Sitting of 10 November 1936

Preamble
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.
  TRADE AND COMMERCE.

    RUSSIA.
    Major-General Sirf ALFRED KNOXasked the President of the Board of Trade the total value of the imports from Soviet Russia to Great Britain and of the exports from Great Britain to Soviet Russia, distinguishing between exports of goods produced in Great Britain and reexported for each of the years 1934 and 1935; and what was in each case the trade balance favourable to Soviet Russia?
    The PRESIDENT of the BOARD of TRADE (Mr. Runciman): As the answer involves a table of figures, I will, with
    The following table shows the total declared value of merchandise imported into and exported fro ii the United Kingdom in the trade with the Soviet Union during each of the years 1934 and 1935, together with the excess of imports over exports.

    Exports from the United Kingdom consigned to the Soviet Union.

    Year.

    Imports into the United Kingdom consigned from the Soviet Union.

    Produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom.

    Imported merchandise.

    Total exports.

    Excess of imports over exports.

    £'000.

    £'000.

    £'000.

    £'000.

    £'000.

    1934

    …

    …

    17,327

    3,641

    3,905

    7,546

    9,781

    1935

    …

    …

    21,736

    3,505

    6,206

    9,711

    12,025

    Notes.—(1) The balance of payments between the United Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as ascertained in accordance with the Anglo-Russian Trade Agreement of 1934, was as follows:

    1934.

    1935.

    £

    £

    Proceeds of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

    16,020,000

    21,006,000

    Payments of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

    15,318,000

    15,917,000

    (2) The figures for 1935 are provisional.
    my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Sir A. KNOX: Can the right hon. Gentleman say what was the trade balance in those two years?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: If my hon. and gallant Friend will await the figures, which are in tabular form, he will see the position clearly set out.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: Is it not the case that the trade balance is more in our favour now than it has been in any previous year?
    Sir JOSEPH NALL: Is it not a fact that there is a very large adverse balance; and in view of the fact that the Soviet does not pay for a great part of its purchases here but is allowed a credit, can the right hon. Gentleman say what is happening to the proceeds of Russian trade?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: No, Sir. Compared with the proceeds, the payments certainly do not show so great an adverse balance.
    Mr. MACQUISTEN: Will not the Russians require all the money they are getting to supply armaments to Sanin?
    Following is the answer:
    Sir WILLIAM DAVISONasked the President of the Board of Trade what was the total amount of exports of. United Kingdom produce and manufacture to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics apart from re-exports and the total imports from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics into Great Britain from the date of the temporary commercial agreement of 16th February, 1934, to the latest available date in the current year; and what is the proportion of re-exports to exports of United Kingdom produce and manufactured goods?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The commercial agreement between the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union came into force on 21st March, 1934, but the balance of payments between the two countries was regulated as from 1st January, 1934. During the period January, 1934, to September, 1936, the total declared value of merchandise imported into the United Kingdom and consigned from the Soviet Union was £51,880,000 and of exports of United Kingdom produce and manufactures to the Soviet Union £9,857,000. The value of re-exports during the same period was £17,962,000 and was thus 82 per cent. greater than that of United Kingdom goods exported.
    Sir W. DAVISON: Does the right hon. Gentleman not think it desirable that notice should be given to terminate that temporary or interim agreement, with a view to having a permanent treaty negotiated on terms more favourable to this country?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I should be prepared to look into that point, but I do not think it arises. We are working now on this agreement and it is not working unsatisfactorily.
    Sir W. DAVISON: Was not a pledge given to a number of people that this should only be an interim agreement pending the completion of a formal treaty of trade and navigation; and as this matter has now been on for nearly three years, is it not time that a formal treaty was under negotiation?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I cannot undertake to negotiate a formal treaty at the present moment.
    Sir W. DAVISONasked the President of the Board of Trade for what
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    reasons the British Government guaranteed payments by the Russian Soviet Government to the amount of £10,000,000 in respect of goods purchased in this country, having regard to the fact that the Russian Government have a favourable trade balance in Great Britain estimated at approximately £15,000,000; and what steps will be taken to see that this guarantee is not made use of so that munitions of war may be purchased contrary to the provisions of the agreement out of the free credit balance already at the disposal of the Soviet Government in this country?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The purpose of the agreement between the Export Credits Guarantee Department and the Soviet Trade Representative is to encourage the export of goods wholly or partly manufactured in the United Kingdom. It specifically excludes munitions of war, the export of which to Soviet Russia, as to all countries, is subject to the provisions of the Arms Export Prohibition Order, 1931. As regards the balance of trade with Russia, I would invite the attention of my hon. Friend to the Schedule to the Temporary Commercial Agreement of February, 1934, which prescribes the increasing proportion which the disbursements of the Soviet Government. on goods purchased in this country and British shipping services are to bear to their proceeds from imports into this market. The proportion for the current year is 1 to 1.4 while for 1937 it will be 1 to 1.2.
    Sir W. DAVISON: But that proportion is only obtained, is it not, by taking in re-exports, ninny of which do not even come to this country at all or, at any rate, only pass through our ports; are not those figures therefore fallacious; is it not a fact that the figures quoted in the question are accurate and that there is a trade balance of something approaching £15,000,000; and why should not that be used to make purchases in this country?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: It has often been explained in this House that re-exports are a distinct advantage to us.

    PRIMARY PRODUCTS (EMPIRE POLICY).
    Sir PERCY HURDasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether his attention has been called to

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    the suggestion of representatives of the governments of the Dominions that, seeing how nearly identical the interests of primary producers of the homeland and the Dominions are now becoming, a consultative committee of Empire producers should be set up to consider an Empire policy in relation to primary production; and whether he will invite the governments of the Dominions to co-operate in the early assembly of such a committee?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for DOMINION AFFAIRS (Mr. Malcolm MacDonald): If any suggestions of the nature, indicated by my hon. Friend were put to me by representatives of His Majesty's Governments in the Dominions, I should of course be prepared to consider them. No such suggestions have in fact been made by them.
    Sir P. HURD: Does not my right hon. Friend think that the importance of the matter would entitle him to make some suggestion on his own account?

    FURNITURE.
    Sir A. KNOXasked the President of the Board of Trade what is the duty on furniture of British manufacture on import into Canada and South Africa, respectively; and what duty is imposed on Canadian and South African furniture on import into Great Britain?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The Canadian Customs duty on all types of United Kingdom furniture is 18 per cent. ad valorem. The duties imposed by the Union of South Africa are, generally, 20 per cent. ad valorem on metal furniture and 25 per cent. ad valorem on wooden furniture. Canadian and South African furniture enter the United Kingdom duty free.
    Sir A. KNOX: Does the right hon. Gentleman consider this arrangement fair to our furniture manufacturers here?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: If they have a serious grievance, it is open to them to bring it before the Import Duties Advisory Committee.
    Mr. H. G. WILLIAMS: Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that they can bring before the Import Duties Advisory Committee an application for a duty on Empire goods?

    FRANCE AND ITALY (IMPORT QUOTAS).
    Captain PETER MACDONALDasked the President of the Board of Trade whether the action of the French and Italian Governments in abolishing certain quotas on imports has proved of any substantial value to British exporters; and what effect this abolition has had up to date on the balance of trade between Great Britain, France, and Italy, respectively?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I have no information that Italy has withdrawn any of her import quotas. As regards France, certain quota restrictions were suspended by a decree published on 3rd October. United Kingdom exports of the classes of goods covered by the quotas now suspended were worth approximately £350,000 in 1934, whereas exports from the United Kingdom of all goods subject to quotas were worth about £10,000,000 in that year. Coal accounted for about £7,000,000 of this amount. I understand that the quotas suspended were mostly quotas which we had not been able to fill. No statistics are available yet to show what may have been the effect on United Kingdom trade.
    Captain MACDONALD: Is my right hon. Friend satisfied that these quotas have in fact been removed against British exports to France?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: Only to the extent which I have stated in answer to the question.

    BALANCE OF TRADE.
    Mr. HALL-CAINEasked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the fact that an adverse visible balance of trade approximating to £350,000,000 may be expected for the current year, he has any information to show whether the other items making up the country's balance of payments will be sufficient to avert a deficit; and, if not, whether any action is contemplated to remedy the situation?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I regret that the desired information is not available, as it is not practicable to furnish, for periods other than a calendar year, an estimate of the invisible items entering into the balance of payments.
    Sir J. NALL: In view of the very adverse balances with several other

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    countries, why have the Department not pressed more vigorously for further trade agreements?

    DENMARK.
    Mr. HALL-CAINEasked the President of the Board of Trade what further progress has been made with the negotiations between his Department and the Danish trade delegation; and whether he can make any statement on the provision of home bacon and dairy produce as affected by any new trade agreement with Denmark?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The Anglo-Danish Trade Agreement of 1933 was prolonged subject to four months' notice by the Agreement dated 19th June last, which was published as a Command Paper. The provisions of the 1933 Agreement relating to bacon and dairy produce remain in force.

    RUBBER FOOTWEAR (IMPORTS).
    Mr. LIDDALLasked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been drawn to the large increase in the imports in this year of rubber footwear from Empire countries; and whether he contemplates taking any action in the matter?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Agreements concluded at Ottawa provided that no duty should be imposed on rubber boots and shoes from the Dominions concerned in those Agreements, and there is no power under existing legislation to impose either a quantitative restriction or an import duty on imports of rubber footwear from other Empire countries.
    Mr. LIDDALL: Is my right hon. Friend not aware that a large quantity of these particular goods is being exported to Empire countries from Japan?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I am very conscious of the competition from Japan, not only in these but in other things as well.

    COTTON SPINDLES BOARD.
    Mr. H. G. WILLIAMSasked the President of the Board of Trade how many spindles have been purchased by the Cotton Spindles Board; whether he can furnish an estimate of the number of
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    spindles not purchased; and what proportion of these are being worked full time, part time, and are idle, respectively?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The purchasing powers of the Spindles Board only came into operation on 14th September last, and no useful indication would be given of the working of the scheme by furnishing, after such a short lapse of time, the number of spindles of which the purchase has already been completed. In reply to the last part of the question, I understand that returns showing the extent to which spinning machinery was operated in the six months ending 14th September are at present being analysed and tabulated, and I hope that it will be found possible to publish the information at an early date.
    Mr. WILLIAMS: Will my right hon. Friend give me notice when this information is ready, so that I can put down a question?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: Perhaps my hon. Friend will communicate with me later on the subject.

    CORONATION BOOK-MARKS (IMPORTS).
    Mr. LOUIS SMITHasked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the import of Coronation book-marks of German manufacture without any indication of the source of origin; and whether he will instruct his officials to investigate this and all similar evasions of the law?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: There is no general requirement that imported goods must bear an indication of origin at the time of their importation. By Order made under the Merchandise Marks Act, 1926, however, imported ribbons and certain classes of goods made from ribbons must bear an indication of origin on sale or exposure for sale in the United Kingdom. If my hon. Friend can furnish me with particulars of any apparent contravention of this Order, I will gladly look into the matter.
    Mr. SMITH: Will my right hon. Friend, on receipt of such evidence as I am able to give him in this instance, perhaps in the first place consult the appropriate industry or branch of industry and then consider whether it would be desirable to ask this House to give him additional powers restricting the flow of these unwelcome imports?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: Yes, I will give that matter further consideration.
    Mr. MACQUISTEN: Is not that merely locking the stable door after the horse is stolen?

    TRADE AGREEMENTS (EMPIRE PREFERENCE).
    Mr. De CHAIR: asker the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that Australia sacrificed an important market for her wool by giving British exports preference over Japanese goods in Australian markets; and whether he will therefore give Australia in particular, and the Empire in general, preferential consideration in all forthcoming trade pacts.
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I am aware that the Japanese Government have introduced certain measures affecting imports from Australia. As regards the second part of the question, I can assure my hon. Friend that all relevant considerations are taken into account during the negotiation of trade agreements.
    Mr. De CHAIR: Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that Australia does pay interest on her debts, which is more than can be said of the Argentine?

    CINEMATOGRAPH FILMS.
    Lieut.-Colonel SANDEMAN ALLENasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that, owing to foreign methods of control, independent exhibitors are being faced with either taking bad British films made under foreign auspices or with the alternative of prosecution by his Department for failure to comply with the quota; and what steps he is taking to prevent the quota system operating to the prejudice of the British film industry.
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: As my hon. and gallant Friend is probably aware, a Departmental Committee is at present inquiring into the position of British films. I have no doubt that the Committee will give full consideration to the difficulty which is stated to exist on the part of certain exhibitors in obtaining an adequate supply of good British films.
    Mr. DAY: Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the Committee hopes to report?
    Mr. H. G. WILLIAMSasked the President of the Board of Trade whether
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    he contemplates an early report from the film quota committee on the question of cheap films made by foreign interests in this country to comply with the quota and which by their inferiority injure other British producers?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I understand that the Departmental Committee which I appointed to consider the position of British films have completed the hearing of evidence, and that they are now considering the terms of their report.

    IMPORTED MILK PRODUCTS.
    Sir PERCY HURDasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether the Import Duties Advisory Committee have yet presented their report on the application for adequate duties on the increasing importation of milk products from foreign countries?
    The FINANCIAL SECRETARY to the TREASURY (Lieut.-Colonel Colville): I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the hon. Member for South Croydon (Mr. H. O. Williams) on 5th November.
    Sir P. HURD: Would my right hon. and gallant Friend kindly tell us when we are to have the decision of the Government in this matter, seeing tnat apparently the report has been in their hands for three months?
    Lieut.-Colonel COLVILLE: I am unable to add to the answer which has already been given.

    NEWFOUNDLAND.
    Mr. MAXTONasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs what changes have taken place in the Commission of Government in Newfoundland since its appointment; and how long it is proposed to continue the existing arrangement?
    Mr. M. MacDONALD: On the death of Mr. Alderdice in February, Mr. J. A. Winter, K.C., formerly Speaker of the Newfoundland House of Assembly, was appointed to succeed him as Commissioner for Home Affairs and Education. At the beginning of September Sir John Hope Simpson retired as Commissioner for Natural Resources, and he has been succeeded by Mr. R. B. Ewbank, formerly

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    of the Indian Civil Service. As regards the last part of the question, I would remind my hon. Friend that the Address to His late Majesty from the Newfoundland Legislature, to which effect was given by the Newfoundland Act, 1933, prayed for the suspension of the then existing Letters Patent, and for the issue of new Letters Patent providing for the administration of the Island on the lines now in force, until such time as it might become self-supporting again.
    Mr. MAXTON: Are these all the changes that have taken place? Was not the Governor a member of the Council, and has he not been changed?
    Mr. MacDONALD: The change of Governor is another matter altogether. I took the hon. Member's question to be in reference to the Special Commissioners appointed under the Newfoundland Act. It is true that the. Governor who was in the Island when the new constitution came into force, reached the end of his term of office some months ago, and in the normal course of events, a new Governor was appointed in his place and that new Governor does act, as the previous Governor acted, as chairman of the Commission.
    Mr. MAXTON: Does that mean that the Commission is setting off on a second three-year period of this form of government, with an entirely new personnel and that not one of the original Commissioners is prepared to act for a second term?
    Mr. MacDONALD: On the contrary, there have been three changes in a personnel of seven; therefore there are four of the original members still holding office.
    Mr. MAXTON: These, I take it, are local Newfoundland Commissioners who remain unchanged, while the home Commissioners have all been changed?
    Mr. MacDONALD: No, that is not so. There are still two of the Commissioners who went out from the United Kingdom in office there. It is true that one of these two will come to the end of his term of office shortly.
    Mr. MAXTON: And is coming home?
    Mr. MacDONALD: In fact there are two of them in occupation of their office now.
    Mr. MACQUISTEN: Will the Minister please note the fact that the Independent Labour party seems to have an objection to changes of government?

    AUSTRALIA (BRITISH PASSPORTS).
    Mr. A. HENDERSONasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he has any information regarding the Commonwealth of Australia's refusal to admit Mrs. Freer, a British subject, into Australia?
    Mr. M. MacDONALD: I have no information on the subject, but I am making inquiries.
    Mr. HENDERSON: Will the right hon. Gentleman take into account the fact that a British subject travelling under a British passport has a prima facie legal right to enter any part of His Majesty's Dominions?
    Mr. MacDONALD: This matter, of course, primarily concerns the Australian authorities. I am making inquiries from them, and perhaps I may suggest that I should get into touch with the hon. Gentleman as soon as I have received some reply to those inquiries.

