STRABOLGI: My Lords, I am sure the noble Marquess felt some diffidence, though he certainly did not show it, in dealing with this subject in the presence of a House so rich in experience as to contain three ex-Air Ministers and, last but not least, the noble Lord, Lord Cadman, on the Cross Benches. I certainly feel very great diffidence in embarking

745
on a brief examination of this Bill from my Party's point of view. The first question I should like to ask arose out of the remark which wound up the noble Marquess's eloquent description of the Bill: when is it expected that this Bill will go through? I was alarmed when I heard about the Select Committee and the stages in your Lordships' House. I do not know if the Leader of the House has any idea on the matter, but every day that is lost seems to me a pity. It seems rather as if the Government would not get it until after we reassemble in the autumn. I may have some mild criticisms to make of the Bill and the way it came about, and therefore before I make them I should like to say that after some little experience of Imperial Airways—I was one of the very first people to use it to get to India and back, and I have used it a good deal since—I have very great pleasure in paying a personal tribute to the personnel who have manned the British liners, both the pilots and the rest of the staff.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: Hear, hear.
LORD STRABOLGI: The noble Marquess might not have cheered so loudly had he known that my own life, with the lives of others, was saved by a very junior person in the Imperial Airways, who showed the typical presence of mind and courage of the English aircraftman. May I say how glad we are on this side of the House to see that next Saturday the Atlantic service will attempt a circular cross-oceanic route? We have been advocating that now for a good number of years. I should also like to hope, speaking for my noble friends, especially those who have an interest in the Colonies and the Colonial Empire, that the West Indies service will be inaugurated very soon and be successful and useful, as indeed it is bound to be.
Now may I ask a question of the noble Marquess with regard to something in the Bill, and that is on page 4, paragraph (n) of subsection (3) of Clause 2. That paragraph says that the Corporation shall have power and so on "to enter into agreements with the Government of any country." We should like to know what that means. We can understand that they have to negotiate flying rights and
746
that sort of thing, but are those agreements subject to the Secretary of State? They might be of great importance, and indeed they might be onerous agreements which would hamper the development of British aviation.
With regard to the Bill as a whole, at first sight of course we are inclined to welcome it. It looks to us like a good-looking horse; but when we come to look into it a little more closely we find that it has certain defects. It is a form of Socialism, and as we advocated some time ago the nationalisation of Imperial Airways and civil aviation, we naturally welcome the Bill on broad grounds. At the same time, of course, we recognise, and the noble Marquess drew attention to it, a danger in giving a monopoly. We want to encourage also these internal air lines, and we hope that this will not discourage them. It is not only this monopoly that we are creating, but I see that the British and French air lines to Paris have been pooled. I should have thought that was a very sensible thing to do, but it is all in the direction of greater monopoly. The policy of the Party for which I have the honour of speaking is to bring all transport under national control, including civil aviation, and we therefore believe that later on, when the world recovers from its present madness and we can have an all-round measure of disarmament, which we must have if we are to escape all-round bankruptcy, as part of that measure of disarmament civil aviation, at least in the Continent of Europe, will be internationalised. For that reason I would particularly welcome the beginning, so to speak, in the Anglo-French pool for the London-Paris route.
I should not like to go any further without, if I may, paying a most respectful and humble tribute to the work and the knowledge of Lord Cadman and his Committee. Without that work we should not have had this Bill. I am sure that if the noble Lord had had more to do with the drafting of this Bill, some of the mistakes which I propose very briefly to point out would not have been made, and I hope that when the noble Lord addresses your Lordships he will apply his mind and tell us what he thinks about it.

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The noble Marquess dwelt at some length on the prices to be paid for the shares, and, as he says, that has been the subject of criticism. The criticism we make is this. On broad principles we say that it is wrong for the taxpayer's money to be used in subsidies to create a business, to create a value, to create assets and good will, and then for the taxpayers to have to buy them back again, and pay twice over. That is the basis of our objection, and we think the price of 32s. 9d. for the £1 shares in Imperial Airways, in spite of all the calculations of these eminent accountants who were put on to the job, is much too high. Before it was known that the Government were going to make that amalgamation the shares of Imperial Airways stood at 25s. 3d., and the moment the news got out that the merger was to be made under Government auspices there was an immediate rise in the market value of the shares. Even so they stood at considerably less than 32s. 9d. before the Government announcement was made. I think the shareholders are to be congratulated upon having the present Government in office. They have done very nicely out of this transaction.
As to the British Airway shareholders, I think they are fortunate to get 15s. 9d. per £1 share. That company has also been subsidised during the last two years. It is common knowledge that the company had made no profits, and had paid no dividends, and there was no market in its shares. If was, of course, a private company, and it is not unfair to say that British Airways was practically insolvent. It could not raise more capital, and had come to the end of its resources; yet now the shareholders are to be paid 15s. 9d. for each £1 share. As I have said, they are fortunate in the present Government. So much for that business. It is a pity that when the Government do the right thing they must do it in the wrong way. We advocated the nationalisation of these services two years ago, and if it had been done then a great deal of money would have been saved. Not only have there been the subsidies during those two years but the capital of Imperial Airways has been increased, and all has now got to be bought back again and, in a way, purchased twice over.
What of the future? Who is going to manage this merger? That is highly important.
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At the present time I understand that Sir John Reith, having acquired a great reputation with the British Broadcasting Corporation, is going to continue for some little time as managing director or chief executive officer; but there may come a time when he has other worlds to conquer, and he is being groomed, I understand, to go to the Bank of England as Governor. Of course we hope that it will not be for many years to come, because we hope that the present Governor will continue in office for a long time. What we would do at certain meetings of the Labour Party without him I do not know, because he and his doings often form the gravamen of our speeches in certain circumstances. But one day I understand Mr. Norman will retire, and then I understand Sir John Reith will become his successor. He is not a banker, of course, but that does not matter in these days. He knew nothing about aviation when he went to the Imperial Airways, and I dare say in a few years he will be prepared to take over office in the Cabinet. I understand that a member of the Runciman family is to understudy him, and is being groomed to take over this highly important position of chief executive or managing officer. The moment we hear the name Runciman we think of shipping, and I dare say his shipping experience will not be without value in that post.
I should very much like to ask the noble Marquess whether the Air Minister is to be consulted with regard to who is to be the chief executive officer, which is a very important position. Your Lordships will have seen from the Bill that the directors are to be appointed in the first place to the board, but that once there they have a free hand to appoint the chief executive, and do not even have to consult the Treasury about his salary. I should have thought it was essential that they should in their turn consult the Air Minister of the day as to the appointment and changes in the appointment of chief executive officer of this highly important Corporation.
The next question that I would venture to ask is this. The Bill is a little vague as to the power of changing the directors. They having been appointed, according to the First Schedule, unless they become bankrupt or lose their reason they remain indefinitely on the board,

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except that right at the end of paragraph 7 there is a proviso to the effect that the Secretary of State can remove a director—apart from bankruptcy or lunacy or having conflicting interests—if "he is otherwise unable or unfit to discharge the functions, of a member." It is going to be a little difficult. I would ask the noble Lord, Lord Cadman, for example, what in his great concern he would do if he wanted to remove somebody. It is going to be rather hard to say that you cannot remove anyone unless he is unfit to discharge his functions. He may not be unfit, but he may be a misfit, or you may have somebody better in view. I think that when so much of the taxpayer's money is at stake the Secretary of State should have power to change the board if change is required. Otherwise you get people staying on indefinitely, growing older and older and more and more inefficient. You do not want to hurt their feelings, and so they remain on the board. I think there should be some tenure of office which could be renewed in special cases.
As I have said, the board is of great importance. It is to consist of fifteen members, if required. That is too many. The other day when we were discussing the Cotton Bill Lord Templemore refused to increase the board of management because he said it would be too large. Here we are appointing a board of fifteen. I should think such a board would be too large and unwieldy, and that makes the appointment of the chief executive officer all the more important. As I have said, this board will have a great deal of Government and taxpayers' money to manage. It will also be responsible for something even more important, and that is the prestige of the nation. Our aircraft flying all over the world, and making ever greater flights, are almost part of England, and on their type and efficiency, and handling, our nation is partly judged. The same applies to British ships, of course, but particularly in this field of civil aviation, I do not think your Lordships will deny, our prestige is very much bound up. Therefore we cannot, I think, be too careful that this Corporation starts off under the best possible auspices, and we can only hope that it will be successful. My noble friends have no intention of opposing the Bill for the reasons I have given, but it
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has been necessary to make these criticisms, and I hope useful to put these questions to the noble Marquess.
3.10 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY: My Lords, I am glad that we can congratulate the right honourable gentleman, the Secretary of State for Air on having been able to add one more success to his career, because I look on this Bill as practically already passed into law, with probably one or two modifications, which I have no doubt he will be only too glad to accept if they are necessary. The noble Lord who has just sat down has welcomed the Bill on the ground which I expected—because he feels that it has some elements of Socialism in it. I will venture to say a word about that later on. But I felt myself in some measure of agreement with him about the number of directors. That seems to me a very important point, because I somehow feel that the duties of these boards are best discharged by the smallest possible number of directors. Yet one must remember that this service is a very large one, that it will comprise many committees, that these directors sit on those committees, and that the number of directors of a company is usually based on the number of committeemen required to carry out its manifold duties. But I am sure that that is a matter on which the noble Marquess can give us information when he rises to reply at the end of this debate.
Speaking for myself, I need hardly say that I welcome this new departure with the greatest possible satisfaction. I feel that at long last there is some definite policy in connection with civil aviation. So far—and I have seen that this criticism was made in another place—civil aviation has had to be considered in what I may call military terms, and what we have all desired has been to be able to separate the two branches and let civil aviation have a free run on its own. I feel that in this measure a long view is being taken, and will continue, though at the present moment nearly the whole attention of the Air Ministry must be concentrated on those defence measures which we are compelled to undertake. The criticisms of the measure which I read in the reports of the debates in another place did not appear to me to have any very constructive character, and therefore I feel that