    SHARE-PUSHING (DEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE).
    Mr. GRAHAM WHITEasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he proposes to take any action to protect the public from the operations of fraudulent vendors of shares?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: It is my intention to set up, as soon as possible, a Departmental Committee to consider this matter and to make recommendations as to the action to be taken.
    Mr. WHITE: Arising out of that reply —which will give general satisfaction—may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether in the interval, in view of the increasing activity of these sharks, he can do anything in the way of issuing a public warning, to check their depredations in the meantime?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: A great deal of publicity has already been given to their activities, and I hope it has been noted by the investing public.
    Mr. MACQUISTEN: Will the right hon. Gentleman not take spaces in the newspapers—large spaces, with illustrations—for the purpose of warning people against buying these worthless shares?
    Mr. JOHNSTONasked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the activities of share pushers in connection with a company called Building Construction Investment, Limited, Suffolk House, London; whether he will cause investigation to be made as to any connection between the share pushers and any officials of the company; whether he is aware that the police have information that, while 484,196 shares in the company have been allotted, only 7,196 of these shares have been issued for cash; whether it is proposed to take any proceedings to protect the interests of bona fide investors in the concern; and whether the Government will initiate legislation to curb the activities of fraudulent share pushers?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I am informed that in June and July, 1935, four men were prosecuted at the instance of the Director of Public Prosecutions and convicted in connection with the hawking of shares which included those of Building Construction Investment, Limited. According to the last annual return filed by this company with the Registrar of Companies, 493,452 shares of 10s. each have been issued, of which 11,452 purport to have been issued for cash. The Board of Trade have no power, in the case of a company not in liquidation, to make any investigation except at the request of shareholders under the provisions of Section 135 of the Companies Act, 1929. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the right hon. Gentleman to the answer which I have just given to question No. 6.
    Mr. JOHNSTON: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the case of the prosecutions to which he has referred the persons prosecuted have disappeared, and is he further aware that victims subsequent to that prosecution have appealed to the police in vain, as they say they are unable to do anything?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I shall be glad to pass any information which my right hon. Friend can produce on to the proper authorities.
    Mr. JOHNSTON: Then are we to understand that if I give the right hon. Gentleman specific information as to one case of grotesque robbery and fraud, he will see that prosecution takes place?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: No, I cannot make that definite promise, but I can see that the information falls into the right hands so that a decision may be taken.
    Mr. T. WILLIAMS: In view of these well-recognised robberies that are taking place, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of establishing a National Investment Board to prevent them?

    FIXED TRUSTS.
    Mr. BRACKENasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he intends to take any action regarding the increasing number of undertakings registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Act which are advertising and pushing the sale of their shares by means which could not be used under the Companies Act?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: The Committee on Fixed Trusts has already called attention to this matter, and I am considering how best it can be dealt with.
    Sir ARTHUR MICHAEL SAMUEL: As this abuse could be met and remedied by a suitable Clause in the existing Companies Act, 1929, what is the reason for the delay in setting up a Departmental Committee to look into the flaws and defects in the Companies Act?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I am advised that the solution is not quite as simple as my hon. Friend thinks.
    Mr. BRACKEN: While my right hon. Friend is contemplating investigations, is he aware that many small investors are being ruined?
    Mr. RUNCIMAN: I would rather deal with the thing wisely than make a mess of it.

  BRITISH ARMY.

    CINEMATOGRAPH PICTURES.
    Sir A. KNOXasked the Secretary of State for War whether film camera

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    men were permitted to travel with British troops sent lately to Palestine; and, if so, what was their nationality?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for WAR (Mr. Duff Cooper): Twelve employés of a film company engaged in making, with War Office co-operation, a film illustrating certain aspects of Army life were allowed to travel in September last as far as Egypt on a ship carrying British troops, with a view to photographing scenes on board. I understand that one of their number was of Austrian nationality; the remainder were British.
    Mr. BELLENGER: Does the War Office receive any payment for allowing these film people to travel with our Army?
    Mr. COOPER: Yes; they paid their fares.

    PALESTINE SERVICE (CLOTHING ALLOWANCE).
    Sir MALCOLM BARCLAYHARVEYasked the Secretary of State for War why the men of the division recently sent to Palestine from Aldershot were charged 8s. each for a compulsory issue of tropical helmets?
    Mr. COOPER: The helmet is part of the tropical kit with which the soldier proceeding abroad has to equip himself, and the clothing allowance which he receives contains an element to cover this. On account of the abnormal circumstances of their despatch abroad, however, I have given instructions that troops sent out as emergency reinforcements who are brought back to the United Kingdom within 12 months shall receive a refund of part of the cost of their tropical helmets.
    Mr. RADFORD: What is the reason for our men having to pay anything for their kit?
    Mr. COOPER: They are given a special allowance which is intended to cover it.
    Sir A. M. SAMUEL: Is it a wise policy, in order to save a few hundred pounds, to create these irritating regulations?
    Sir J. NALL: Is the clothing allowance to which my right hon. Friend refers the ordinary allowance for home service, or a special allowance for overseas service?
    Mr. COOPER: It was a special kit allowance which was intended to cover overseas service.

    CLOTHING SUPPLY (DISTRESSED AREAS).
    Mr. SHINWELLasked the Secretary of State for War whether any clothing for the troops is manufactured in the county of Durham or any other of the distressed areas; whether he is aware that work of this description would provide employment for many persons who cannot be absorbed in other industries; and whether he will consider the erection of new factories or the use of existing establishments for this purpose?
    Mr. COOPER: A number of contracts have been placed with firms whose factories are in areas scheduled as suffering from severe and prolonged unemployment, but none in the county of Durham as no firms in this area ire on the War Office lists of clothing contractors. My Department will always be glad to consider applications by firms in the county of Durham or other distressed areas for notation on their lists.
    Mr. SHINWELL: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the county of Durham, South Wales and other distressed areas there are thousands of young women and girls to whom work of this description would be of benefit, and will he bring to the notice of those responsible the need for providing work of this kind?
    Mr. COOPER: I will gladly consider any proposal that the lion. Gentleman can put forward. We have to give our contracts to the firms that apply for them, and I do not think there are any big clothing factories or firms of the kind in the county of Durham. If the hon. Gentleman can suggest anyway in which the labour in the county can be put to work in this particular branch of the Army contracts, I shall be very glad to consider it.

    INFANTRY.
    Sir RONALD ROSSasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is able to make any statement as to the proposed addition of four infantry battalions to the Regular Army?
    Mr. COOPER: No, Sir.
    Sir R. ROSS: Does the very long delay between the announcement of the

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    four additional battalions and any steps being taken indicate any change of policy?
    Mr. COOPER: No, Sir.
    Captain HAROLD BALFOUR: In view of the need for new units, will not the right hon. Gentleman take advantage of the striking power of the Cavalry militia by restoring the horse to this unit?

    EQUIPMENT.
    Captain MACNAMARAasked the Secretary of State for War whether soldiers are still ordered to be in possession of padlocks and canes; and whether they are issued with them free?
    Mr. COOPER: I am at the moment unable to add anything to the reply which I gave my hon. and gallant Friend to a question on the same subject on 12th May last.
    Captain MACNAMARA: Is it not time that, when soldiers are ordered to be in possession of certain equipment, they should be given that equipment free when they join the Army?

    RATIONS.
    Captain MACNAMARAasked the Secretary of State for War how much it would cost to provide suppers daily for soldiers; and when it is proposed to provide a daily evening meal for soldiers as well as officers?
    Mr. COOPER: Officers and other ranks receive the same ration. To increase this ration to provide an evening meal for other ranks of the Regular Army would cost £436,000, and to extend the same ration to officers would involve a further £44,000. I may add that a similar extension to the Territorial Army would cost £16,000 for other ranks and £2,000 for officers. The whole matter is at present under examination.
    Miss WILKINSON: May I ask how much the War Office would save if it took off their mid-day meal as well?
    Mr.PETHERICK: Is it not the case that the Army is extremely well fed at the present time?

    INFANTRY TANKS.
    Mr. C. S. TAYLORasked the Secretary of State for War whether the
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    production of infantry tanks is progressing satisfactorily, and when the necessary numbers will be available?
    Mr. COOPER: Plans are proceeding for the production of infantry and other types of tanks. It is not in the public interest to state when the numbers required will be available.
    Mr. TAYLOR: Is there any undue delay in the production of infantry tanks?
    Mr. COOPER: I can assure my hon. Friend that there is no delay that can possibly be avoided.

    TIME-EXPIRED MEN.
    Lieut.-Colonel C. KERRasked the Secretary of State for War the numbers of Regular soldiers who complete their term of service each year and become available for other employment?
    Mr. COOPER: The numbers vary according to the recruit intake six or seven years before, but the average for the past three years has been between 16,000 and 17,000.
    Lieut.-Colonel KERR: In view of that reply, may I ask whether my right hon. Friend would consider some scheme to guarantee employment for these men after they leave the Service?
    Mr. COOPER: I am doing so.
    Mr. GEORGE GRIFFITHS: Is it not a fact that the majority of these men have to have six weeks' holiday because they have been fed on margarine?

    EGYPT (TROOPS, STRENGTH).
    Mr. DAYasked the Secretary of State for War what changes have been made in the number of British troops stationed in Egypt since the adjournment of the House?
    Mr. COOPER: The strength of the British troops stationed in Egypt on 31st July was 13,387, and on 30th September 11,251.
    Mr. DAY: Do the men return to their old stations, and does that account for the difference?
    Mr. COOPER: The difference in numbers is due principally to the movement of troops.

    TRANSFERRED 'CLERK (PENsioN).
    Sir FRANK SANDERSONasked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the case of Mr. A. Burrows, of 12, Julien Road, Ealing, who was appointed as a clerk in the London District Horse Guards in 1912, and at the request of the War Office was transferred to that office in 1915, and so lost his right to established status in the Horse Guards, which was granted in 1923, but did not qualify for established status in the War Office, which was conditional upon service before the outbreak of war, and who, when he agreed to the transfer could not then foresee that it would deprive him of established status and pension; and whether, in view of his continuous service in a State Department from 1912 to 1936 he may now be granted the pension he would have got without examination had he been employed for the whole time in either of these Departments?
    Mr. COOPER: I am aware of the facts of this case. Mr. Burrows, who was transferred with his own consent to the War Office in 1915, at which time he had no expectation of appointment to the permanent establishment, was in the same position as other temporary clerks who had not joined the War Office prior to the War. In 1923 he was allowed to compete in a qualifying examination for establishment but failed to qualify, and thereafter became too old. In the circumstances a certificate of qualification as an established civil servant could not be issued to him, and without such certificate there is no power under the Superannuation Acts to grant him a pension.
    Sir F. SANDERSON: Is it not a fact that this man has been deprived of his pension merely because he was transferred by the Government from the Horse Guards to the War Office?
    Mr. COOPER: No, it is not a fact. He was transferred with his own consent. He could have taken the same examination three years earlier if he had remained at the Horse Guards, but there is no reason to suppose that he would have passed the examination then if, when he took it three years later, he failed.
    Sir F. SANDERSON: Has nay right hon. Friend looked at the letter that he sent to me on 29th May last, in which he will find that what I say is substantiated?

  SCOTLAND.

    HISTORICAL RECORDS.
    Mr. MATHERSasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is in a position to state when steps will be taken to ensure the preservation and proper custody of Scottish sheriff court and other records of historical value?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for SCOTLAND (Mr. Elliot): Consultations are taking place with the various authorities and departments concerned in regard to proposals for the transfer of certain public records, including sheriff court records, to the General Register House, Edinburgh, for custody. I am not yet in a position to make any further statement.
    Mr. MATHERS: Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the report of the speech made by the Lord Lyon King of Arms complaining of the shocking state of these records, and is he seized with the importance of dealing with the matter quickly and effectively?
    Mr. ELLIOT: Yes, I hope I shall be able to make a further announcement before Christmas.
    Mr. GUY: Do the records referred to include the records in London?
    Mr. ELLIOT: The records in all the departments.
    Sir SAMUEL CHAPMANasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether his attention has been called to the deplorable state of the ancient records in the vaults of the Register House, Edinburgh; whether any reports on this matter were received by his predecessors; if so, the date of these reports; and what action does he intend to take?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I am aware that the state of some of the records in the basement of the Register House is unsatisfactory. Following on a report made to the Secretary of State in September, 1932, the Record Office staff was increased by three; and a further report in April, 1936, showed that the arrangement and classification of the Customs

    681
    records in the basement had then been completed, and that work was beginning on the Excise records. The basement records are safe from further deterioration and progress has been, and is being, made in the task of arrangement and classification. The whole question of Scottish records is at present under consideration, but I am not yet in a position to make a statement.
    Sir S. CHAPMAN: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware personally of the deplorable state of these records, which are covered with dust and have been in that condition for the last 100 or 150 years, and will he not take the earliest possible opportunity of seeing them for himself and getting the conditions rectified'?
    Mr. STEPHEN: Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the addition of an office boy to the officials who have already been appointed?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I will consider that.
    Mr. T. JOHNSTONasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that valuable Scottish historical records are still being allowed to perish through neglect; that in one town the old shrieval records are now a roosting place for pigeons; that in Shetland old official records of local importance have been thrown into the sea; whether he proposes to carry out the recommendations of the committee on the custody and preservation of sheriff records, which reported in 1926, and, if so, when; and whether he proposes to so increase the staff of the Register House that they will be able to index the records of the High Court of Justiciary and other valuable manuscripts, and render them available to Scottish historical students?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I am aware that better provision is desirable for the preservation of certain Scottish historical records. As regards the second part of the question, which I understand relates to Kirkcudbright, I am informed that while the accommodation was formerly unsatisfactory this was remedied in 1929 on the appointment of the present Sheriff Clerk, whose services, and those of expert assistants, have been of the utmost value. The expert assistants were made available through the good offices of my Noble Friend the Marquess
    682
    of Bute, who has also provided special steel covered books to preserve the old deeds. I am unable to trace what records are referred to in the third part of the question, but perhaps the right hon. Member would give me any information he has. As regards the fourth part of the question as the right hon. Member will see from the answer to a previous question, I am at present looking into the whole question of Scottish records. As regards the last part, the records of the High Court of Justiciary are arranged and available for public inspection, but are not yet indexed. The staff requirements for this and other work will be kept under review.
    Mr. McKIE: In view of the admitted misstatements with regard to the preservation of the records in the Sheriff Court House at Kirkcudbright. which were made by Lord Lyon King of Arms at the annual meeting of the Scottish Historical Society, can my right hon. Friend say whether Lord Lyon King of Arms is entitled to criticise other officials of the State in this rather unguarded fashion?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I should be very unwilling to enter into a dispute with Lord Lyon King of Arms.
    Mr. JOHNSTON: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Lord Lyon King of Arms did not say it was Kirkcudbright at all?
    Mr. McKIE: But everybody knew from his speech that it was.
    Mr. GUYasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he has considered the memorandum on Scottish records submitted by the Convention of Royal Burghs; and what action he proposes to take?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I am considering the memorandum referred to; and I hope to be able to arrange a meeting with or deputation from the convention at an early date.

    JUSTICES OF THE PEACE (FIFESHIRE).
    Mr. WESTWOODasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that several of the justices of the peace within the County of Fife are over 70 years and some over 80 years of age; that there are only three women on the list of justices of the peace for the Burgh

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    of Kirkcaldy; and, in view of the setting up of juvenile courts in Fife and other administrative work that has to be undertaken by justices of the peace, will steps be taken to remedy this state of affairs?
    Mr. ELLIOT: My Noble Friend, the Lord Chancellor, is aware that the County of Fife possesses several justices who have reached advanced years, and he is at present in communication with the Lord Lieutenant of the county on the question of appointing additional justices in the county, and especially for the juvenile courts. If there is a special need for women justices in the Burgh of Kirkcaldy that fact will, I am sure, be taken into consideration when the Lord Chancellor comes to settle the new appointments.
    Lieut.-Colonel MOORE: Are not these gentlemen particularly suitable for juvenile courts, as presumably they are now approaching second childhood?
    Mr. MACQUISTEN: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a judge's job is an old man's job?
    Mr. WESTWOODasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether there is an advisory committee for justices of the peace for the county of Fife; what are their names; when last they met; when the list of justices of the peace for the burgh of Kirkcaldy was last added to; whether the list of suggested additions to the list of justices of the peace for the burgh of Kirkcaldy has yet been considered by the advisory committee, the Lord Lieutenant of the county, and the Lord Chancellor; and, if so, when the new list of justices of the peace will be issued?
    Mr. ELLIOT: There is an advisory committee to advise my Noble Friend, the Lord Chancellor, in the appointment of justices of the peace for the county of Fife, and the committee has recently held a meeting and submitted a list of names to the Lord Chancellor for additional appointments to the Commission of the Peace, the last appointments having been made in November, 1934. With regard to the recent list of recommendations, the Lord Chancellor is further consulting the Lord Lieutenant
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    and the advisory committee, and, therefore, I regret that at the moment it cannot be stated when the new list of justices will be issued. I will, with the permission of the hon. Member, circulate the names of the advisory committee in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Mr. WESTWOOD: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that these consultations have now been carried on for over 18 months, and can he not get something more definite than the answer he has given as to when these appointments will be made?
    Following are the names:

    Fife County Justices Advisory Committee.

    Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, K.T., C.M.G., Broomball, Dunfermline.

    Sheriff Substitute Stark, Millhank, Cupar, Fife.

    Major George James Lumsden, Tarvit, Cupar, Fife.

    Major Sir Robert Spencer Nairn, Baronet, Leslie House, Fife.