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this is one of those measures, of which I have had much experience over a great number of years, that pass into law almost in the form in which they are put before your Lordships.
Civil aviation, as we know, has had a very chequered, and I might say in some respects disastrous, career. In many respects it is a gloomy narrative. We know that America has spent vast sums of money on civil aviation, and now can claim to possess a truly magnificent service, probably the best service in the world. America possesses great advantages which we in this country do not have. The people of this country are only sporadically air-minded. Many of us have done all we could to make them more air-minded and to realise the great possibilities and potentialities of the development of civil aviation in this country. But this country is not really adapted for civil aviation. It is possible for the railway services to compete, and to compete successfully, with aircraft, and though I would like to pay a tribute to what the railway companies have done by means of the railway air services, nevertheless I do not feel that that association between aviation and the railway companies has been altogether for the benefit of civil aviation.
We all of us must recognise that there is no possibility, in any country of the world, of civil aviation, to use a phrase we know so well, "flying by itself." It is natural that the Government should have had these matters before them for a considerable time, and that they are only gradually arriving at a position in which they can concentrate their views and follow out some definite line of policy. The position of this country as regards civil aviation is naturally a very important one. Its honour and prestige are very closely bound up with progress in civil aviation. Other countries have really come to this conclusion sooner than we have done, and have lavishly spent money on developing their civil aviation. But it seems to me that it is vitally important to the British Empire that we should have the best aviation in the world; in fact, we cannot accept any position of inferiority if we propose, as we do, to maintain our national position throughout the world. The shipping of this country secured that position for us
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in the first place. Now this new mode of communication and transport must maintain for us the same position.
But the question is, what is the best method to pursue? I say without hesitation that I much prefer private enterprise. I would like to see all these great companies, the results of private enterprise, carrying on their work, not only in this country but throughout the Empire, but we know quite well that that is impossible. At the present moment there is no private individual or private company which can operate successfully and so make some return on the expenditure which has to be incurred. Having said that, I can go on to state that I object to nationalisation, and I certainly fear bureaucracy. If I might digress for one moment, I think your Lordships will probably agree with me when I say that the whole world evolution runs along the lines of vast State-aided corporations, and we have to accept this modern development. It is very easy to criticise these great corporations, which have been brought into existence comparatively recently. There is the National Transport Board, there is the B.B.C., and there is the Electricity Commission. They are great instances of the evolution which is taking place all around us, and I am not certain that the Government realise the tremendous changes which we are witnessing at the present moment.
I do not feel that we have appreciated the portent of what I would call the disappearance of the individual. In the case of shipping, for instance, the individual tramp steamer no longer exists. If we speak of trade unions, after all they are great corporations in which the individual does not exist. If we take all our trade organisations in this country, they all imply the elimination of the small man, and at the present moment the Government are trying to force amalgamation upon the coal industry. I would say that all these movements are really a very definite and obvious process of evolution, and we should appreciate exactly what they mean. I do not wish to digress from the subject that is before your Lordships, but I would say that, if we consider the whole field of international life, we would see that the world is resolving itself into great national corporations. If we consider the future from that point of view, it may enable us to unravel those

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difficulties and solve those problems with which we are now confronted. All these are great changes, and I feel that the measure which is before your Lordships to-day is thoroughly in keeping with, and thoroughly expresses, the modern movement with which we are faced.
The noble Marquess, who so eloquently and so lucidly explained this Bill, told us of the duties of the Corporation which is now being set up. He told us that the Corporation was to secure the fullest development, consistent with efficiency, of overseas air transport services, to be operated at reasonable cost. That explains in a very few words exactly the object of the Bill which is before your Lordships. I do not wish to enter into those details which the noble Lord opposite mentioned—the prices of the shares of these undertakings. That is a matter which is important, but I am bound to say that the Government have satisfied me on that: particular point, and I hope they will be able to satisfy the noble Lord. Both these undertakings have great schemes which naturally entail the purchase of very expensive aircraft. Both these undertakings, by themselves, can only raise money on very expensive terms. By this arrangement of a Corporation on a modern basis that capital can be raised on the most economical terms. Your Lordships will realise also that a public corporation has much more freedom and much more opportunity of embarking on a long-range programme. Your Lordships will realise that in aviation, with all its difficulties, it is vitally important to have a long-range programme and to look as far ahead as one possibly can.
I am not sure it is not a truism to say that every one of these great civil air liners is obsolete the moment it takes the air by reason of the inventions which are coming up every day. The new proposals, the new ideas, which are developing with regard to aircraft are making all these great liners practically obsolete, as I say, when they take the air. I know your Lordships will realise the great difficulties with which Imperial Airways were faced when, in accordance with economic principles to which they had to conform, they had to take something like four years' life for their aircraft, which meant that after they had been in the air for a short time these
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aircraft were out of date. Other companies in other countries were able to produce aircraft of far more comprehensive, far more efficient type, with greater speed and greater comfort and all those facilities which placed our civil aviation in a very difficult position. I have heard it said by many of my own friends that they would sooner travel by K.L.M. That is a criticism which, I hope, we shall never have to undergo again. I hope as a result of this far-reaching proposal, which may possibly be extended, we shall find that everyone in this country is wishful and anxious to travel in British machines because they are better than the machines of any other country.
To return to this amalgamation, I would say we do require, as the noble Marquess mentioned, this pooling of experience and pooling of equipment. We want this centralisation of the fleet, centralisation of training personnel, and concentration of management. I have spoken of forward planning on a long-range view, which is also vitally important, and there is also the question of publicity, which is of the highest importance. That is why I feel that this amalgamation brings with it enormous advantages and does not produce any of those disadvantages which some of us might say are associated with a policy which has some element of nationalisation and some element of bureaucracy.
I have only ventured this afternoon to deal with the general plan and the general policy of the Government. I do not propose to go into those details which no doubt will be considered by the Select Committee, which I understand will be set up. There is one point on which I do not feel any doubts myself, but which I believe has exercised the minds of a great many people. It is said that the absence of the profit motive will destroy incentive on the part of the board. I do not feel that that is a suggestion which should carry any weight whatever. My experience of all these independent people who are called in by the Government is that they are even more anxious, if possible, than the directors of private companies to fulfil the national object which is their responsibility. I do not feel that any of those who are likely to be placed on this board will lack incentive or energy in putting forward the best proposals for the

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development of this magnificent service which will shortly come into being.
The noble Marquess who introduced this measure allowed himself to lapse into a somewhat reflective frame of mind, and gave us an expression of those thoughts which naturally come into all our minds on many occasions. We have often heard the question asked, to which the noble Marquess referred to-day, whether the world would have been better if the internal combustion engine had never been invented. I am quite sure that if the noble Marquess, with his splendid record of Empire service and the great contributions he has personally made, had had foreknowledge of all the terrible potentialities of the internal combustion engine, he would have felt that the wisdom of Man was strong enough to overcome all these terrible potentialities and that in the end, as one hopes, the time to which we are looking forward would come when the great benefits which have come from the internal combustion engine would develop for the benefit of mankind all over the world. I have great pleasure in supporting the Bill now before your Lordships' House.
4.30 p.m.
LORD AMULREE: My Lords, I should like to say a few words upon this Bill. First of all, I should like to congratulate the Secretary of State for introducing it, and the Government for giving it their support. The Bill introduced a change in civil aviation which is long overdue. At last we have reached the position of being able to look at civil aviation in its true light. Since 1924 our aim has been to encourage civil aviation both external and internal to "fly by itself." In this respect we are apparently endeavouring to follow the examples of our canals and railways. After the War various companies started on their own competing with one another. They made little progress, and were soon in difficulties. The Report of the Hambling Committee in 1923 recommended that instead of a number of competing companies there should be one company, that it should be given a subsidy, but the subsidy should be so arranged that it could be discontinued as soon as possible. Imperial Airways was accordingly established, and, as the noble Marquess pointed out, its mandate was "to use its best endeavours
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to make its service self-supporting at the earliest possible moment."
Your Lordships will observe that the object of the new company was in the first place not to make the institution a success but to secure that it should become self-supporting at the earliest possible moment. It is obvious that in a scattered Empire like the British Empire one of the main objects of the new company should be to organise routes throughout the various parts of the Empire. Accordingly this duty was imposed upon Imperial Airways (the new company). The duty, therefore, put upon Imperial Airways was two-fold—to link up the various countries of the Empire and to do this work in such a way as to become self-supporting at the earliest possible moment. It has linked up this country with the Near East, with India and the Far East, with the Cape and with Australia, and presently a new link will be forged with Newfoundland and Canada. This is a great achievement accomplished under great financial difficulties, for the State subsidy was unduly low. Imperial Airways might have succeeded in "flying by itself" had it been met with the competition of foreign concerns upon an equal footing. This, however, was not the case, for all its foreign competitors were heavily subsidised. The policy thus failed, and that chapter of civil aviation is now closed.
A new chapter opens with this Bill. The mandate, if I might read the important words in Clause 2 to which the noble Marquess called attention, is
"to secure the fullest development, consistent with economy, of efficient air transport services."
These are pregnant words, and in them are concentrated all the considerations of public policy which have made the establishment of this Corporation imperative if civil aviation in this country is to take its proper place. The new Corporation thus enters upon its duties with a different object in view, and, backed as it is by sufficient financial support, it ought to be able to place British civil aviation in a good position amongst its competitors throughout the world. A great deal has been said about the new Corporation being a monopoly, and that it will have no competition. Well, one knows perfectly well, as has been pointed out in the course of this discussion, that com-

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petition in the air is international, and one knows also, as we have been told this afternoon, that the competing organisations are national organisations. The objection therefore, to this proposal that it is creating a monopoly is thus met. As has been pointed out by the noble Marquess, Lord Londonderry, there will be an admirable opportunity now for the new Corporation to gain new experience and to bring about improvements in equipment and various matters of that kind, so that I am looking forward to the new Corporation under this Bill succeeding in placing British civil aviation in its true position. I have great pleasure in supporting the Bill.
4.36 p.m.
LORD MARLEY: My Lords, I only intervene for a moment or two in the discussion upon this Bill because it seems to me that now is the time, when these great services are going to amalgamate, to make certain suggestions so that the amalgamation might result in improvement and not in a diminution of efficiency and comfort. I think the noble Marquess, Lord Londonderry, has drawn attention, in his very interesting remarks, to what I might call the inevitability of amalgamation, the inevitability of coagulation, a joining together in all aspects of public life. I only want to deal with a number of the smaller matters at this time so that when, as I understand will be the case, this Bill goes to a Select Committee these points will not be lost sight of.
In the first place I must say I do not like the Title of this Bill. It was discussed at the other end of the corridor and suggestions were made with regard to varying that Title. I see that Colonel Moore-Brabazon pointed out that these organisations are very often known by their initials. The noble Marquess, Lord Londonderry, used the initials K.L.M. in the course of his remarks, and he pointed out that we have the B.B.C. We have K.L.M. and I.C.I., and Colonel Moore-Brabazon suggested that this would be known as B.O.A., which rather gives, in his words, the impression of a sort of snake which surrounds and crushes us. There is, I suppose, something in that, and it may be possible to improve on that Title. I notice that the speaker for the Labour Party also supported a change in Title, as did a considerable number of
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Members of Parliament. The Secretary of State himself said:
"I should be only too glad if honourable Members could agree upon a name, and if there is a general consensus of opinion between now and when the Bill goes to another place, I shall be always glad to consider any suggestion."
He added:
"I do not pretend that my own selection of a name is by any means the best, and perhaps we may at some future stage have an informal talk about it."
He went on to say that in all probability the service would be known as British Overseas, or B.O. I cannot help thinking that that is a connotation, particularly to those who have been in the United States of America, that it would be undesirable to attach to British air services. I rather hoped that we might get over the difficulty of the Secretary of State in connection with the use of British Airways—or B.A.—by registering the new title as British Airways, 1939, Limited, which would secure that it did not get mixed up with British Airways, one of the two companies which are being amalgamated.
The only other point that I want to raise is the question of the services provided by the companies. I see that under Clause 2 (3) the Corporation is empowered to engage in transport and so on and that it must do all that is "calculated to facilitate the discharge of the functions conferred" upon it. The noble Marquess, Lord Zetland, mentioned the possibility that there might be some form of monopoly involved which might destroy competition. I suppose there is that possibility. The noble Marquess, Lord Londonderry, wanted everybody to go British. Well, I can only say that I think there is considerable room for improvement in many of the services which are available. When I compare the position with the United States of America in regard to minor points which make for the comfort of passengers, I cannot help thinking that there is great room for improvement.
We are told that there will be no danger of monopoly because there is competition with other flying lines, but I would remind your Lordships that most of these flying lines starting from England have to use Croydon, and Croydon leaves a very great deal to be desired in regard to comfort and