    Bailie William Dunn, C.B.E., Kinbrae, Newport, Fife.

    Sir Robert Lockhart, Allanbank, Kirkcaldy.

    Councillor Miss Martha Frew, Glenavon, Townhill, Dunfermline.

    Collin Terris, Esquire, The Gardens, Kelty.

    James Potter, Esquire, Mossgreen, Cross-gates.

    SHEEP FARM (GLEN KINGLAS ESTATE, ARGYLLSHIRE).
    Mr. JOHNSTONasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that the estate of Glen Kinglas, Blackmount, Argyllshire, has been cleared of sheep to make room for deer within the past two years; that the farm of Inverliever on the estate has been tenanted by the same family as a successful sheep farm for 100 years, and that on the Glen Kinglas estate some 5,400 sheep have been sold off; and whether he can give the names of the proprietors of land responsible for this recrudescence of the policy of sheep clearance for deer?
    Mr. ELLIOT: A question on the same subject was addressed to my predecessor on 17th December, 1935, by the hon. Member for Springburn (Mr. Hardie). I am

    685
    informed that on Whitsunday, 1933, two sheep farms, Acharn and Inverliever, situated in the isolated mountainous district of Blackmount and Loch Etive, fell vacant, the tenants leaving of their own accord. Repeated efforts to let the farms were unsuccessful and they remained in the hands of the landlord, the Earl of Breadalbane, for 2½ years until Martinmas, 1935, when he was able to sell them to the trustees of the late Edward Hermon. As the trustees did not wish to take over the sheep stocks, Lord Breadalbane was obliged to sell the sheep in open market, which entailed a loss to him of £2,900. The number of sheep sold was 3,400 exclusive of lambs. There is no question of the sheep having been disposed of by Lord Breadalbane to make room for deer, or of a policy of clearance of sheep. Lord Breadalbane would have been glad to have found tenants for the farms. I understand that the new proprietors do, in fact, propose to keep a stock of sheep at Inverliever.
    Mr. JOHNSTON: Is it not the case that at Acharn and Inverliever there are deer on the farms?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I think there is no question of anybody having turned off tenants or substituted deer for sheep. It was found impossible to let the farms.
    Mr. JOHNSTON: Would-the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to answer my question? Is it not the case that there are now deer on these two particular farms where previously there were sheep?
    Mr. ELLIOT: It having been found impossible to get anybody to tend sheep, I think that is so.
    Mr. G. HARDIE: As I raised the case before, may I ask the Secretary of State if he can tell us whether the Government, in their efforts to get land on which to put idle men, made any proposals to purchase this land when it was in the market?
    Mr. SPEAKER: That is another question.

    SCOTTISH OFFICE, EDINBURGH (PUBLICITY DEPARTMENT).
    Mr. MATHERSasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether there is in the Scottish Office in Edinburgh a publicity department; and whether that department or any official of the Scottish
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    Office is responsible for supplying information to the Press dealing with land settlement in the Highlands?
    Mr. ELLIOT: The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative; but there is an officer in the Scottish Office in London whose duties include the co-ordination of the supply of information on matters within the jurisdiction of the Secretary of State. Information on land settlement would normally be supplied by the Department of Agriculture for Scotland, but that Department of course does not concern itself with, or take any responsibility for, views expressed on facts so obtained.
    Mr. MATHERS: Does that mean that nobody in the Scottish Office or connected with it was responsible for articles on land settlement appearing in the "Glasgow Herald" at the end of October?
    Mr. ELLIOT: Oh, yes, certainly, Sir.

    ANTI-GAS TRAINING.
    Mr. GUYasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he will consider the establishment of a civilian anti-gas training school in Scotland?
    Mr. ELLIOT: I am not satisfied that the establishment of such a school in Scotland would be justified in present circumstances.
    Mr. GUY: Will my right hon. Friend take into account that if people have to go from Scotland to England to obtain training, serious considerations of expense and inconvenience will arise?

    HOUSING (OVERCROWDING).
    Mr. MAXTONasked the Secretary of State for Scotland what steps have been taken to deal with the problem of overcrowding in Scotland since the survey revealed that one-fourth of the population was living in overcrowded conditions?
    Mr. ELLIOT: Close touch is being maintained with local authorities to secure the maximum progress in the provision of the additional accommodation required to put an end to overcrowding. This was, as the House will remember, the constant preoccupation of the late Secretary of State for Scotland, and my intention is to take all possible steps to achieve that object.
    Mr. MAXTON: Will the report show that you are keeping in close touch with the local authorities?
    Mr. ELLIOT: The local authorities are proceeding vigorously with the necessary steps. I am afraid I cannot say any more at present, having only recently entered upon my present position.

  COAL INDUSTRY.

    AUTOMATIC GAS DETECTORS.
    Mr. T. WILLIAMSasked the Secretary for Mines what progress has been made regarding the use of automatic alarms in coal mines since his last meeting with representatives of the Coal-owners Association; and whether he has brought further pressure to bear on the coalowners since the explosion at Wharncliffe Woodmoor colliery with the loss of 58 lives?
    The SECRETARY for MINES (Captain Crookshank): As regards the first part of the question, I regret to say that, since I made a statement on the subject in reply to a question by the hon. Member for Normanton (Mr. T. Smith) on 14th July last, my further representations to the Mining Association have had little result, and that little further progress has been made towards enlarging the basis of practical experience, with automatic detectors, of the working of the Firedamp Detector Regulations. As regards the last part of the question, it will be realised that it is not possible for me to base representations on the Wharncliffe Woodmoor explosion until I have received and considered the report of the public inquiry which has been held to investigate the causes of the explosion.
    Mr. WILLIAMS: In view of the succession of terrible disasters, is the hon. and gallant Member going to pursue the coalowners and use such influence as he may have to compel them—if there be no other means—to utilise automatic gas detectors?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: It is a question whether even pursuing the coal-owners, as the hon. Member says, will have the effect desired.
    Mr. WILLIAMS: May I ask the hon. and gallant Member whether, in view of
    688
    the well-known stupidity of the coal-owners, he is likely to be able to give a reply to a similar question put down in a week or two?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: I shall be able to report any developments which may have taken place meanwhile.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: Is the hon. and gallant Member perfectly satisfied that every action is being taken to prevent these dreadful accidents which happen every now and again in the minefields of our country? There is no answer. I am certain it is not so.
    Mr. WILLIAMSasked the Secretary for Mines what progress has been made by the committee which was appointed to deal with the offer of the Coalowners' Association for the best combined automatic alarm and illuminating lamp; whether specifications have been issued; and whether any time limit has been imposed?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: I am informed that the committee set up by the Mining Association has held two meetings, and that the preparation of the specification and conditions for the £500 prize offered by the association is nearing completion.
    Mr. WILLIAMS: Is the hon. and gallant Member aware that it is many months since this competition was proposed, and does he not now believe that the competition is a mere side-stepping of the main issue with regard to automatic gas detectors?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: No, Sir, I think a competition of this kind may very well have good results.
    Mr. WILLIAMS: But is there any time limit for the competition to end?
    Captain CROOKSHA.NK: I have just answered that question.
    Mr. G. GRIFFITHS: Is the Minister aware that in my division there have been three explosions within a matter of months, and whether he is still delaying this vital matter? Will the Minister please answer my question?

    WELFARE FUND.
    Mr. DAYasked the Secretary for Mines the amount of money still in hand belonging to the Miners' Welfare Fund

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    and how much of this has been distributed during the previous 12 months?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: The balance (investments at cost and cash in hand) of the Miners' Welfare Fund at 31st October last was £1,894,380, of which £1,324,532 has already been allocated to definite projects. During the previous 12 months, £926,968 was allocated for approved purposes and £790,090 was actually disbursed.
    Mr. DAY: Can the Minister say whether the surplus is earmarked for any special purpose?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: I cannot say without notice for what the £1,300,000 has been allotted, but if the hon. Gentleman would like to put a question down, I will try to secure the information.
    Mr. DAY: Can the Minister not say whether the surplus has been earmarked for any special purpose?

    BELGIAN COKE (IMPORTATION).
    Mr. JAMES GRIFFITHSasked the Secretary for Mines whether his attention has been called to the protest made by the secretary of the South Wales Coal-owners' Association against his action in granting permission for the importation into this country of 100,000 tons of Belgian gas coal; what were the reasons why the South Wales owners were not consulted in the matter; and whether he is aware that there is an abundant supply of suitable coal available in South Wales for the purpose for which the Belgian coal was imported?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: I have seen reports in the Press of a statement by the secretary of the South Wales Coal-owners' Association regarding the importation into this country of about 100,000 tons of foreign coke—not Belgian gas coal—but cannot accept it as a correct statement of my attitude in the matter. As regards the second part of the question, the secretary of the South Wales Coalowners' Association is a vice-chairman of the National Coke Association, with which body the question of a shortage of British coke was discussed in April last. As regards the third part of the question, I am informed that supplies of South Wales dry steam coal and of anthracite are available which could be used in some instances in the place of coke, but this is of course a question of commercial practicability.
    Mr. GRIFFITHS: Is the Minister not aware that the reason why this coal is being imported is that it is cheaper than the coal produced in this country, and will he take steps to publish the name of the patriotic British firm which prefers to buy cheap Belgian coal rather than British coal and so provide work for British miners?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: It is not a question of coal; it is a question of coke.
    Mr. GRIFFITHS: I am sorry; it is a question of coke. May I repeat my question? Will the Minister give the name of the British firm that prefers to import cheap Belgian coke rather than buy Welsh coke or coal? May I have a reply?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: The hon. Gentleman asks for a name, but the answer implies that I am not in a position to give it.
    Mr. GRIFFITHS: Has not the Secretary for Mines to issue a licence permitting the import of this Belgian coke, and, therefore, is it not the case that the name of the firm must be known to his Department?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: I am pleased that the hon. Gentleman has put that question. There is no question of a permit being issued to anybody. As I replied, in answer to a question in the House on 5th November, there is no question at all of permits.
    Mr. GEORGE HALL: Is it not a fact that this coke has been imported as a result of negotiation which was conducted between the hon. and gallant Gentleman's Department and those who imported the coke?
    Captain CROOKSHANK: No, Sir, there were no negotiations.
    Mr. GRIFFITHS: This is a very important matter, and I beg to give notice that, in view of the importance of the question and of the completely unsatisfactory replies, I will raise the matter at the first opportunity.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: The hon. and gallant Gentleman has to give the name of the firm. That is what is wanted.

    TYNESIDE LOCAL GOVERNMENT (ROYAL COMMISSION'S REPORT).
    Mr. DAVID ADAMSasked the Prime Minister when the Royal Commission upon Tyneside Local Government will make its report?
    The PRIME MINISTER (Mr. Baldwin): I understand that the Royal Commission is now engaged in drafting its report, but I am not in a position to say when the report will be presented.

    BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY.
    Mr. MANDERasked the Prime Minister whether the Secretary of State for the Home Department was expressing the policy of the Government on the occasion of his address to his constituents at Hightown, Spen Valley, on 5th October, when he expressed the view that in the event of an aggressive attack by Germany on Russia or Russia on Germany this country must not become involved; and whether, in view of the fact that this policy is inconsistent with the Covenant of the League of Nations, the British Government propose to resign from the League?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I have consulted my right hon. Friend, who informs me that the occasion to which the hon. Member refers was not a public meeting, and no question of a declaration of Government policy could arise. I have, moreover, had the opportunity of examining a report of what my right hon. Friend said on the occasion in question, and I cannot accept the interpretation which the hon. Member puts on his language. All that my right hon. Friend did was to express the hope, which I am sure the hon. Member shares, that we should avoid becoming involved in international polemics, including those which have unfortunately been exchanged between the two countries to which the hon. Member refers. I need hardly say that this has no bearing on the fact, which has repeatedly been stated, that His Majesty's Government continue to base their foreign policy upon their membership of the League of Nations.
    Mr. PETHERICK: Is the Prime Minister aware that it would be extremely difficult to enlist a platoon of infantry to fight in a Russian quarrel?
    Mr. McGOVERN: Or in any quarrel?
    Mr. MANDERasked the Prime Minister what consultations have taken place with the leaders of the Opposition on foreign policy since July; and whether he will endeavour by further consultations to arrive at a national policy supported by all parties?
    The PRIME MINISTER: As regards the first part of the hon. Member's question, on several occasions during the Parliamentary Recess my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and other Ministers received the Leader or the Deputy Leader of the Opposition, at their request, in order to discuss the situation in Spain and the working of the International Agreement regarding Non-Intervention. As regards the second part of the question, I can assure the hon. Member that, in the event of my receiving such a request from the official Leaders of the parties in this House, I shall certainly give it my careful consideration.
    Mr. MANDER: In view of the immense importance of securing national unity in Defence and foreign policy, can the Prime Minister not consider initiating conversations, and inviting the Leaders of the Opposition to confer with him on this vital subject?
    The PRIME MINISTER: No, Sir, I think the initiative should come from the other side. I think there was a considerable measure of unanimity displayed in the recent Debate on Foreign Office affairs. I am sure that the hon. Member, in common with Members who might desire to see me, would always like to reserve their own inalienable right to pursue their own course and, if they thought fit, of criticising the Government on points of policy.
    Mr. COCKS: Is the Prime Minister aware that there is no national support for the pro-Hitler, pro-Mussolini, pro-Franco policy of the present Government?

    GENERAL SIR HUBERT GOUGE.
    Mr. E. J. WILLIAMSasked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government will take action to recompense General Sir Hubert Gough for the treatment he has received, now that it is

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    becoming increasingly clear that he could not justly be blamed for the retreat of the Fifth Army in March, 1918?
    The PRIME MINISTER: While fully appreciating the great services which General Sir Hubert Gough rendered in the War and congratulating him upon the fact that history has already vindicated his reputation, I do not think that at this distance of time the Government would be well-advised to reopen the question of rewards for War services, or to attempt to revise the decisions taken by their predecessors.
    Mr. WILLIAMS: Is the Prime Minister not aware that the weight of responsible opinion in this country has now completely vindicated Sir Hubert Gough, and that, in addition to his having suffered this injustice, the survivors of the Fifth Army who served under him feel that there is a slur cast upon them as well as upon Sir Hubert himself; and for their sakes, as well as for his sake, would not the Government reconsider the whole matter?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I quite appreciate what the hon. Member has said hut, of course, except in Debate, it is impossible to enter at any length into this matter. All I will observe is this: I think for a long time, informed opinion agrees with him; but we all know that to make inquiries at this distance of time into the circumstances of 1918 is impossible. Those who would be the principal witnesses are dead. A question like this cannot be reopened in the form of inquiry. I am sure that if I were in Sir Hubert Gough's place, to feel that my own conscience had been justified by the verdict of my fellow-countrymen would be ample reward for me.
    Sir NICHOLAS GRATTAN-DOYLE: In view of the fact that the injustice to Sir Hubert Gough is admitted, could not the question of compensation be taken up at once?
    Sir W. DAVISON: Would the Prime Minister consider, in connection with the vacant office of Field-Marshal, whether that would not be a graceful appointment to make to Sir Hubert?
    Sir R. ROSS: Will the Prime Minister bear in mind that this gallant officer is suffering from the refusal to grant any
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    form of inquiry for which he asked at the time, and that the inquiry carried out by the official military historian has vindicated his conduct and was complete and final?

    MINISTERS' CONVERSATIONS.
    Sir F. SANDERSONasked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the difference in the recollections of the Secretary of State for Air and of Lord Nuffield as to what took place at an important interview between them, as reported on page 5, paragraph 3, of Command Paper No. 5295, he will consider the advisability of installing dictaphones to be used for providing a permanent and accurate record of proceedings at important interviews between Members of the Government and other persons?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I do not think that the proposal of my hon. Friend would assist in the conduct of official business.
    Sir F. SANDERSON: Does not my right hon. Friend consider that conversations which take place between Ministers of the Government and responsible persons outside should be recorded?
    The PRIME MINISTER: I have not much fault to find with the present system. I do not think that this would help matters at all.
    Mr. GALLACHER: Would the Prime Minister consider removing the human dictaphones from Communist party meetings?

    BEER (STATISTICS).
    Sir ROBERT YOUNGasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the number of bulk barrels of beer brewed in England and Northern Ireland and Scotland respectively during the financial year ended the 31st March, 1936, and the average specific gravity for each country and for the United Kingdom; and whether the statistics of production represent any increase on those for the years ending 31st March, 1935 and 1934?
    The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER (Mr. Chamberlain): As the answer involves a table of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
    Following is the answer:
    The number of bulk barrels of beer brewed (less allowance for waste) during the year ended 31st March, 1936, together with the average specific gravity, are as follow:

    Bulk Barrels.

    Average Gravity.

    England and Northern Ireland

    20,426,193

    1040.93

    Scotland

    1,543,570

    1042.16

    United Kingdom

    21,969,763

    1041.02

    The total quantity represents an increase of 1,104,949 bulk barrels over the production for the year ended 31st March, 1935, and 1,787,455 over that for the year ended 31st March, 1934.