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efficiency. There is no means, apparently, of warning would-be passengers that there may be a delay of an hour or two hours in the departure of the 'plane by which they intend to travel. It would be very simple to notify booked passengers that if they telephone some half an hour before the time at which they are due to depart from the excellent air office at Victoria they can be told whether there is a delay of one or two hours owing to weather or other conditions, and that therefore they need not sit in that undesirable place, a waiting room. Again, the transport services provided between Victoria and Croydon leave a very great deal to be desired. When it is realised that in a journey between Paris and London more than half the time occupied in travel is spent in a motor omnibus at one end or the other, and not in a 'plane, I should have thought that this road conveyance should be as comfortable as possible, and not a vehicle about five years old, hopelessly out of date, most uncomfortable and making a noise like a machine which makes holes in the road and known, I believe, as a pneumatic drill.
Then, again, I would like to point out the condition of Croydon airport itself. The floors are dirty, the lavatories are really insanitary, there are no clean towels, and there is a general lack of supervision—a state of affairs which I very much hope monopoly will improve as competition does not seem to have been able to deal with this problem. Finally, I would like to remind your Lordships that there is a distance to be traversed from the office at Croydon in order to get to the 'plane, which means that in the variable climatic conditions under which we suffer in this country we may get very wet in moving from the office to the 'plane. There is no reason whatever why we should not do what has been done in America, that is, arrange for the 'plane to run in a vast covered shelter immediately opposite the office or else provide a covered passage on wheels in which passengers can go straight from the office to the 'plane without getting wet. It seems to me that when we are considering the larger aspects of this amalgamation the Select Committee might well consider whether something can be done in regard to the perhaps less important aspects of this matter, but
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nevertheless aspects upon which the competitive power of British Airways depends—that is to say, the attractiveness of the services they offer to passengers in competition with Air France, K.L.M., or other services, because only by providing that comfort which passengers have a right to demand will this amalgamation be anything like the success that we all desire.
4.45 p.m.
LORD CADMAN: My Lords, the Bill which is before your Lordships' House to-day is a further testimony to the indefatigable energies of the Minister for Air and to his determination that British aviation, whether military or civil, shall be second to none. I should like to congratulate him on having produced this measure; and, if I may interpolate a more personal note, I should like also to congratulate him on his fortunate escape in the accident of last week. There will be no dispute, I think, over the statement that he is one of the men whom we cannot spare at this juncture of our national history. I have, naturally, a considerable personal interest in this Bill. It had its origin, as your Lordships are aware, in the recommendations of a Committee of Inquiry into Civil Aviation over which I had the honour to preside. Those recommendations were to a very large extent adopted by His Majesty's Government. The translation of recommendations into legislation, however, necessarily required further thought, discussion, and inquiry. Those, understandably enough, have resulted in certain instances in deviations from the recommendations of the Committee. I am very glad, however, to notice from Clause 2 of the present Bill that the insistence of the Committee upon the need for a vigorous civil aviation policy has been handsomely recognised by the Government.
The members of the Committee were unanimous in feeling that a much more vigorous and less niggardly policy was required. Wherever British aviation operates abroad, it does so in the face of competition from air lines which are heavily subsidised, as well as being supported in other ways, by the Governments of the States to which they belong. No British line of a commercial or semi-commercial nature, restricted always by the need for economy, could possibly offer

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services comparable to those of foreign subsidised air lines. I welcome, therefore, the charter of the new Corporation contained in Clause 2; and I sincerely hope that the Corporation will fulfil the duty imposed upon it of securing the fullest development of efficient overseas air transport services. It is wise, nevertheless, that the charter should require the services to be developed consistently with economy and to be furnished at reasonable charges.
It will not, I am sure, be regarded as prejudice on my part if I express a slight regret that the development of our overseas air services is to be entrusted to one Corporation alone. The view of the Civil Aviation Committee is well known to your Lordships. We favoured the continued existence of two companies—Imperial Airways and British Airways. The former, we thought, would find its natural role in the development of the long-range Empire air services, of which it already had wide experience, and of other comparable services. British Airways had proved itself in the shorter flights to the capitals of Europe. We thought that a pooling of managerial experience (not necessarily competitive) by these two would be stimulating, and we recommended that on one very important service—the London-Paris route—they should collaborate. By this means we hoped to get the best of both possible worlds. I have no doubt that the recommendations of the Committee in this respect have been adequately weighed in the discussions that have subsequently taken place, and that the plan now devised has the full approval of those best qualified to judge.
I was glad to learn from the debate in another place that the Government had accepted the recommendation of the Committee on the Production of Civil Aeroplanes that civil types of machines should be used by the Royal Air Force for transport and allied purposes. This, I am sure, will be of considerable assistance to the manufacturing industry. I should, however, like to suggest to the Government that they should consider also the adoption of the converse of this policy. Would it not be possible for certain types of R.A.F. machines to be used on long-distance mail-carrying services? If this were done, we should gain experience of the operation of these machines in the
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arduous conditions of civil aviation. The cost would doubtless be greater than that of normal operation, but the experience gained would be invaluable. Any such practice might perhaps be regarded as an undesirable innovation in British civil air services. I believe, however, that it is not without precedent. In fact, I understand on reliable authority that at least one foreign nation uses machines on its overseas air services which are in reality bombers, and that these machines are flown by the pilots and crews who will man the bombers in the event of war.
My interest in the present Bill is directed more to its operational than to its financial aspects. I notice, however, that in Clause 31 of the Bill it is provided that the new Corporation shall, when required, carry the servants and freight of His Majesty at reduced rates. At some future time the Corporation may change from its contemplated status to that of a normal commercial undertaking. If that should happen, it would be very desirable that the accounts of the Corporation should accurately reflect the results of its working. I hope that the Government will consider this factor and will make arrangements so that, although the benefit of reduced rates is secured, the accounts of the Corporation will show the results which would be obtained on a basis of full rates for all.
Although I have permitted myself some minor criticism of the provisions of this Bill, I am nevertheless whole-heartedly in favour of the policy which it represents; and I congratulate the Government upon having evolved a wise and far-sighted measure. The passage of the Bill into law will, I am certain, be regarded in the future as a great turning-point in the history of British civil aviation. Having said that, I feel that no umbrage will be taken if I again confess that I should have preferred to be standing here to-day supporting the Government at the christening of the twin offspring which the Civil Aviation Committee had hoped to propagate. Not all expectant parents, however, are gratified by securing precisely the results for which they had hoped. If, therefore, instead of twins there is only one infant—and that of a slightly different complexion from what I had expected—I still feel satisfied. The infant offers