    THE CORONATION (PROCESSION, SEATS).
    Mr. DAYasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the large amounts that are being demanded for seats and space for the purpose of viewing the Coronation procession, he will consider introducing amending legislation or making regulations that will give the inland revenue authorities the necessary power to enable them to levy entertainment tax on persons selling or purchasing tickets for the purpose of witnessing the Coronation or other processions?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The answer is in the negative.
    Mr. McGOVERN: Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that it is wise to proceed with this expenditure in view of the gambling that is going on at Lloyd's as to whether or not this Coronation will ever take place?

    AFFORESTATION.
    Colonel CLIFTON BROWNasked the hon. and gallant Member for Barkston Ash, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, how many acres have been acquired and are under negotiation for sale in the North Tyne valley respectively?
    Colonel ROPNER (for the Forestry Commissioners): In the North Tyne valley 59,208 acres have been acquired by
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    the Forestry Commissioners, and 12,905 acres are under negotiation for sale to them.
    Colonel BROWN: In view of the large area of land which the Forestry Commission have already acquired, may I ask what justification there is for paying 29 or 30 years' purchase for further land?
    Colonel ROPNER: I should like notice of that question. There is a large number of questions which have to be considered apart from the price of the land.
    Colonel BROWNasked the hon. and gallant Member for Barkston Ash, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, how many acres adjoining the North Tyne valley in Cumberland and Scotland, respectively, have now been acquired?
    Colonel ROPNER: 10,595 acres adjoining the North Tyne valley have been acquired in Cumberland. The Forestry Commissioners have no land in Scotland adjoining that valley.
    Miss WILKINSON: May I ask how many men from distressed areas the Forestry Commission propose to settle on this land?
    Colonel ROPNER: Perhaps the hon. Lady will wait for the next question.
    Colonel BROWNasked the hon. and gallant Member for Barkston Ash, as representing the Forestry Commissioners, how many acres in one contiguous block on the Northumberland, Cumberland, Scottish borders have been acquired, and to what acreage is it proposed to extend this future forest?
    Colonel ROPNER: 79,856 acres in one contiguous block on the Northumberland, Cumberland, Scottish borders have been acquired by the Forestry Commissioners. It is not possible to forecast the ultimate extent of this forest area.
    Colonel BROWN: In view of the large area of land which has already been acquired, is it not time to call a halt and see whether the money which has been expended is really worth while?
    Colonel ROPNER: I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that the money spent by the Forestry Commission is always worth while.
    Miss WILKINSON: Having waited for the answer to the question to which the hon. and gallant Gentleman referred me, I have not received the information for which I asked.
    Colonel ROPNER: I regret that the question to which I referred is down for to-morrow.

  UNEMPLOYMENT.

    NEEDS (ASSESSMENT).
    Mr. GALLACHERasked the Minister of Labour, whether he is aware that certain unemployment assistance boards have reduced transitional payments to applicants on the ground that they have secured housing accommodation at lower rents than they have previously paid; and whether, seeing that certain unemployment assistance boards refuse additional payments to claimants in receipt of transitional payment under the exceptional circumstances (pots and pans) clause, he will take steps to remove this anomaly?
    The MINISTER of LABOUR (Mr. Ernest Brown): The Board informs me that it has no reason to think that, where applicants are receiving allowances assessed by way of transitional payments, its officers have acted otherwise than in accordance with local authority practice, as under the Standstill Act they are bound to do. The Board states that it is not its practice to refuse grants for exceptional needs solely on the ground that the person concerned is in receipt of an allowance assessed by way of transitional payments.
    Mr. GALLACHER: Is it the practice to cut down wherever there is an opportunity of making an economy, and to refuse in every case to make an increase even when a case is made out for it?
    Mr. BROWN: No, Sir; but the hon. Member wants a "Standstill" to be an escalator always moving upwards.
    Mr. GALLACHERasked the Minister of Labour whether it is with the approval of his Department that certain unemployment assistance boards take into consideration the minimum sum, 3s., for those unemployed persons who sublet their dwellings, in the case of a man
    698
    who sublets half his room for 1s. ld., the total rent of the said room being 2s. 3d., as this means that the claimant is having deducted from his allowance, transitional payment, a larger sum than he received by way of subletting?
    Mr. BROWN: Where an applicant's needs are assessed under the Standstill arrangements, the Board's officers are bound to follow the practice of the local authority. The Board informs me that it has no reason to think that its officers have failed to do so.

    INSURANCE (SHARE FISHERMEN).
    Mr. MACQUISTENasked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that a percentage of the men engaged in the fishing industry from time to time and by no fault of their own fail to earn sufficient in the fishing season to tide themselves over the off season and are thus driven on to public assistance; and will he take steps to have the industry taken into Unemployment Insurance?
    Mr. E. BROWN: I assume that my hon. and learned Friend is referring to share fishermen and the question of including them in the Unemployment Insurance Scheme. The Unemployment Insurance Statutory Committee presented their report on this matter on 22nd October, and I propose to publish it immediately.
    Mr. MACQUISTEN: Does the Minister realise that these fishermen have suffered from a sense of hardship because they were taken into National Health Insurance when they did not want it, as they were all healthy?
    Mr. BROWN: I think my hon. and learned Friend is in error there; his information is rather out of date. Since the pensions scheme was bound up with Health Insurance they have been very keen to be within it. I shall have to consider the report and see how closely it applies to the unemployment situation in the industry.

BILL PRESENTED.

  MATERNITY SERVICES (SCOTLAND) BILL,
  "to make further provision with respect to maternity services in Scotland, to

  699
  amend the Midwives (Scotland) Act, 1915, and to provide for the combination of local authorities for certain purposes under the Notification of Births (Extension) Act, 1915," presented by Mr. Elliot; supported by the Lord Advocate and Mr. Wedderburn; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 31.]

ORDERS OF THE DAY.
  KING'S SPEECH.

    DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS.
    [SIXTH DAY.]
    Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [3rd November]:
    "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, as followeth:
    Most Gracious Sovereign,
    We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament"— [Miss Horsbrugh.]
    Question again proposed.
    3.45 p.m.
    Mr. KINGSLEY GRIFFITH: I beg to move, at the end of the Question, to add the words:
    "But, having regard to the urgent problems arising from the expansion of British armaments and the strengthening of national defences, regret that the Gracious Speech foreshadows no legislation to implement the Report of the Royal Commission on the manufacture of and trade in arms."
    This Amendment has purposely been couched in very wide terms, in the hope that a general debate on the subject of armaments may be possible, which will meet the convenience of many Members of the House not sitting on this bench. That, of course, is subject to the latitude which you, Mr. Speaker, may give, but for our part we hope that the specific questions which we desire to raise with regard to the report itself will not be entirely overshadowed and forgotten in the course of the general debate. I think it right also to call attention to the only part of the Gracious Speech which has any reference at all to this problem. That is where, after stating that the Estimates for the Public Services will be laid before us, it goes on to say:
    "The work of strengthening My defence forces is being pressed on with the utmost energy and is now making rapid progress. My Government are satisfied that the measures they are taking are essential to the defence of My Empire and to the ability of this country to discharge its international obligations.
    My Ministers will nevertheless lose no opportunity of promoting general international appeasement and the limitation of
    710
    expenditure on armaments which would naturally follow upon such an improvement of relations."
    That is the only passage in the Gracious Speech which refers to the subject of the Amendment, and I think it will be seen at once that there is very little contact between them. There is just one point to which I shall be able to call attention. The only other matter to which I desire to call attention by way of preliminary is the terms of reference of the Bankes Commission, which was appointed in February, 1935. There are three points, and I think I may shorten them by saying that the first is that the Commission were asked to discuss and report on the practicability and desirability of a State arms monopoly, whether by this country alone or by this country in combination with other nations; the second is that they were asked to consider whether the objections to the private manufacture of armaments which are generally held, and are expressed in the Covenant of the League of Nations itself, can be in any way removed, and, if so, how; and, lastly, they were asked to report on the question of the control of the export trade. The Commission have answered all those questions, and I venture to think that they have kept strictly within their terms of reference. They have, in the first place, turned down the proposal to set up a State monopoly in armaments, whether by this country alone or in combination with other nations. They have put forward their proposals for meeting the objections to private armaments, and, lastly, they have reported upon the arrangements for the export of armaments. I do not intend to deal with the first question, that is the advisability or otherwise of having a State monopoly in the armaments industry, though I should like to say, purely for myself and not committing anyone else, that I personally regret this decision. That is my own view. I wish more attention had been paid to the weighty evidence given by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George), by Dr. Addison and by the hon. Member who was recently elected for Derby (Mr. Noel-Baker).
    Everyone who favours that view has to realise that, as long as this House is constituted as it is at present, it will not be favourably received, and

    711
    that the views against the proposal are bound to be strengthened by the fact that you have a unanimous decision of this Committee against it. We have to face the facts. Whatever view we take on the general question of the nationalisation of armaments, it is surely more practicable and more profitable to devote our attention to the positive proposals contained in the report rather than spend our time on an academic demonstration on behalf of an ideal, because I think by attending to the practical proposals, upon which the House has not yet declared itself, we may succeed in arriving at agreement and action, and action is the important thing. We are not dealing with millinery but with munitions. We are dealing with something upon which our lives may depend, and the crucial strain may come earlier than we suppose. I would ask hon. Members above the Gangway, if they are disposed to turn down this report altogether on the ground that it does not contain what they want, to consider that they may not be able to wait until a Left wing Government gets into power and can introduce a different policy.
    The need for action is immediate, and we want to get ahead with something on which agreement can be arrived at, because we are faced with a situation of amazing urgency. There are world Armaments expanding on all sides. Our own expansion, although it bulks very largely in our own eyes, is in a way only a secondary disturbance arising out of what has happened in other countries, and, that being the case, we have to make up our minds what to do, and it seems to me that there arc only two courses open. One is the method described so often and so eloquently by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) that we should have nothing to do with any such expansion, that we should say we will not build a tank, or a ship, or an aeroplane or a gun, and rely upon our own innocence and innocuousness as our best defence. Without any irony I would describe that as a herioc policy, but it is rather too heroic for me. I cannot gather any evidence from the fate of Abyssinia, or of the Jews in Germany, which would lead me to suppose that mere defencelessness and helplessness is
    712
    a sufficient protection in this world. [Interruption.] If my hon. Friend wishes, he can add that instance too but, if we are not going to take that attitude, if we are going to have an expansion of armaments, let it be an expansion which will be efficient, which will give us value for the enormous expenditure that it entails, and, above all, will win the confidence of the people, because without that nothing is of any avail at all.
    The Royal Commission has considered the matter from both points of view, the material and the moral, and while they have turned down the proposal for a State monopoly, they have gone on to indicate the only conditions under which they think the private manufacture of arms can properly function. I want that to be appreciated, because the great danger about a report like this is that it may be made an excuse for inaction. The Government may say, "We have laid that bogy at last. We have seven ladies and gentlemen sitting on this Commission who have decided unanimously that there shall not be nationalisation. Now we can turn round and go to sleep again." But that would be handling the report of the Commission and handling this House in a most unfair manner. My right hon. Friend beside me at an earlier stage in the Debate recalled that when we in the Liberal party asked for this Commission we were warned in some quarters that we might be led up the garden. If that happened, if the negative side of the report only were considered, not we alone but the House and the country would have been led up the garden by the Government in their treatment of this report. Therefore, I ask that the most urgent attention be given to the positive proposals here put forward.
    There are ten actual conditions and recommendations on page 53. I do not want any alarm and despondency to spread among hon. Members that I am going through all ten at great length, arriving at a very late hour at my tenth and last, because that is not necessary. I do not need to deal with the second and third of their conclusions, because those are the reasons that the Commission gave for not adopting a State monopoly of armaments. The fourth recommendation, that public officials shall not accept appointments with armament firms without the approval of the Minister in charge

    713
    of the Department in which they are serving or have served—it is, I think, a valuable but not a very great point—can be taken as read and left to commend itself to the House.
    Recommendations No. 1 and No. 5 have this in common, that they require international action and therefore, in fairness to the Gracious Speech, I think I should say that proposals for legislation upon those lines could hardly have been expected, but at the same time the attitude of the Government to Questions 1 and 5 would have a great effect on such legislation as they did propose. No. 1 is the conclusion that the most effective available means of removing or minimising the objections to the private manufacture of and trade in arms would be the limitation of arms by international agreement. This is not a resolution passed by the League of Nations Union. It is the first finding of this Commission, and it is a very remarkable finding, upon which they base a great deal of their subsequent discussion, and it should be realised that they are not just delivering a perfunctory grace before meat. Any one who reads pages 19 and 20 will see what importance is attached to it. It is regarded by the Commission as being the best way of getting rid of the objections to private manufacture, because they point out that the temptations to abuse the opportunity of the private manufacture of arms arise almost entirely out of the fact that there is an expansive market. If you limit the market so that it is not expansive, those temptations are very largely removed. This is the point at which the Gracious Speech faintly, at a kind of tangent, touches the report of the Commission:
    "My Ministers will, nevertheless, lose no opportunity of promoting general international appeasement and the limitation of expenditure upon armaments which would naturally follow upon such an improvement of relations."
    There is a point of contact, but in my opinion it is a very unsatisfactory point of contact, because it indicates as the view of the Government that there can be no limitation by agreement at all until a general appeasement has finally been arrived at. That does seem to me to be putting the cart before the horse. It seems to me to be equally plausible to say that until some kind of limitation by agreement has been arrived at a really genuine appeasement among the nations
    714
    cannot be achieved. I can quite imagine that economic development, the unbalancing of budgets, the lowering of the standard of the lives of their people, might lead two nations, for example Germany and Russia, who are still highly suspicious of one another, to come to the conclusion that the pace could not be kept up and that they would not be putting themselves in any greater danger if there was a reduction in the one State and the other.
    The only other point I want to make is that I am bound to say I was considerably disturbed by the language of certain speakers, particularly the First Lord of the Admiralty, at the Conservative party's conference held recently, because it seemed to me—I do not think I am misinterpreting him—that his proposition was that our present armament proposals were an irreducible minimum, and that no matter what other nations did we should need that minimum. That is a proposition from which I emphatically dissent. If the nation consents to a large expansion of armaments now, it is because it has gradually become aware, first, by those statements of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) some time ago, and afterwards by the statement of the Government, of an enormous rearmament involving a possible danger to this country; and if the response to an expansion abroad is an expansion here, there should be equal readiness to respond to a reduction abroad by a reduction here. If we are going to make some particular programme which we have embarked upon a kind of holy of holies that cannot be touched, then we shall make ourselves a final obstacle to the reduction of armaments which I should have thought everyone in this House must desire.
    The other international point made by the Commission is one on which I shall not dwell at great length because I do not think that the time is altogether ripe for it. But perhaps I may get on the subject some information which will be of use to the House. The Commission in No. 5 of their recommendations are dealing with the international supervision and control of the export trade in arms and the manufacture of arms, and the point reached at the time this report was made was apparently this:

    715
    that the United States Government had made certain draft recommendations which had been considered by the Disarmament Commission, and that His Majesty's Government, whilst not unsympathetic with the general basis of those proposals, had certain alterations and amendments that they desired to make. I should like to know from the right hon. Gentleman how that matter stands now. Has any further steps been taken towards reaching agreement on the subject, and does he see any prospect of progress in the near future along those lines? It may well be that in the present deplorable international state of the world, it is not possible to get on as we should desire, but I think that a statement from the Government on the point would reassure us that at any rate the possibility of progress here is not being left out of account.
    I come now to what I regard as the essence of this report, and those are the proposals 6, 7 and 8, which deal with the entire re-organisation of our supply of armaments, both in peace and in war. These proposals are of a, very far-reaching character, and even those who still believe that the only proper solution is entire nationalisation will have to realise that a great step would be taken in the direction that they want if these proposals were carried out. The sixth recommendation is this:
    "The Government should assume complete responsibility for the arms industry in the United Kingdom, and should organise and regulate the necessary collaboration between the Government and private industry; that this responsibility should he exercised through a controlling body presided over by a Minister responsible to Parliament"—
    That is a Ministry of Supply—
    "having executive powers in peace-time and in war-time."
    One of the first duties of that body is to keep the strictest control over the prices charged for the munitions that the nation needs. It may be said, "We have a costing system already." We do not know very much about that costing system. According to information I have seen in the Press, there is a certain amount of control with regard to the Air Force. Although the Admiralty has an advisory committee, of which mention was made in this House not long ago, I
    716
    am informed that that advisory committee has met only twice in the last six months; so it does not look as if it was doing very much. As regards the War Office, I have at present no information whatever. I do not know what kind of control over prices is maintained by that Department at all. When it comes to war the Minister of Supply and his Department, which exercise very strong control in time of peace, become all absorbing; the Department takes under its complete authority arid control not only the whole of those industries which are obviously directly concerned in war, but it takes over the whole of the engineering industry. It is said in this report:
    "If the State could choose the staff they wished to keep in industry and those they required to join the forces, and if, in addition, everyone, from the head of a business down, were given similar position and pay, according to the work they were doing, to those serving in the forces, it would make it still more unlikely for those engaged in supplying the requirements of the State in peace-time to agitate for war."
    I quite agree; I should imagine it would. But it must be seen that those are very far-reaching proposals and also urgent ones, because in the next. paragraph the report states:
    "Great difficulties are likely to be met in any attempt to formulate plans for the conscription of industry in time of war, but we are impelled to the belief that these difficulties will have to be faced. and we recommend that they should be faced at the earliest possible moment."
    That is the justification for this Amendment, because if they have to be "faced at the earliest possible moment" and there is no mention whatever of action on these lines in the Gracious Speech, one is bound to inquire to see whether the Government really appreciate the gravity of the situation. In the last War we were compelled to take over practically complete control. That had to be improvised at very short notice, and the nation was indeed fortunate that it had at its disposal at that time for that purpose a man of genius—genius is not to be found everywhere—perhaps more than one man of genius. And geniuses cannot be picked up on the beach every day; you cannot depend upon having them in your time of need. I do say to the Government in all seriousness that they had better set up a machine which can be manipulated by

    717
    ordinary men. I think that that would be their safest course. A perfectly running machine which the operators have time to learn is almost a substitute for a long campaign and may serve them in good stead in time of emergency.
    All that I have been saying so far with regard to these proposals is directed to the line of practical efficiency, and I fully realise that it would be absurd to maintain otherwise, for I am not a qualified person to dilate to this House on the value of particular technical evidence which has been given to the Commission upon the way this should be worked and the necessity of organising on this scale. I only ask hon. Members to refer to the list of witnesses, which I think will persuade them that the matter has been thoroughly examined. But mere material and practical efficiency is not everything. You have not only to get a machine; you have to get in the people who will work the machine. I personally place even more value upon the moral and psychological effect of these proposals than upon their material worth. If any one here thinks that the moral and psychological effects do not matter compared with the material ones, they have the Commission against them; and they also have the Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte against them, and he in his time had considerable experience of these matters.
    I envisage the psychological factor rather in this way: We have had a small psychological crisis already. When you are dealing with private enterprise you have to deal with the leaders of it. They are probably men of forceful character who have come to the front because of ambition and capacity, and they may not be easy to deal with. You have to deal with them with courtesy and patience and tact. I say with all respect to the Lord Nuffield of to-day that there is someone even more important than him to be conciliated and convinced, someone whose confidence has to be won, and that man is the kind of man that Lord Nuffield was 40 years ago when he was mending bicycles in a shop—a young man. Those are the people you have to convince. You have to win their confidence and you have not got it yet. When I say "You" I do not mean the Members on the Treasury Bench. My remark is entirely impersonal. I mean that no Government will have it under the present conditions as long as dark
    718
    and ugly suspicions of the mis-use of private enterprise in arms continue to be maintained. Often at the street corner when the question of war has cropped up I have had questions corning to me "Why was there conscription of lives and no conscription of wealth? Why did my father or brother go out to be killed whilst fortunes were being made at home?" Those questions are not Communism; they are common sense. They are bound to occur to people who have suffered deeply in themselves or in their families. You have to deal with that attitude. The days of
    "Their's not to reason why,
    Their's not to make reply"
    have gone; they have gone for good as far as the citizen soldier is concerned. It must be so and I do not regret the fact. I believe that the young men of this country have still causes which are so dear to them that they would be ready to died in the last ditch for them, but I believe that they would want to be satisfied as to who is the owner of the ditch and whether it was meant for some honest purpose, and as long as there is suspicion that they are being sacrificed for private gain, so long will there be difficulties in working any system.
    I see that the Secretary of State for War is in his place. I know that he has had some difficulty with his recruiting campaign, and with all respect I think that it is partly due to his method of approach. I do not think it is any good his looking with regal wrath at the Bishop of Birmingham and saying, like Henry II, "Who will rid me of this turbulent priest?" The turbulent priest will beat him all the time unless he can convince the people of the country that his cause and the things that he is working for are as good as the things that the Bishop is working for. I do not think that we have got to that position yet. These suspicions are still abroad, and it is the opinion of the commission that they can be dealt with only by the very drastic proposals that they put forward.
    There are other proposals in this report and they are of some interest. I refer to Nos. 9 and 10. Proposal No. 9 deals with the system which at present prevails with regard to licences for the export of arms, and it is an interesting fact to which I call attention, that on this point alone we have a Minority Report. We have to look for it; it is not obvious at first sight.

    719
    When you come to look what they actually say, you find, on page 47, in paragraph 143:
    "Some of us would like to see the foreign arms trade of this country discontinued, not only because we believe that many evils are inherent in the present system, but also to remove the anxiety with regard to it that undoubtedly exists in the minds of many thoughtful people."
    The majority were against it, as they say afterwards, but it is interesting to observe that there were some on the Commission who were anxious to go even further than the Commission suggest with this proposal for a tightening up of licences. I could say a good deal more about that matter, and about the complete cessation which is proposed in the private export trade in surplus arms, but I think that it is a mistake for anybody in my position to try from the back benches to cover the whole ground upon a matter of such enormous scope when there are many other hon. Members who are anxious to speak. I will, therefore, just call attention to these proposals, commend them to the attention of the House, and leave them for other speakers to develop.
    My final words are these. I do urge the Government once again not to shelve this report by just taking hold of the negative part and leaving the whole positive part alone. I ask hon. Members above the Gangway not to lose what is available here in a very redoubtable attempt to try to grasp something which they consider more valuable still. Let us try to get an agreement which will really reduce action, and let us all try to help the Government to produce a scheme which will really win the confidence of the people. At the present moment the young men feel that modern war is nothing but a horrible game of noughts and crosses in which the crosses grow up in the cemeteries by the battlefield and the noughts are added in the ledgers of the manufacturers, changing the tens into hundreds and the hundreds into thousands and millions. We have to get rid of that idea and to convince the people of the country that the Government—any Government—aim, first and foremost, at giving them peace, and that, if peace should not prevail, it may not prove to be impossible that they may have some chance of that very wretched
    720
    substitute for peace which we call victory. Above all, they should be assured that they will not be called upon to risk their lives for private gain, but for the commonweal, and nothing else. After all, they have some right to be consulted and some right to be assured. It is their lives which are at stake. Life, to be sure, is not so great a thing, but young men think that it is—and they are young.
    4.19 p.m.
    Mr. OWEN EVANS: I beg to second the Amendment, which has been so eloquently moved by my hon. Friend. I would emphasise what my hon. Friend suggested, that the report must on no account be set aside, pigeon-holed and forgotten. It deals with matters which are vitally important to the life of this nation. I can only say in the words of the Prime Minister last night, when he drew attention to the disadvantages to the nation of the anxiety of naving its Attention and activities drawn to the demand for armaments,
    "that in so far as we devote the time to making arms, to that extent we delay the time when we can improve the conditions of the standard of life of our people."
    That declaration, having been made upon a great occasion by the Prime Minister of this country, I am quite sure, will convince the House of the great importance of the subject which we are discussing to-day. May I recall to the House the sort of atmosphere that prevailed in this country at the time this Commission was appointed, and afterwards? It showed clearly that the Government would be neglecting their duty to the nation if they were to forget about this report. Think of the atmosphere. The people had in mind the sensational statements made before the Nye Committee in America regarding the manufacture and trade in arms. Some of those may have been fantastic, and there might have been no proof, but still they were sufficient to impress upon the people of this country and other countries the importance of this matter. Afterwards there was the effect of the Peace Ballot in the mind of the people, and then there was the American phrase:
    "Take profit out of all wars."
    That was a very beautiful baby, one of the many beautiful babies which America from time to time has brought over to

    721
    Europe and planted on the doorstep of Europe. There was the mass opinion and feeling in this country and other countries that Europe was gradually drifting into another war. Can anybody in this House deny that nothing more happened in 1918 than the mere cessation of active warfare, followed by a Peace Treaty which was not, in the opinion of most people to-day, at any rate, the beginning of an era of peace. Even now, can anyone in this House say that we have any hopes at all to-day of being at the threshold or at the beginning of an era of peace? We have in my country two words in the Welsh language which represent peace. They are both translated into peace, but mean something quite different from each other, and the Welsh people, at any rate, know full well the fine difference between those two words. I make no apology at all for quoting these two words from one of the native tongues of this island. One is heddwch and the other is tangnefedd. Heddwch is proclaimed yearly in our great national festival, but it is proclaimed with the sword drawn half out of its sheath. The point is covered, but the sword is still there. It is peace in the mind of the Welshmen. But the other word has a more significant meaning. It means the sort of peace which dwells in the heart of the nation. That is what we have not got to-day in this country, nor have we got it in Europe—that concord, tranquillity and happiness which real peace brings to the nations and to the peoples of the world.
    When the Royal Commission was appointed, it can truthfully be said, the question of war and peace was, and still is, the main preoccupation of the peoples of the world. Unfortunately, that means the exclusion of things which are of far greater importance to the life of our people than the question of peace or war. The Government having appointed this Commission, the members of which were known to hold widely divergent opinions upon the question of arms manufacture and trade, and having got the report, which strangely enough, is unanimous, in spite of some indefinite points mentioned by my hon. Friend, surely the nation is entitled to a declaration from the Government that they intend to act upon the recommendations, and to act quickly. My hon. Friend referred to the atmosphere of suspicion
    722
    which prevailed in the manufacture of arms—suspicion held among responsible people—that those who are financially interested in the production of arms have a considerable influence upon Government policy. That suspicion is not allayed, and even may be accentuated by any Government delay in this matter. Knowing something of industrial affairs in this country, I cannot imagine that those who are engaged in this trade would not welcome some method by which the industry which is admitted by most ptople to be a necessity of the country, should be freed from these unfounded allegations and fear. The Government themselves are responsible for the existence of the industry. The Government do business with these manufacturers. The Government need the industry, and therefore the Government are responsible for clearing any accusation that in this country, at any rate, they are active in fostering the war spirit. Taken as a whole, the Commission have exonerated. in most cases, British industrialists from charges such as are made against industrialists of other nations, and points the way to the Government by which they can clear the mind of the country of any suspicion regarding those who are of necessity engaged in this particular industry.
    I do not want to repeat in detail what my hon. Friend has said, but I would point out one or two points in regard to the main recommendation of the Commission, namely, the Government control of the manufacture of arms in peace time and conscription of industry in time of war. Those of us who are not at all engaged in the manufacture of armaments or even remotely engaged in that manufacture, know to-day that because of this programme there is a considerable dislocation in ordinary peace time industry in this country. It is only by some method of co-ordination by Government determination of priority that the ordinary trade and manufacture of this country can be carried on to-day. The Minister must know perfectly well that those who are engaged in peace time industry to-day do not know where they are. They find the greatest possible difficulty in getting deliveries of important materials in order to carry on their business. It is only by the establishment of this control of the manufacture of arms in peace time that

    723
    industry for peace purposes can be carried on successfully, which is as important as the immediate purpose of the manufacture of arms. Apart from the psychological effect to which my hon. Friend has referred, there is no doubt that this Ministry or control by the Government of the industry would facilitate not only the co-ordination of effort, but it would also lead to much greater efficiency. The details of these proposals are not given in the report. They must be worked out by the Government, and they need careful working and preparation. That means time, and time is the essence of this question, because the longer we delay the more the risk to industry in this country.
    I support my hon. Friend in his contention, so eloquently put, that for the purpose of any war which may be forced upon us we need the unity of the whole nation. It is not merely an army that we have to prepare and train; it is the nation that must be prepared and trained in all its activities. Not money, not even silver bullets, are the sinews of war to-day. The sinews of war are the potentialities of the nation in all its departments of life. I remember reading once an order or a communication made by Marshal Foch in the early days of the War, when he said to his commander-in-chief:
    "My right has been rolled up, my left has been driven back, my centre has been smashed; I have ordered an advance from all directions."
    That may have been a courageous and brave thing to do at that time. To-day, during a period of peace we are unfortunately confronted with the fact that some rearmament is necessary. Hon. Members above the Gangway and their party are convinced that some rearmament is necessary. Even distinguished leaders of their party have said that if they get back into power we must have rearmament. We must therefore co-ordinate our efforts in all directions. Left, right and centre must unite in this matter.
    4.32 p.m.
    The MINISTER for the CO-ORDINATION of DEFENCE (Sir Thomas Inskip): The hon. Member for Middlesbrough, West (Mr. K. Griffith) has moved the Amendment with his customary feeling and skill, and I find very little, if
    724
    anything, to criticise or cavil at in the way in which he has developed his theme. I do not quite agree with him—perhaps I do not at all agree with him—as to the feasibility of putting into operation the recommendations of the Royal Commission quite so easily as he suggests is possible, but he has certainly dwelt upon many points in connection with the manufacture of arms which require and receive consideration from time to time.
    I suppose that it is not too much to say that the hon. Member and his party were sincerely disappointed at the main recommendations of the Royal Commission. It is, I think, well known that he and his party, and the party opposite also, have thought that the control by the Government in the shape of nationalisation of the arms manufacturing capacity of the country is the right solution of such questions as arise, and the hon. Member and his party in noting the recommendations in Paragraph 6, have naturally turned to the suggestion that the Government should assume complete responsibility for the arms manufacturing capacity of the nation. I mean no disrespect to the Royal Commission when I say that I do not find it easy to follow that part of their recommendations. I will tell the House briefly what I mean. I speak with the utmost respect for the Chairman, to whom T owe an unforgettable debt. He was my late master and teacher, and anything that comes from his lips or pen deserves my special regard.
    The Royal Commission having said that they recommend or are in favour of control by the Government of the arms manufacturing capacity, did not tell us in what way that control is to be exercised, but they referred us to the evidence given by a number of gentlemen in the course of the inquiry. It is a little instructive to notice the different points of view represented by the gentlemen mentioned. Colonel Carnegie regarded this control merely as the last stage of nationalisation. Quite obviously that is a long way from a recommendation which is an alternative to nationalisation. Dr. Addison is in favour of a single supply and manufacture department for all War departments, and he definitely condemns any private manufacture. There, again, Dr. Addison is not in favour of the proposal

    725
    that there should he a Ministry of Supply controlling private industry. Sir Harry McGowan is in favour of a permanent supervisory body which shall be armed with full powers to co-ordinate private manufacturers, and to erect new factories to supplement private concerns. That seems to be a long way off from control of private concerns. Sir Eric Geddes, the last of the four gentlemen mentioned, is in favour of a small but perfect laboratory arsenal, his idea, I suppose, being that the Government should carry on a kind of glorified Woolwich in order to provide armaments in time of war.
    I find these diverse points of view very difficult to reconcile, and I do not think that the Government can be complained of if they say that, the Royal Commission not being able to select which of these alternative methods is the best one, they require a little time to pursue their inquiries in order to arrive at a proper conclusion. There is one further question that still arises when you are talking of the arms manufacturing capacity of the country. Dr. Addison was asked a question by the Chairman as to whether he could give a definition of arms or munitions of war. He gave a very prudent reply when he said that he would like time to study this point, though he was quite sure that good sense would arrive at a practical working definition. I am not quite sure that even common sense or good sense could easily arrive at that definition. I ask myself what did the Royal Commission mean? They could not have meant everything the Government need for war, because that would carry them over the whole field of industry—motor cars, nitric acid, optical glass and a hundred other things that are not generally called munitions of war. I assume that what the Royal Commission were really including in this definition were the obvious munitions of war, guns, shells, armour and so forth. That is sufficient to reveal the wide difference between their proposal to control the arms manufacturing capacity of the country and what is generally referred to as the proposal to set up a Ministry of Munitions.
    I am doing those who make this last proposal no injustice when I suggest that what they want is not the limitation of
    726
    arms manufacturing capacity but the expansion of capacity. They want to create new sources of supply, to conscript industry, to control labour, to manage finance and generally to divert certain trades now engaged upon peaceful pursuits to the manufacture of weapons of war. I propose to say something before I finish about the proposal to establish a Ministry of Supply, but I am quite sure the Royal Commission did not contemplate a plan of that sort. The hon. Member who seconded the Amendment complained a little of the interference that has already taken place with private industry, when he said that it is very difficult to get deliveries of certain articles much needed in industry. That indicates the length to which the Government have already gone in departing from the principle which was laid down in the White Paper that as far as possible their programme should be carried out without any interference with normal civil industry. That is a counsel of perfection, as the hon. Member opposite has recognised. It has quite plainly been departed from. The fact is that the magnitude and the speed of the Government's programme really mean that civil industry must give way to its demands. On the subject of the Royal Commission I quite sincerely promise hon. Members opposite that the Government will welcome an opportunity to consider the recommendations. As a matter of fact there is a body of men well qualified to examine into this question at present engaged upon the examination of the proposals, and the hon. Member's observations this afternoon in so far as they express public opinion will, I am sure, be taken note of.
    It is necessary for me this afternoon to try to say a good deal about the Government's policy—I prefer that word to the word "plan"—which directs and pervades their programme. If the House will bear with me I will try to deal with some matters with which I have not previously dealt. It is an obvious truism that all of us will recognise that when the Government use the word "defence" they are not merely begging the question for defence is 'really our sole concern. We are, at any rate, in this happy position as a nation that we have no intention to make, and we intend no aggression upon any nation or body of people.