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every prospect of becoming a vigorous child. I welcome this latest addition to the family, therefore, as a further indication of the Government's determination to impress upon the outside world that Britain is still a great and virile Power and that we shall be resolute in upholding the traditions of overseas trade and communications which are among the principal sources of our national strength.
A point was raised regarding the speed of flying. The noble Marquess, if I did not misunderstand him, fixed 100 miles an hour as the speed for normal civil aviation. I hope that he is not serious in that point of view. I have travelled at 100 miles an hour, and have suffered considerably from the disability of being unable to get in front of a cloud. I have also had the opportunity of travelling at speeds which enable you to run round a nasty-looking flaming cloud, and felt very gratified that the 'plane had a sufficient kick to get in front of it. I congratulate the Government on having produced what to my mind will be a very important measure.
4.56 p.m.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: My Lords, I should like to express the satisfaction of the Government at the large measure of support which has been given by your Lordships in all quarters of the House to this measure. The noble Lord, Lord Strabolgi, gave it a general blessing. He saw in it an indication that His Majesty's Government were gradually travelling in the direction, at any rate, of Socialism, and in so far as that was the case he naturally expressed his warm approval. He was inclined, however, to think that the Government were not travelling quite fast enough in the desired direction. The noble Marquess, Lord Londonderry, told us that where it was possible he was all for private enterprise, but he had been driven to the conclusion by the logic of facts that in this particular case private enterprise was not capable of meeting the requirements of the situation, and he was therefore willing to accept, not a measure of full-blown Socialism certainly, but the creation of a statutory body which would be to a large extent under the control of a Minister of the Crown.
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The position of the noble Marquess is of course, the same as the position of the Government, and that fact has some bearing upon a question which the noble Lord, Lord Strabolgi, put to me. He asked why the Corporation were to be entitled to appoint their own chief executive member and to determine his conditions of service. The reason is that this is not a full-blown measure of Socialism. The Corporation, as I pointed out, will not be a Government Department. We wish the Corporation to have some at least of the advantages of private enterprise and an opportunity of managing their own affairs. The noble Lord also asked me another question: why appoint so large a board of directors as fifteen? He thought that the business of the Corporation would be much more efficiently transacted by a much smaller Board. May I call the attention of the noble Lord to the fact that fifteen is a maximum figure? If he will look at the proviso to subsection (2) of Clause 1 he will see that
"the Corporation shall be deemed to have been established when the Chairman, Deputy Chairman, and five other members have been appointed, and the proceedings of the Corporation shall not be affected by any vacancy amongst the members thereof or by any defect in the appointment of a member."
I think I can assure the noble Lord that it is not the intention of my right honourable friend, the Secretary of State for Air, to proceed forthwith to appoint a board of fifteen members. He will appoint a much smaller board, and the reason for giving power to appoint as many as fifteen members is to be found in the fact that from time to time men of great knowledge and ability in matters of this kind will come to the fore, whose presence on the board it would be of great advantage to secure. That is, in the main, the reason why power is given to appoint up to fifteen members.
LORD MANCROFT: May I interrupt the noble Marquess? There is a strong feeling growing up in this country that one of the blots on joint stock undertakings is that out-of-date old gentlemen stick on the boards, and there should be some undertaking given by the Government that gentlemen who are appointed on the board should understand that when they reach the age of seventy it is time for them to give way to younger men with newer experience. As it is, they stand in the way and no one likes