    727
    Defence when recognised in its wider application no doubt includes the contributions that we may be called upon to make in pursuance of our policy for the discouragement and prevention of war. It has been said in many places and quarters and in this House, that defence of the interests of this country is the only standard to which this country and the Empire are likely to rally.
    When we come to defence, we all recognise that the Navy is the first line of defence. As long as we are dependent upon our overseas communications no one will undervalue the importance of a supremely strong Navy. It is fundamental to our very existence. But the suggestion is made, and it is commonly said, or it is often said, that the growth of air power has destroyed our historic security as an island. I venture to think that is only a fraction of the truth. If any one will think for a moment what the state of this country would be if our frontiers were in Europe instead of on the other side of the dividing seas, I think he will see that a large proportion of the advantages of an island are still secured to us. The protection of the home bases of the Fleet and the feeding ports is a prime necessity, and that is where I come in my observations to the necessity for collaboration or cooperation between the two Services, the old traditional service of the Navy and the newer service of the Air Force.
    The main purpose of the expansion of the Air Force is, again, defence, to provide for the defence of this country from the risk of attack from the air. It is our aim and purpose to develop as a deterrent as powerful a striking force as we can in the air. It is the complement in the air to the Navy on the seas. We believe that in capacity, speed and range our new types of machines are not inferior to any which exist abroad. Behind the air machines are the other measures which have already been taken to complete our air defences. They include the provision of guns, searchlights and all the other equipment, much of it technical, to protect not only the parts of our shores most open to air attack, but the major commercial ports and centres of munition production, and. of course, naval bases. For the great population of London a balloon barrage, in addition, on an extensive scale,
    728
    has been accepted as a necessary part of our defences.
    It would be wrong if I did not refer to the reinforcements of existing measures which may be now available as the result of scientific research, as ingenious as it is intensive and unceasing at the present time. If I am asked what stage these preparations have reached, it is right for me to reply that next year will see preparations for an output, in some cases already begun, on an increasing scale up to 1939–40. Nothing can restore to us the years that have passed when we made no provision under what is called the ten-year rule, but the orders have been given and the work is in hand. The existing resources for the provision of the new and powerful guns which are required in connection with the scheme of air defence have been supplemented. Apart from existing Government establishments and specialised private firms much addition to capacity has been created by reopening the Government factory at Nottingham, which will begin production in January. It is realised that these anti-aircraft guns are a prime necessity, and I am happy to say that the measures already taken do not represent finality. I have to-day heard of the last step in negotiations for new proposals for gun production by a group of firms in the North of England, and these proposals have been submitted for financial approval. It must be realised that the present rate of production is largely conditioned by the amount of skilled labour available and other resources in the form of machines for the necessary processes. So far as labour is concerned the appropriate training is proceeding and I hope I am not guilty of presumption if I pay a tribute to the sound sense of both sides, which has enabled our existing resources, small as they are, to be used to the utmost of their capacity—the resources of labour I mean.
    Before I deal with the policy of defence as a whole let me say one further word about the organisation for the defence of the country. I have already said it on a public platform, but I think it will bear repetition. Our plans are that two divisions of the Territorial Army should be converted into anti-aircraft units, one for the defence of the South of England and the other for the defence of the Midlands and Northern parts of England. The men

    729
    who are wanted may be up to 50 years of age, and if they have some technical knowledge in connection with gunnery or any practical experience they will be all the more welcome. The units will be disposed—I hope the right hon. Member for Sparkbrook (Mr. Amery) will take note of this—as far as possible in those parts of the country from which the men come. I do not think this appeal will fall on deaf ears. Whatever may be said about the Government's programme, this part of it, at any rate, is for the protection of our homes and I hope will be responded to.
    Let me now return to the broader questions of defence. I suppose it is inevitable that our recollections of the Great War should colour all our ideas of any other war. I have never believed, and I refuse to believe, that another war is inevitable if we agree to take the proper measures. But the recollections of the Great War necessarily colour our ideas of any other war, if it should be our fate to be involved in another war, but a recollection of the extraordinary development of the air power will correct that tendency. I am not going to attempt to foresee what another war will be like. It is within the imagination of all that London may be subjected to an intense and sudden bombardment from the air. I have referred to the defence measures which have been taken. But when all these measures have been taken I want to add that a powerful Air Force is a necessary part of the equipment of defence.
    So far as the Navy is concerned the Fleet Air Arm is indispensable. I have been giving my attention to some questions in this connection—the personnel of the Fleet Air Arm and the necessary reserves. I have made my report and I hope that my recommendations may be useful. I trust that the keen interest which hon. Members take in this question will not lead anyone to forget that efficiency must be our guiding star towards which all our arrangements must be directed not only for the Fleet Air Arm but the Royal Air Force as a whole.
    The use of the various squadrons of the main body of the Royal Air Force must be determined by events. We are often asked whether we have a plan for this and that eventuality. Let no one suppose that all sorts of hypotheses are
    730
    not being considered by the Air Staff and by other bodies. I am not going to set up as an amateur strategist in these matters. That is not the business of the politician or the civilian. It is the Government's duty and the duty of this House to provide such an Air Force as will be adequate to the demands made upon it, and the use to which the force will be put is a matter for the professional Air Staff and the other staffs of the services who are planning, I know, for every eventuality.
    Someone may say, what is the state of the Air Force? I shall give full information later as to what has been done. I think we have something to learn from the past. In the past we built up our great Imperial connections and trade under the protection of sea power with an invincible Navy. Let us learn in the new circumstances of to-day the old lessons. The Navy is no longer sufficient to protect the interests which are vital to this country; the protection in future must be under the co-operation of the two services. But if the Air Force is to fulfil its part in the new world in which we are now living it must be as powerful to discharge its obligations as the Navy was in the days of our fathers. It has been sometimes suggested, and I hope everyone will assent to it, that the Air Force should undertake many of the duties which are at present discharged by the other services. We met this suggestion in the battleship inquiry. Our conclusion on that point is that the time has not yet come for such a revolution in strategy. We were satisfied as a committee that an enemy fleet actually astride our communications on the wide seas can only be contained or dislodged by another fleet of equivalent or greater power, and in the conditions of to-day capital ships are a necessary part of the Navy. We were of the opinion that no aircraft can play the role of the capital ship.
    That was our report. I have no other feelings about the report except that we acted on the best expert opinion we could obtain. I regret that it has not been possible to publish a great deal of the confidential information which was laid before us by experts, and I recognise that in consequence our report bears a somewhat meagre and thin appearance and that our general conclusions have not the advantage of the

    731
    facts upon which they were formed. The Committee, however, must put up with that if the report is not so interesting as it might otherwise have been. I hope I am expressing the wishes of the committee and of the House that the report will be accepted as settling not the design but the status of the capital ship for the time being. Fresh facts may always be discovered as a result of the experiments being made, but I am sure it is not conducive to the health and wellbeing of the two services if there is to be a continuous controversy, which perhaps will never be settled absolutely until the experience of war settles it.
    One word more about the liability of the capital ship to be destroyed or crippled by aircraft. I am not going to admit for a moment that the Navy has met an opponent it cannot master. In the late War we remember the anxieties of the years 1916 and 1917, when the Navy was met by the menace of the submarine, the torpedo and the mine. Any sailor in this House will stand up and support me when I say that the Navy has conquered the menace of the torpedo and the mine; they know how to grapple with them to-day. I believe the same results can be achieved by the Navy in relation to the air menace. Let anybody ask sailors who were familiar with the intensive training which went on in the Mediterranean with regard to the possibilities of danger of air attack. The practice during those weeks has produced a remarkable change in the view taken by the Navy of this danger and of the efficiency of the new weapons with which His Majesty's Navy is now provided. But the experience of war alone can prove whether this confidence is well or ill-founded. I read with a little impatience the views of those who with no experience of what the Navy can or cannot do under modern conditions express confident opinions. That practice does not commend itself to me.
    Now I want to speak of the part which the land forces may play. I am aware that here there is some anxiety, perhaps born of some confusion. I have referred to the influence of the last War on our conception of any future war. In the case of most of us—I certainly am in this position—the experiences of those four years have been burnt into our memories.
    732
    The contemptible little army, Kitchener's Battalions, the Territorial divisions, the scenes at the railway stations, the casualty lists eating up the manhood of the nation—we have all asked whether these experiences are to be repeated ire any future war or whether we can limit the role of the Army to garrison duties. I think most of us who remember those days would like to think that we could keep our Army at home to defend our shores, but our strategic position, if I am to be frank, does not permit us to do that. There have been occasions in our history when our contribution to some alliance has been defined—so many men, so much in subsidy. On those occasions some interest of greater or less importance was involved, and if we had lost the War, the interest would have been lost; but there was no blow at the heart of England. That was not the case in 1914, and I doubt whether it will ever be the case again.
    If Great Britain is ever involved in another war, whether it be with others in the maintenance of collective security, or alone or in alliance with somebody as the result of unprovoked aggression, Great Britain can never give up until she is safe again. That means—however much we may regret it—that we shall have to make the maximum effort until the victory is complete. What is the measure of our contribution when I sneak of the maximum effort? A conflict in which we were opposed to forces armed with modern weapons and armies on a modern scale would dictate the scale of our effort. Let us remember, on the other hand, that we are not provoking or anticipating such a struggle. In numbers our Army has no relation to the size of Continental armies. We look to it primarily not to protect our frontier at home, but to defend and guard our Imperial commitments—to protect the vital points of our lines of communication, in co-operation with the Navy. There is a small force at home which must be ready to go anywhere as our Imperial interests require—Hon. Members will remember how it went recently to the Eastern Mediterranean on a, very necessary mission. That force is an absolute minimum. It is the duty of the staffs to prepare it for every eventuality and climate in which it may operate.
    I would like the House to realise in this connection the same point as I made

    733
    about the use of the Air Force. Very often in the House—it may be during this Debate—some alliance is proposed or a question asked as to what would happen in a certain eventuality. It is more than likely that no Minister would dare to give an answer, for an answer might offend some national sentiment abroad and it might not be conducive to the pursuit of peace. But let nobody suppose that because the hypothesis cannot be dealt with by a Minister, plans are not continually and every day being made for that and every other contingency that may arise. Foresight is to-day the major function of the Staffs. At the Staff Colleges and at the Imperial Defence College—an institution of which too few hon. Members even have heard—the habit of working together is developed and formed. Whatever may have been the tendency in the past for the Staffs of the three Services to work in watertight compartments, to-day the functions of the Army, not alone but in combination with the other Services, are a constant subject of consultation and decision.
    I have said that the Army must be ready for any eventuality. It is necessary that I should leave no doubt as to my meaning. The Territorial Army in its general rôle is the second line of our land forces, though in relation to Air Defence it is, in truth, the first line. It was reconstituted after the War for Imperial Defence. It has been accepted that it will provide the means for supporting and expanding our small Regular Army, and the officers and men actually sign an agreement to serve outside this country in an emergency, providing that an Act of Parliament—let hon. Members note that—has been passed authorising the despatch of the Territorial Army outside the United Kingdom. It has been suggested that we should reserve the Territorial Army for home Defence. If hon. Members will look at the White Paper published last March, they will see that suggestions were made as to the use of the Territorial Army abroad. I feel no doubt that the men of the Territorial Army recognise to-clay that they are preparing themselves for any emergency. The better we are prepared the less likely are we to be attacked. Unreadiness is always expensive; some-times disastrous. I would like the country—at any rate this House—to realise that the measure of our readiness
    734
    is largely the strength of our Territorial Forces, both in equipment and in personnel.
    When I mention those subjects, I think I am justified in saying that there has been no attempt to disguise the fact that the Army, both Regular and Territorial, has its deficiencies in personnel as well as in equipment. The deficiencies in personnel receive a great deal of publicity, and conclusions are sometimes drawn from recruitment figures that there is a strange apathy in the younger generation. The hon. Member who moved the Amendment was, as I shall try to show, in error in his rather sweeping generalisation as to the backwardness of the younger generation being due in part to their suspicions about war profits. I shall show him in a moment that the younger generation is not backward when it has heard the call. It is easy for men of my age to be censorious of the younger generation. I shall resist that tendency without any difficulty. I do not pretend to analyse the minds of the younger generation, but I am clear that they have not yet been put to any test which justifies that aspersion upon their courage or upon their public spirit. Since the War there has been no clear call to them for National Defence. Our policy has been to allow our defences to run low, and that policy has produced the atmosphere in: which the younger generation have been reared. "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge."
    There has been a tendency to draw general conclusions from particular figures. Let me tell the hon. Member who moved the Amendment, that he will find no deficiencies in Naval or Air Force recruiting. There is no suggestion of any apathy there. I need not go into Naval recruiting in any detail. It is known that the number of Naval officers is being, and will have to be, increased substantially. There is no shortage of men for that Service. The Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve is full in its complement of officers; it is very nearly full in its complement of ratings. The response to the Royal Naval Volunteer Supplementary Reserve has already been excellent. As regards men, the recruiting programme for the present financial year aims at entering some 10,000 men from the shore. This figure will provide an increase of roughly 4,000 over the number

    735
    borne at the beginning of the financial year: the remainder will go to make up wastage, which is unusually heavy this year owing to so many men now serving being on very short engagements in connection with the late Mediterranean emergency. Present indications are that the number required in the Navy will be obtained in all except possibly the skilled branches of artificers and shipwrights. Recruiting of other ratings has been good for some months past.
    Let me now give some figures for the Air Force to show that there also the omens are good. We should look for one test to the Air Force, not only because of its importance, but because its career is comparatively new and would reveal any lack of public spirit or enterprise. The basis of recruitment, as hon. Members know, is twofold. There is the long-service system, which offers a career for life, and there is the short-service system. The future of these men in civil life is the constant care of the Air Ministry, and their Employment Association, which finds outlets for officers, has been remarkably successful. The permanent entry from universities and schools has been increased by approximately 50 per cent. since the expansion again. As regards short-service officers, upon which the Air Force so largely depends, there are full entries for the abnormal number required. The entry of airmen pilots from the Service has been more than doubled. Let me give the figures of the applications that have been made. The hon. Member who moved the Amendment said that the youth of this country is not prepared to come forward.
    Mr. GRIFFITH: May I point out that I cast no aspersions on the youth of this country. I expressly said that there were causes for which people would be ready to die if they were made clear.
    Sir T. INSKIP: I beg the hon. Gentleman's pardon if I was too zealous in my argument. He appeared to me to generalise about the youth of the country on the ground that they were affected by suspicions about war profits. That cannot be true, because, so far as the Air Force and Navy are concerned, the response is admirable. I beg the hon. Member's pardon if I have in any way misrepresented him, for that was far from my intention. Let me give the figures for the
    736
    Air Force. Over 2,400 pilots have been accepted for training since May, 1935: the pick of over 12,000 definite applications. During the same period about 20,000 airmen and boys have been enlisted. There were 60,000 applications for those 20,000 places. I am happy to say that the quality of these men is as satisfactory as the numbers. I do not propose to give the numbers that will be required in the future. Estimates have been made over arbitrary periods of the numbers likely to be taken in; but no shortage has yet been experienced and no shortage is expected. I will now give some particulars concerning the extension of training facilities, because I think this will give a much better indication of the expansion that is taking place than the mere recital of numbers. We often find that figures convey nothing because they have no background against which a comparison can be made. Training facilities, training camps and aerodromes are increasing in numbers, and from that we can get some idea of the expansion and the rapidity of expansion in the Air Force.
    The number of flying training schools has been increased from six to eleven. The four pre-existing civil training schools managed by private firms for the training of Royal Air Force Reserve pilots have been increased to 13. They undertake the task of giving the first stage of flying training to regular pilots. The creation of these additional schools at the shortest notice was a formidable task for the firms concerned, and I would like to express the appreciation of the Air Ministry and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air for the skill and success with which they have maintained their output of trained pupils, despite the bad weather of the last year and the difficulties of newly-formed aerodrome surfaces. As regards the training of tradesmen, new facilities have been started at Halton and Cranwell. The facilities have been more than doubled and provide for 5,500 apprentices under training. At Manston the men's training establishment has been very greatly enlarged, and an additional school has been opened at Henlow. A new Armament Training School has been formed, and the armament training camps are being increased in number from three to nine. The depot at Uxbridge has been greatly enlarged to meet the heavy demand made upon it. A new depot has

    737
    been opened at Orpington and for a short time it has been necessary to reduce the period allowed for the course. All that is very satisfactory.
    I wish I could say the same about Army recruiting. It has been slow for two years as my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War has said. There may be deterrents which can be got out of the way. It is, of course, totally misleading to compare the Army figures of this country with those of foreign countries. Service in our Regular Army is a career and the conditions under which our voluntary service is carried on have no parallel abroad. The conditions for the Regular Army are receiving a thorough examination. In short I want to say that when I contemplate the Navy and the Air Force, I am not going to doubt that a plain call, with perhaps an adjustment of conditions, will get the men required. The Navy makes a traditional appeal to the people of this country and the Air Force is an adventure to the best of our youth. There is nothing wrong, I believe, with the spirit of the young generation. It is perhaps the fault of some of us older people that the call has not yet reached them.
    I pass to some observations concerning the shadow scheme about which the hon. Gentleman opposite made some observations. The shadow scheme has had a great deal of publicity and it is a fortunate thing that it is not necessary for me to say anything about the personal aspect. I have already said both in public and to Lord Nuffield that his resources and experience are not going to be lost to the Government. Over and above the valuable work which he has undertaken and is already carrying out, there are developments which are known to Lord Nuffield and in which, indeed, he has already played a part. In a very short time I hope that those develop-merits will lead to definite proposals and that the matter will be clinched. Now let me state what I regard as the solid advantages of the shadow scheme. It would not be right for the House or the country to be under any misapprehension as to those advantages. In regard to one criticism, namely, that if a single link in the chain were bombed, there would be delay in the production of the whole, I would say this. In war time the Air Ministry would not accept a
    738
    single-link chain. The firms would turn over the whole of their existing factories to doing aircraft work. It is true that that would entail the provision of suitable tools and jigs and a proper survey will be made as soon as possible and provision made so that should war unhappily break out there would be provision of apparatus to enable each of the six firms engaged in making engines to turn over to the manufacture not of a single part or separate parts hut of the whole engine. The House will remember that six firms are engaged in the building of engines or part of them and two firms are engaged in assembling and testing.
    I myself am a layman in these matters but may I try to state the real advantages which this scheme, as I understand it, has in peace time? These factories will be manufacturing different component parts. The difficulty of procuring sound production engineers and jig and tool draughtsmen is well known to every one in the engineering trade. With this scheme, production engineers in each factory will require to specialise only on a few different components. They will have time to analyse thoroughly the operations, which can he so simplified and devised for manufacture on standard machines and can be made so fool-proof in times of peace that in times of national emergency absolutely unskilled labour could be used in increasing the mass production of those parts. Jig and tool designers in the various works will be in the happy position of having only a few components for which to design and manufacture jigs. Production will commence much quicker in each factory, as the jigs and tools required are only for a few parts and the completion will there-for be much earlier than it would be if each firm were completing the whole engine from start to finish.
    It has another advantage which I would commend to the House. Larger production and larger quantities will lead to a higher production per man-hour and that will lead to a reduction in the cost of the component. The cost of the actual cutting tools will be reduced because these will be standardised for the particular component which is being made and good inspection will ensure that the sub and main assemblies are carried out without any trouble. I do not think that every hon. Member is acquainted with the high reputation

    739
    which the Aircraft Inspection Department has all over the Kingdom among engineering firms. It is sufficient to say that any component parts bearing the stamp of the Aircraft Inspection Department will be easily assembled whether they are made at John o' Groats or at Land's End or any other part of the United Kingdom.
    Mr. CHURCHILL: Does that mean that this method with all these advantages, is to be superseded by the other method on the outbreak of war?
    Sir T. INSKIP: If my right hon. Friend had followed me, or if I had been better in my explanation, I should have succeeded in showing that in peace time the provision of the jigs that are necessary for the construction of these several components is more easily undertaken because of the simplicity of the process. In war time the additional jigs and tools for the provision and making of the whole machines will have been prepared and in war time, or possibly even before war time, it is intended that the whole of the six manufacturing firms will go over to complete production, the apparatus having been already provided. The advantage which has been secured by the simplicity of the design in the first instance, will have already been reaped so that it will not he a question of abandoning that advantage, but rather of securing the new advantages of a different process.
    Mr. CHURCHILL: Would these men who have been drawn from the simple processes of making the components be able to turn over immediately to the setting up of the entire engines?
    Sir T. INSKIP: I am informed that the training of men in the processes—always given time, of course—will proceed and that it will be possible to produce both machines and men so as to be able to turn from making the component parts to the manufacture of the whole engine. I hope the House will realise that in these suggestions I have, of course, accepted what I have been told in the shops by those who understand these matters. If any hon. Gentleman wishes to make a further study of this question he will find in the trade journal of the engineering trade called
    740
    the "Engineer" a most instructive and helpful analysis of this process.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: Seeing that Lord Nuffield objects to this shadow arrangement, may I ask whether the explanation which we get of it in the Press is the true explanation? Is it the case that he objects to this distribution all over the country and would prefer this to be organised in one works, and, if so, how does that work out with the fact that in his own operations, it is the shadow method on which he proceeds—that is the engines are built in Coventry but the whole assembling of his cars is done in Oxford? Is there any explanation other than that which we have received, behind that statement?
    Sir T. INSKIP: The hon. Member has great experience of the engineering trade and his observations will no doubt receive that attention from the House which they deserve.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: You are not doing well at all.
    Sir T. INSKIP: May I pass briefly to the question of the production of machines? The observation is sometimes made by way of criticism that we are producing a greater variety of machines than other countries. The reason is that numbers are required in the shortest time. A firm will produce a type of its own design more rapidly and successfully than the design of another person which has been pushed upon them. In any case, the production of more than one type in a class is desirable. Otherwise, in the event of the failure of one type we should be without up-to-date aircraft in that class. This is the more necessary because, in order to take advantage of the very latest ideas, my Noble Friend the Secretary of State has put types into production before fully testing prototypes. To take a machine straight off the drawing board is to run the risk of the type breaking down and it is therefore not safe to bank upon one selected type of machine in any particular class.
    May I pass now to some figures indicating the expansion of aircraft production? In April, 1935, there were 30,000 employés in the aircraft industry. Five months later there were 40,000, while nine months later, in June, 1936, there were over 58,000 people employed compared

    741
    with 30,000 in April, 1935. That shows how great has been the expansion and the figure does not include a very large number of people engaged by way of sub-contracts. I wish to give the House one more fact before I leave the Air Force, as to the expansion made in the service itself. The expansion of the force is proceeding and the House knows that squadrons are continually being formed and built up to full establishment. The process of building up squadrons and forming new training units and skeleton squadrons is familiar to everybody connected with the Air Force. The number of squadrons at home, in present circumstances, to-day is 80 and that figure includes 16 auxiliary squadrons but excludes the Fleet Air Arm and, of course, it does not include the squadrons which are abroad. The requirements of expansion necessitate the keeping of a, large number of machines for training and other purposes. The programme includes a large provision for reserves. It has never been the practice to state the reserves which are being maintained to the first line strength. The number of reserves varies, naturally, but the programme includes a large provision for reserves and this will make it possible at a later stage, or, if desired on mobilisation, to increase the striking force or the weight of any initial blow.
    I must make some reference, though I am not going into it in detail, to the question of equipment. When I have spoken before in these Debates I have spoken chiefly on this topic because I thought it was a subject upon which the House would naturally expect me to give all the information I could. The information which I gave was not always of a reassuring character nor was it complete, nor could it be complete. If the House is to have the full facts it would be necessary for me to prepare a tabulated statement and circulate it and then let the House form its own conclusions. This afternoon I am not proposing to make any such statement. So many shells, so many guns, so many bombs, so many rifles would convey very little to the House. What I propose to say is that at this moment, while some supplies are already adequate or are being produced in satisfactory quantities, there are others of which the production has not yet begun, and others again in which the production, although it has begun, will not
    742
    come into what I may call the full tide of construction until the early or middle months of next year. Often we have had to face the fact that designs have not yet been settled. The years have passed in the atmosphere of the 10-year rule and the Disarmament Conference, and design and trial have not been going on. Whatever I or anybody else could do, the utmost expedition which is being devoted to the completion of design and the testing of these machines will not permit us to organise supply on the basis of any design which has not yet been thoroughly tested and proved. I am sure the House will recognise that. This is particularly a matter in which you cannot recover "the years that the locust bath eaten." We have to settle the designs, we have to test them, we have to run the machines on the ground and in the air, and until the design has been settled, although the utmost of expedition is being used, it is impossible in these cases to go into production.
    I share entirely, if I may say so at this stage, the anxiety which is felt by many as the result of what I have now broadly stated without going into detail. The Amendment on the Paper in the name of my right hon. Friend and others no doubt represents their sincere anxiety, and all I would say is that they are largely pushing at an open door. I shall not be wrong, I suppose, if I assume that the Amendment is intended to suggest the establishment of a Ministry of Munitions. May I deal with this very shortly? I will try to compress it as far as ever I can. There was, in the years following the War, a demand for such a Ministry. It was rejected by a committee presided over by the late Lord Melchett and then by Lord Weir. The Service Departments have, however, been working under an organisation which largely does the work of a Ministry of Munitions. I refer to what Sir Erie Geddes proposed to the Royal Commission. He said he had envisaged something of this sort: a council acting under the Committee of Imperial Defence, whose function it would be to plan and organise, to catalogue resources, and so on.
    That process has been undertaken and is being undertaken. The House would be surprised at the long catalogue of undertakings that are not now engaged

    743
    in war production which would be available in war-time and which are allocated to particular Services or for particular needs of the Services. The responsibility for this now rests upon myself, as Chairman of the Principal Supply Officers Committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence. We estimate, or they estimate, for the materials and labour involved, and they allocate the ascertained capacity between the various Services. The capacity falls broadly into two classes. There are the undertakings which are producing munitions required in war and the firms that are now engaged upon peace production which will one day be wanted perhaps for war production. As the programme develops, it is the policy of the Government to extend the war potential by this examination and allocation of the capacity of all the firms that will be needed in the event of war.
    It may be suggested that although these arrangements go a long way, they do not go far enough, and I may perhaps attempt to put concisely the view which I hold very strongly. At present the demands of the Government largely wait on the supply of, first, sufficiently skilled labour, and, secondly, of those implements of modern engineering of which I have so often spoken—machine tools, jigs and gauges. The production itself of these implements depends, of course, on the supply of skilled labour. I am satisfied that the training of men and apprentices on the job, as they say, is proceeding on a scale which may be graphically described as an ascending curve. A nucleus of skilled men is training the new entry, and the supply is in this way being steadily created.
    To attempt to arrest the ordinary industries of the country in order to transfer the key or skilled men for munition production would, in my submission to the House, be wrong from every point of view at this stage. The existing supply of machinery is at full stretch, but the fundamental change of organisation which would be involved in the establishment of an executive Ministry of Supply with compulsory powers would, in my judgment, involve so much delay and uncertainty that the Government could not contemplate it except on the most cogent proof of its necessity. The Government have considered it, but they have not found that cogent proof.
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    This is not a final decision. It is a possibility that must be reviewed over and over again, and will no doubt be reviewed in the course of the next few weeks.
    What we have done is not only to set up a Supply organisation. We have recently approved of wide changes in the Supply machine of the War Office, the effect of which is to combine the whole executive responsibility for Supply in the hands of Sir Harold Brown, as a member of the Army Council, with a reorganised Supply Department under him. This is in effect the nucleus of a Ministry of Supply in the War Office, which is so largely responsible for the stores for the other Departments as well as for itself. I only forbear from further examining this proposal because of the time which I have already occupied, and I only desire to say this further on this question of the Ministry of Munitions: The House will realise that the financial strain which is being placed upon this country is a stupendous one. If we were to interrupt and break down the process of the industry of peace-time, we should run the risk of destroying the financial fabric of the nation. It would be difficult to stop when once you had begun to turn this country into one vast munitions-producing camp. I agree that the responsibility upon the Government, and in a minor degree upon myself, is a very heavy one in deciding what the proper course is, but I believe that the House will be wise, taking the long view, to think that in the present conditions it is right to proceed as we are and to attempt as far as possible to satisfy the needs of the country without stopping that export trade upon which the financial position of this country depends. And remember that we depend upon the resources of finance for the successful fighting of a war as much as upon the production of munitions.
    I have two observations to make in conclusion. The first is that I should like to exorcise, if I could, the spirit that pervades so much that is being written at the present time about a war and Great Britain's fate in it. I hear people talking about a knock-out blow, about the necessity for 12 or 15 months' supply of wheat, and about what an air attack is going to do. People seem to think that our Air Force and our Navy are going to sit passively and helplessly by and see Great Britain enduring the rigours of a

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    siege or generally being bombed out of existence. We have a right to see that the Government fulfil the task that they have to face. By all means spur on the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence. Get a new one if it will facilitate or expedite the progress which we all desire. All that is perfectly consistent, however, with the temper that only thinks in terms of victory. My right hon. Friend below the Gangway will recognise some words which I quote:
    "Always at the outset the strength of the enemy had seemed overwhelming: always the struggle had been prolonged through many years and across awful hazards; always the victory had at last been won."
    I believe that to be characteristic of the spirit of the British nation to-day. My other observation follows on the same lines. Here we are, as I have already stated, still an island, in fact with nearly all the military advantages of an island. It is true that the aeroplane has built a series of bridges across the dividing seas. But when all has been said and done we have a long start over anyone ill advised enough to meddle with our freedom. If we care to use our great resources, I cannot see that there is any reason why that freedom should ever be in jeopardy.
    5.42 p.m.
    Mr. LEES-SMITH: I will not enter into any very great examination of the report of the Royal Commission on Armaments. T will only say that the report itself, on the question of the nationalisation of armaments, came to a negative conclusion, and on other questions it came to a positive conclusion. The speech of the right hon. Gentleman shows that even on the questions on which it came to a positive conclusion, the Government are going to take a negative conclusion, so that his speech indicates that practically nothing will be left of any of the more important recommendations of the Commission. The Commission even condemns the conception of his office which the right hon. Gentleman has just enunciated. He has just said that it should be purely advisory, but the Royal Commission distinctly says that there should be a Minister of Supply with executive power over manufacture, prices, contracts, and the import of armaments from abroad. It says that prices should be taken out of the hands of the Defence Departments,
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    and it says, moreover, that we must now begin to contemplate the conscription of all the industrial plants on the day that war breaks out, so that you ought now to be preparing a war book of industry, and it is clear that if these functions were going to be carried out, an absolutely separate Ministry of Supply would become inevitable.
    The right hon. Gentleman has shown that the Government are not prepared to create a Minister of Supply as distinct from a Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence, at any rate at the moment. I think that decision is a mistake, and one of the reasons which impresses itself more and more upon me as I have listened to these Debates—and I have listened to all of them—is this: I do not believe that it is possible for any one human being to control this problem of supply and at the same time really grapple with these immensely complicated problems of the strategic co-ordination of defence. Indeed, I would go further and say that I do not believe that the kind of mind which deals successfully with supply is the kind of mind which is happy or adapted to the problems of the strategic co-ordination of defence. They are two different mentalities. One mentality is that of a pushing, driving Minister who likes to get things done day by day. The other is the more speculative mentality which likes to think of the far-reaching effects of decisions which will not eventuate for years ahead. My own impression is that the right hon. Gentleman is much happier as a Minister of Supply, for the greater part of his speech showed that in the problems of the co-ordination of defence he keeps his present comfortable and secure position only because he has not taken any decisions which are resented by any of the defence departments.
    The right hon. Gentleman devoted a section of his speech to the shadow scheme, about which the House did not know a word until the controversy with Lord Nuffield broke out. It is Lord Nuffield's outburst which has enabled us to deliberate on this subject. I am bound to say, after having listened to the right hon. Gentleman, that I still feel that he has not explained two of the crucial difficulties which have been laid bare. Let me take the explanation which he gave of the purposes of the shadow scheme. He explained that we were to

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    proceed immediately on what I will call the six unit plan, by which the aeroplane is to be divided up into six component parts and separate factories will make the different parts. Then he went on to say that if by any chance we have to face the emergency of war, we should immediately revert to a plan by which the six unit scheme would be swept away and complete aeroplanes would be made in each factory.
    Surely the right hon. Gentleman realises that the whole principle of the shadow scheme—I am not talking at the moment of the other scheme of complete aeroplanes, but of the shadow scheme—is that it shall create a war potential. The article in the "Engineer," to which the right hon. Gentleman referred, described, how as soon as these factories were working, they were to be practically closed and the machinery covered with grease to wait for the emergency. The right hon. Gentleman's explanation up to the moment is that we are to have these factories with their machinery covered with grease, each factory making only one part and that as soon as an emergency occurs the shadow scheme is to be broken and a new set of factories with new equipment for making complete aeroplanes is to be erected. I quite see that there must be an explanation, but no one can challenge me when I say that the right hon. Gentleman has not taken the explanation any further than the dilemma I have just explained.
    There is another feature of this shadow scheme which has created some alarm to which the right hon. Gentleman did not refer. The decision has been taken to associate these shadow factories with six great motor firms, and I understand that these firms are mainly concentrated in one town, namely, Coventry. If there were by any chance a war and Coventry were wiped out, the position about which we must make some inquiry must arise. This question was raised the other day at Question Time, and the right hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for Air said that, after all, Coventry was not so very vulnerable. I should say that five or six years hence everywhere in England will be probably quite vulnerable. Therefore, the only security is to have the factories dispersed throughout the country. That suggests to me
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    that before it is too late the Minister of Defence ought to see that instead of linking the shadow scheme to motor car factories, the alternative scheme which has been suggested of linking them up to aeroplane factories, which are dispersed over the country, is explored.
    I now come to the part of the right hon. Gentleman's speech which he regarded as specially important, a part which is not easy to debate, in which he dealt with the report on the power of the battleship to defend itself against aircraft. He has come to the conclusion in the Committee over which he presides that the battleship is well able to protect itself against hostile aircraft, even, I gather—and I was pleased to hear the opinion—in narrow seas like the Mediterranean, where the aircraft attacks from bases on the shore. As a matter of fact, however, the main anxiety has never been as to whether a battleship can protect itself against the air. The main anxiety has always been whether it can protect a merchant fleet which has to be convoyed, and, in particular, as to whether it can protect naval bases and mercantile ports, on which we depend for our supplies of food and raw materials. It happens that a very interesting discussion on this point, a discussion which was almost official, was given to the public only a fortnight ago by the late Organising Manager of Convoy during the War, Admiral Sir Eldon Manisty, who gives his view from his experience during the War.
    The right hon. Gentleman did call attention to the necessity of defending bases, but Admiral Sir Eldon Manisty points out that the bases are not the main problem because there are a good many of them and we can select the one which is furthest from any aircraft. What he points out is that the problem which he obviously views with the greatest alarm, and which he does not think has been met, is the problem of the mercantile arm. Apart from protecting it, it is obvious that we shall have to contemplate the diversion of our merchant fleet to the ports of the West of England. Admiral Sir Eldon Manisty points out that we cannot do that without immense preparations. Ports are highly specialised, he points out, and we cannot divert ships in order to unload them at ports unless by immense preparation years beforehand we have prepared them to take the particular class of commodities that will be carried.