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to say to them that they should go. They stand in the way of new ideas. I hold that the time has come now when, if an undertaking of that kind is not put into the Bill, perhaps some noble Lord will find it necessary to put down an Amendment to that effect on Third Reading.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: The argument of the noble Lord is one which will certainly be conveyed to my right honourable friend the Secretary of State. Lord Strabolgi said something rather on the same lines, but shortly the answer to that is to be found in the provision to which the noble Lord himself called attention, in paragraph 7 of the First Schedule of the Bill—namely:
"If the Secretary of State is satisfied that a member of the Corporation "—
and then there are a number of circumstances in which he might be so satisfied—
"is otherwise unable or unfit to discharge the functions of a member,"
he may cause him to be removed.
LORD STRABOLGI: That is too narrow.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: I know the noble Lord thinks that is too narrow, but I think it is fair to point out that the Secretary of State has very wide powers in paragraph 7 of the First Schedule, on page 30 of the Bill. Then Lord Strabolgi asked me a question with regard to a provision on page 4 of the Bill—in Clause 2 (3) (n)—under which the Corporation is empowered "to enter into agreements with the Government of any country," and he expressed some concern as to what the significance of that might be. It is desirable at times to enter into agreements with the Governments of other countries, particularly in connection with the linking up of air lines in different parts of the planet. But the noble Lord may be quite satisfied that that power will not, and indeed cannot, be abused, because if he will turn to Clause 4 of the Bill, subsection (2), paragraph (d), he will find that
"The Corporation shall not, except with the approval of the Secretary of State, or in accordance with the terms of any general authority given by him … enter into any agreement with the Government of any country other than the United Kingdom."
So that Parliament will have complete control over the powers of the Corporation so far as this matter is concerned.
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Then my noble friend Lord Marley, by certain observations which fell from his lips, rather suggested to my mind that there might be room for improvement in the conditions of the airport at Croydon. I shall certainly be very happy to see that the various criticisms and suggestions that the noble Lord made with regard to the airport are conveyed to my right honourable friend for his very serious consideration, but in that connection I may also venture to remind your Lordships of the intention of the Government to create what I hope will be a super-standard airport at Heston; and it will not have escaped the notice of your Lordships that a Bill to give the Government the necessary powers to do that received its Third Reading in your Lordships' House only yesterday. I have little doubt that the airport at Heston will be free from a great many of the disadvantages which are attaching to the airport at Croydon.
Then, may I correct what was clearly a misapprehension on the part of the noble Lord, Lord Cadman, who thought that I had suggested that we should aim at limiting the speed of our overseas aircraft to 100 miles an hour? That was not at all what I suggested. What I did say was that under the conditions under which Imperial Airways were working and under the instruction under which they were working, to make flying self-supporting at the earliest possible date, it was inevitable that they should concentrate on an aircraft corresponding to the motor lorry on the roads, and that that type of aircraft did not cruise at more than 100 miles an hour. I pointed out that other countries were pursuing a different policy, and that as compared with the motor lorry of Imperial Airways they were constructing luxury cars which travelled not at 100 miles but 200 miles an hour. I pointed out that that was one of the very purposes which we ourselves had in view—namely, to compete successfully with the fast and more luxurious cars—in framing this Bill. I hope that clears up the misunderstanding.
LORD CADMAN: I think it was the motor lorry which gave a wrong impression.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: I said it was Imperial Airways that had up till now been obliged to adopt a type of air-

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craft corresponding with the motor lorry, but of course our whole hope with regard to the future is that we can get away from that.
Finally, the noble Lord, Lord Strabolgi, asked me what were the prospects of this Bill becoming law before the Recess, and he expressed the opinion that it was desirable, if possible, that it should do so. I entirely agree with the noble Lord, and I understand the position to be this. The Bill, as your Lordships are aware, is a hybrid Bill. After the Second Reading it will have to be referred to the Committee on Unopposed Bills, since there are no Petitions against it. That Committee will be presided over by the Chairman of Committees. It is still possible for a Petition to be presented against the Bill, but such Petition would have to be presented by three o'clock on Thursday next. If no such Petition is presented, the Bill will come before the House in Committee on re-commitment from the Unopposed Bill Committee on Thursday, and all the remaining stages could then be completed. If, on the other hand, a Petition is presented against the Bill—and I have no reason to suppose for a moment that that is in the least likely, because clearly if there had been any desire to present a Petition against the Bill it would have been presented before now, for the Bill has already been through a Select Committee in another place—if, however, that did happen, the Bill would have again to be referred to an Opposed Bill Committee, and in those circumstances I am afraid it would not be possible to complete the remaining stages before your Lordships rise for the Recess. But I hope that that may not be so. I think I have answered the main points which were raised by your Lordships in the course of this debate, and I express once more my satisfaction at the large measure of support which the Bill has met with.
On Question, Bill read 2a, and committed for Thursday next.

ISLE OF MAN (CUSTOMS) BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
5.12 p.m.
LORD TEMPLEMORE: My Lords, this Bill, as your Lordships are aware, is a
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Bill which is passed by Parliament every year after the Finance Bill in order to confirm the Customs Resolution of the Manx Legislature. It is a Bill well known to your Lordships, and I do not think I need trouble you with a speech on this occasion. I might remark that this year there are no new features about the Bill, which is certified as a Money Bill under the Parliament Act. I beg to move that it be now read a second time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(Lord Templemore.)
On Question, Bill read 2a; Committee negatived.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended in pursuance of the Resolution of the House of Monday, July 24, Bill read 3a, and passed.

BUILDING SOCIETIES (No. 2) BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.

PUBLIC HEALTH (COAL MINE REFUSE) BILL.
Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee read.
5.14 p.m.
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, it is proposed that this Bill should be amended on the same lines as the Scottish Bill which has previously passed your Lordships' House, and I have to express my obligation to the noble Viscount opposite for guidance in the matter. I beg to move that the House do now resolve itself into Committee.
Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.—(Lord Addison.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.
House in Committee accordingly:
[LORD STANMORE in the Chair.]
Clause 1:
Coal mine refuse liable to spontaneous combustion to be deemed a nuisance.
1. For the purposes of Section ninety-two of the Public Health Act, 1936, an accumulation or deposit of refuse from a coal mine which is liable to spontaneous combustion shall be deemed to be an accumulation or deposit which is prejudicial to health or a nuisance and liable to be dealt with summarily in manner provided by that Act.
VISCOUNT BRIDPORT VISCOUNT BRIDPORT moved to leave out "which is liable to spontaneous combustion" and insert "in respect of which there is reasonable cause to believe that spontaneous combustion is likely to occur." The noble Viscount said: As the noble Lord pointed out, during the passage of the Public Health (Coal Mine Refuse) (Scotland) Bill, and also during the Second Reading of this Bill in your Lordships' House, many of your Lordships expressed the hope that it would be possible to amend this English Bill so as to bring it as far as possible into line with the Scottish Bill. All the Amendments in the Marshalled List that are down in my name have this end in view, and I think that the Amendment in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Teynham, also has this end in view. This first Amendment is exactly the same Amendment as was moved by the noble Lord, Lord Gainford, during the Committee stage of the Scottish Bill and agreed to by your Lordships. It is considered necessary to substitute these words in order to discourage frivolous actions by local authorities who may know nothing about either the material in these refuse heaps, or about the effective means that might be taken to remove the nuisance.
Amendment moved—
Clause 1, line 8, leave out ("which is, liable to spontaneous combustion") and insert ("in respect of which there is reasonable cause to believe that spontaneous combustion is likely to occur").—(Viscount Bridport.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
VISCOUNT BRIDPORT VISCOUNT BRIDPORT moved to leave out all words after "nuisance." The noble Viscount said: As this Amendment is consequential on the next Amendment standing in my name, I will, with your Lordships' consent, deal with the two together. As the Bill now stands, an offender under Clause 1 can be proceeded against without the consent of the Minister of Health. It is considered desirable that proceedings should only be instituted with the consent of the Minister of Health, so that an additional safeguard is given to colliery owners. This, as I pointed out before, is also in accordance with the Scottish Bill, where the Scottish Department of Health have to give their permission. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Clause 1, line 10, leave out from ("nuisance") to the end of line 12.—(Viscount Bridport.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
LORD TEYNHAM LORD TEYNHAM moved to insert at the end of the clause:

"(1) provided that no application under Part III of the said Act in respect of any such accumulation or deposit of refuse as aforesaid shall be made except to a Court of Quarter Sessions and with the consent of the Minister of Health, and

(2) in any such application it shall be a defence for the defendant to prove that the best practicable means have been or are being taken for preventing the accumulation or deposit from becoming liable to spontaneous combustion."

The noble Lord said: The noble Lord who introduced this Bill has made it quite clear that he is agreed that the sense of this Bill should be the same as in the Scottish Act, and the Amendment which stands in my name is designed for this purpose and introduces the same proviso. Under Part III of the Public Health Act, 1936, proceedings are taken summarily at a court of petty sessions, and, as the Scottish Act provides for an application to a superior Court—namely, the Sheriff Court—I would suggest that any proceedings under the English Bill should also be before a superior Court, such as Quarter Sessions. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Clause 1, line 12, insert the said new paragraphs.—(Lord Teynham.)
LORD ADDISON: I am informed that the second part of the noble Lord's Amendment is already incorporated in the English law, and therefore it is not necessary to put it in here. With regard to the other point, I am advised that the Amendment to be moved by the noble Viscount is a preferable one for dealing with these cases. If a case has been approved by the Minister of Health, it will go through the ordinary procedure of the Courts, without specification.
VISCOUNT BRIDPORT: With regard to the first paragraph of the Amendment of my noble friend Lord Teynham, this is an alternative proposal to that which stands in my name later on the Order Paper. Lord Teynham proposes that all proceedings in respect of offences under the Bill should be taken in a Court of Quarter Sessions. This is contrary to the practice in modern Public Health enactments, where the Court of Quarter Sessions is regarded as an Appeal Court. Under the Public Health Act, 1936, proceedings would be taken before a court of summary jurisdiction with an appeal to the Court of Quarter Sessions, and this

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position would be maintained by the later Amendment standing in my name. In the Scottish case, proceedings have to be taken in the Sheriff Court, as the noble Lord pointed out. There is no exact comparison in England with the position in Scotland, but the court of summary jurisdiction in England corresponds to the Sheriff Court more closely than does the Court of Quarter Sessions. With regard to the second paragraph of the noble Lord's Amendment, as Lord Addison pointed out, this is adequately covered by the Public Health Act, 1936. This second provision was included in the Scottish Bill, which is now an Act, because that referred to an Act, the Public Health (Scotland) Act, 1897, which did not give this protection. For these reasons I hope my noble friend will see his way to withdraw his Amendment and to accept in its place the Amendment next on the Paper which stands in my name.
LORD TEYNHAM: I thank the noble Lord, Lord Addison, and the noble Viscount, Lord Bridport, for their explanations. I do not propose to press my Amendment, and would ask permission of the Committee to withdraw it.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
VISCOUNT BRIDPORT VISCOUNT BRIDPORT moved, at the end of the clause, to insert:
"Provided that proceedings under Part III of the said Act in respect of any such accumulation or deposit of refuse as aforesaid shall not be instituted except with the consent of the Minister of Health."
The noble Viscount said: This is a consequential Amendment, and I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Clause 1, line 12, at end insert the said proviso.—(Viscount Bridport.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 1, as amended, agreed to.
Clause 2 [Short title and citation]:
VISCOUNT BRIDPORT: There is a drafting Amendment to this clause
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rendered necessary by the passing of the Cancer Act, 1939. I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Clause 2, line 14, leave out from ("and") to ("may") in line 15, and insert ("shall be included among the Acts which").—(Viscount Bridport.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 2, as amended, agreed to.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, in pursuance "of the Resolution of the House on Monday, July 24:
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, I beg to move that the Report of Amendments be now received.
Moved, That the Report of Amendments be now received.—(Lord Addison.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and Amendments reported accordingly.
LORD ADDISON: My Lords, I beg to move that the Bill be now read 3a.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 3a.—(Lord Addison.)
On Question, Bill read 3a, with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.

THE RECESS.
LORD SNELL: My Lords, I beg to ask the noble Marquess if he can inform the House when it is proposed that the House should reassemble after the Recess.
THE MARQUESS OF ZETLAND: My Lords, in reply to the noble Lord's question, I would say that the House will adjourn after the Royal Commission on Friday until October 3, but, as the noble Lord is aware, power has been taken, of course, to summon the House sooner should the necessity for doing so arise.
House adjourned at twenty-five minutes past five o'clock.