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    No such preparations have been made on the scale that he described.
    The FIRST LORD of the ADMIRALTY (Sir Samuel Hoare): I will deal with that point later.
    Mr. LEES-SMITH: I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will also deal with the other point made by the Admiral, that even if we get our food to the ports, the unfortunate position of this country is such that all our roads and railways radiate from London, and that we shall need entirely to re-adapt them if we are to contemplate feeding the country and supplying it with raw materials from new ports all along the West coast. We shall have to re-adapt our road and rail system for that purpose. He says, indeed, that he believes that the re-adaptation of our road and rail system is more important to the safety of this country than the actual protection of the merchant ships at sea by the Navy.
    This leads me again to the right hon. Gentleman's conception of his office. I am sure that he will find this class of problem difficult to solve so long as he is willing to depend solely upon the secretariat of the Committee of Imperial Defence, whose failure to find a solution in the past is really the reason for the creation of the right hon. Gentleman's office. The secretariat on which he depends is an entirely Service secretariat. The essential problems are problems of the civil population, and the experience of the last War shows clearly that, with the best intentions in the world, the Service mind does not adapt itself quickly and readily to the problems of the un-uniformed population. I have said that after having listened to the right hon. Gentleman's speech it appeared to me that he was avoiding difficulties on questions of co-ordination and strategy because he never really arrived at any unpopular conclusions. What has his committee on vulnerability done? Perhaps it is right, but it is very fortunate for the comfort of all concerned that it has reached the decision to maintain the status quo and to follow the line of least resistance. The Navy is to go on just as was contemplated. The right hon. Gentleman has now told us that the Army is to go on as would be desired by those who control it. The Air Force is to go on as contemplated,
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    supply is to go on as contemplated, and everything is to go on without very much difference to the strategic results which might be made by any decision which the right hon. Gentleman has taken.
    Colonel WEDGWOOD: Only if war breaks out.
    Mr. LEES-SMITH: I cannot convince myself that it is all quite as easy as that. The right hon. Gentleman spoke about making the maximum effort, but I believe the history of countries faced with war in the past has been that they often come to disaster by trying to make the maximum effort in every direction instead of selecting those to which they were adapted. What is required now is a discussion of the proper role and the proper degree of expenditure which should be allotted to the different Services, and if you are really going to discuss this question you may find yourself faced with a clash of opinion between the right hon. Gentleman and the Ministers in charge of those Services. There is nothing in his Department, nothing in his office, which will enable him to deal with that clash of opinion any more successfully than the Committee of Imperial Defence has dealt with it in the past.
    I notice that the First Lord of the Admiralty, who is going to wind up, has already made a reply to that line of argument. He expressed great satisfaction with the Committee of Imperial Defence, and explained how it had laid the foundations of a common understanding between the Services. As a matter of fact, his picture of the work of the Committee of Imperial Defence is entirely contradicted by Lord Trenchard, who was Chairman of the Chiefs of Staffs Committee, and who distinctly stated that the Committee of Imperial Defence and the Chiefs of Staffs Committee never came to any decision upon any difficult point, because whenever there was any question on which the three Services did not agree unanimity was reached by consenting to give them all they wanted. And the right hon. Gentleman is reaching unanimity. He is having a comfortable and easy time because he has not made enemies of any of the Services. I venture to say that if he finds himself in a, clash with any of the Ministers his powers will not be sufficient to deal with the

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    situation, nor will his staff be in a position to deal with it.
    I would make another point on that subject. In these matters, if there is a clash between the Minister for the Coordination of Defence and one of the Service Ministers it will eventually come before the Cabinet, and then I am quite sure that the Minister who has no staff except that which is provided for him by the Services, including the Service with which he is in conflict, will find himself at a great disadvantage when contending with a Minister who has all the brains of a properly organised staff behind him.
    There is only one further point to which I would call the attention of the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence. I believe that there was a widely held opinion, especially in the Debates on the Army Estimates, that the time has arrived for a re-examination of the Cardwell system, and I do not think the Secretary of State for War is entitled to go about complaining about the position of recruiting if the Departments are not willing to make the mental effort to deal with the Cardwell system, which creates in itself one of the difficulties of finding recruits. The Cardwell system creates an army for the defence of the Indian frontier and then, as a kind of by-product, it leaves a force at home to act as an expeditionary force. That was the arrangement entered into 60 years ago, when there was no notion that we were contemplating entering upon a war of the scale of the late European War. In the last Debate on the Army Estimates I noticed that every speaker with military experience—or a great many of them, almost all of them—referred to the Cardwell system, and that there was not one of them who did not say that it ought to be re-examined and, probably, most profoundly revised. The Secretary of State for War suggested that he was going to begin an inquiry. I have heard nothing about it since. The Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence has said that his function is to increase the tempo of the Departments. Here is some work.
    The SECRETARY of STATE for WAR (Mr. Duff Cooper): The inquiry is going on.
    Mr. LEES-SMITH: I hope the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence will increase its tempo. It is rather an intricate subject and I do not want to spend time on it, but the Secretary of State for War will realise that the whole of his criticism about recruiting is bound up with the Cardwell system, because under that system, with its period of seven years' service, most of those years are spent in India, a most unpopular and uncomfortable place in the eyes of the soldier. It is convenient to the system, but very inconvenient and unfair to a young man, who, at the end of his seven years, finds himself with no career in the Army and no career in civilian life.
    The right hon. Gentleman also spoke about the air. The doctrine of the Air Ministry hitherto has been that there is no real defence against air attack, and that only an offensive equal in strength to that which is directed against us could be any reply. In a previous Debate I pointed out that there are a number of young scientific minds now on the committees of the Air Ministry who had come to the conclusion that the Air Ministry had been thoroughly defeatist and pessimistic upon this subject, and that although you could not prevent bombers from getting through what you could do was to inflict upon them such losses that bombing squadrons would become, probably, "suicide clubs" and the bombers would eventually cease to come, as was the case in the last war. I gather from what the right hon. Gentleman said that the work and the opinion of these scientific minds are now beginning to have their effect on the Air Ministry, but I refer to this subject because I am not sure that they are yet being taken into sufficient account. Professor Lindemann is one of the scientists who has been on these committees. Only a fortnight ago he gave his experience in these words:
    "Even to-day, when the Air Ministry has under pressure consented to investigate this supremely important question"—
    the defence of London—
    "it seems to be regarded as a side-show with which a few scientists are allowed to occupy their spare time, provided it keeps them quiet."
    That is rather a different picture from the one which the right hon. Gentleman gave the House of the development of scientific methods of air defence, and I call attention to it because in a previous

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    Debate he rather indicated that he did not consider the Air Ministry as coming within his Department as Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence, whereas in my opinion the question of the protection of this country by the Air Force, the Navy and the Army involves almost the most supreme problem in the co-ordination of defence with which the right hon. Gentleman is faced.
    6.10 p.m.
    Earl WINTERTON: The question which we are discussing this afternoon is, in the judgment of all of us, I think, incomparably the greatest we have to discuss at the present time, namely, whether the rearmament and rehabilitation of the defences of this country is proceeding with all due celerity. I should like to say that in my judgment the House this afternoon has addressed itself to this question with a due sense of restraint and the community feeling of a committee of public safety, which does it high honour; and if I may do it without impertinence or effusiveness I should like to pay a tribute to the speech to which we have just listened from the right hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith). It was a speech not of a party character but something very much higher, and I should like to say to him, and through you, Mr. Speaker, to those outside, that the comparatively thin attendance in the House this afternoon certainly does not represent the views of the public outside on these matters. The House of Commons may show a lack of attention to these matters and say, "What do they matter compared with all the domestic questions in which we are interested, compared with matters concerning the personal position of the Prime Minister? ", but that does not reflect the feeling of the people outside.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: This is most disrespectful.
    Earl WINTERTON: Nothing can be disrespectful which brings, as the speech of the right hon. Gentleman has done, to the notice of the people of this country the gravity of these problems. Nor is this a question which affects only this country. The Foreign Secretary, with the assent, I think, of almost everyone in the House, certainly of the Opposition, said in a speech a short time ago—I am paraphrasing his words—that it was not merely a British but almost a European,
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    almost a world question, of infinite importance, whether Great Britain and the, British Empire will be ready, in what many believe will be the fateful year 1937, to take the strain, a readiness which may mean the preservation of peace. To put it less tortuously, it is on the strength of Great Britain in the fateful year 1937 on which the peace of Europe may depend. If Great Britain is strong and ready to carry out her obligations war may be prevented—and will be prevented. In these circumstances, in view of the gravity of the situation, no soothing syrup of Ministerial generalities like "We are getting on" will answer.
    I do not want to make any attack on my right hon. Friend. One of the difficulties of the situation in which those of us are placed who feel more deeply on this question than we have felt on any question for years, is that members of the Government are our right hon. Friends in more than merely the political sense, but I should not be doing my duty and expressing the truth as I see it if I did not make some observation about the right hon. Gentleman's speech and the attitude of the Government, and the Prime Minister in particular, to this whole question of Defence. May I say, in passing, that on a previous occasion when I ventured to criticise the Prime Minister and he happened to leave the House in the middle of my speech a reference was made to that fact in certain quarters of the Press, but the right hon. Gentleman had been good enough to inform me that it might not be possible for him to be present throughout the Debate for reasons which were perfectly conclusive.
    We had from the right hon. Gentleman some admirable truisms of so simple and precise a nature that the most uninstructed audience outside would be able to understand them. We were told, for example, that war was not inevitable. We have always heard that in this House, and such statements were cheered. He also said that there was nothing much wrong with the youth of the country. Things of that kind, with which we are all in the most complete agreement, we have heard many times. I must say that I do not think that my right hon. Friend began to get near the heart of the problem which we are discussing this afternoon. He never even approached it. One statement which he made was not

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    one of those truisms, or rather, was not a statement which we have been accustomed to hear. It was of a rather curious character. I do not want to attempt to analyse it, because this is not a foreign affairs Debate, but I think that tomorrow, when the newspapers are opened, readers in Europe may be rather surprised. He said that, in his opinion, the defence of this country was about the only standard which this country would support. [Interruption.] I understood him to say that it might well be that the defence of this country would be the only standard which this country would support.
    Mr. BELLENGER: And our Imperial interests.
    Earl WINTERTON: And our Imperial interests.
    Sir T. INSKIP: My right hon. Friend must not take one sentence out of its context. I think he will find that I had already said that Defence included, in its wider aspect, the obligations that might result from undertakings to discourage and prevent war.
    Earl WINTERTON: I dare say that my right hon. Friend did say so. He is far too experienced a Cabinet Minister to fall into the error of making a statement that might receive support in some quarters but would be a dangerous thing to go out to the world, especially after the speech of the Foreign Secretary. To say that the only cause for which the people of this country would be prepared to fight would be their own interests, would be a very dangerous thing to go out to the world. It has not hitherto been the policy of this country, either of Great Britain or of the Dominions, and I am very glad that it has been made clear by my right hon. Friend that I mistook the context in which he used it.
    The points that we have to discuss in this Debate are: Are you keeping pace with the requirements of the situation necessitated by Continental European increase in armament? That is the first question. The second question is: Are you doing all you might do, or only what it is comparatively easy to do without upsetting anybody's feelings or causing political difficulty among a population
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    that is notoriously averse to drastic measures in peace time? My right hon. Friend quoted—if I may go into a parenthesis—a very eloquent passage from one of the books of my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill), in which he referred to the fact that we always started badly, but eventually won. That was a rather terrible admission to make. In other words—this applies to every part of the House, and as much to the benches opposite as to these—those of us who were in the trenches in the early days of the War were having to pay for the failures of this House.
    Mr. BELLENGER: And later on.
    Earl WINTERTON: And later on, too. That implies that there is one common feeling among all of us who were in the War, a feeling of resentment that that should have been, and a feeling that, in the next war, whatever it means to the political position of anybody, from the Prime Minister downwards, we will try to prevent it happening again. When the life of the man in the trenches depends upon adequate preparations, the reputation of no Minister is worth that of a fly on the ceiling. It is therefore the duty of the right hon. Gentleman to see that it does not happen. Let him remember that, in the next war, which he himself admits may be of a very different character when it is fought, we might not be able to afford the time factor which we have always had hitherto.
    I want to be perfectly fair. No unbiased person should deny the difficulties of the Government. I quite agree with my right hon. Friend when he says, as he did, most emphatically, that there is need to avoid panic or upsetting either business confidence or the export trade, if possible. There, again, I found it a little hard to follow exactly what his views were. He told us in one part of his speech that it will be impossible, I understand, to devote the whole of the resources of the country to the needs of the munitions situation without so upsetting our export trade that it will be difficult to find the money, and in the early part of his speech he said that it was extremely difficult now, at this time, to avoid upsetting industry. Both those facts are in a sense rather contradictions, and make the creation of a Ministry of Supply all the more necessary. It is the

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    greatest argument that could possibly be brought forward in its favour.
    There is another difficulty in which the Government are, and which all their critics should recognise if they would be fair. It is the need to avoid giving to possible ill-wishers of our land information which might be harmful to us, by disclosing the details of our defence. At the same time, it is easy to fall into the opposite error, very easy. I remember my right hon. Friend the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy), in a speech which he made before the end of the Parliament of 1929, referring to the characteristics of different Parliaments. Most, Parliaments have a characteristic. They are different, that is to say, one from the other. I should say that the characteristic of the House elected last year was rather like that of a comfortable middle-aged club, the majority of whose members think it rather bad form to criticise the committee, and especially the deservedly popular chairman, who has been there so long that he has become almost an institution. They are inclined to argue that although he does make mistakes, one ought to forgive hint because of his past services. So they look upon those minority members of the club who are not wholly satisfied with the conduct of affairs as self-seekers, merely anxious to be on the committee themselves. I consider that that is not the right view to take of our responsibilities to-day. The Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence rather falls into this particular error which I have been describing, when he is referring to speeches of my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping. One almost expects him to use the words of the Brothers Western's famous song, "Play the game, you cads," when cads like myself stand up and criticise, as though it were not quite cricket to do so. That is quite a novel idea in our proceedings. It has grown very much since the War.
    I remember a phrase once used by Lord Balfour when he was a comparatively young man and was attacked for what were described as constant personal attacks upon the then Prime Minister, Mr. Gladstone. I can only paraphrase it, because I have not it with me. The present Prime Minister is not the first who has been regarded as the subject of constant personal attack. Lord Balfour made a reply like this, in
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    regard to personal attack: "The right hon. Gentleman may be an ornament to this House and the country. He may have made a very considerable contribution to literature. He may be an excellent husband and father and he may be a man whom we are all delighted to honour; but if he fails to fulfil, as we think he should fulfil, his high function, it is our melancholy duty to tell him so." It is not a question of personal popularity, and the tendency to suggest that criticism of the Prime Minister, or of any individual Minister, is a personal attack upon him, is a deplorable one and, if persisted in, would result in the ending of Democracy and great damage to our institutions.
    The Prime Minister must carry a heavy load of praise or blame for the success or failure of the scheme. Let it be noted that he is not only Prime Minister of Great Britain but the head of the administration of the central State of the greatest confederation of Democracies in the world. He is also the head of a confederation of States which is, at one and the same time, the richest, the most prosperous and, in many respects, the most vulnerable that the world has ever seen. It goes much further. As chairman of the Committee of Imperial Defence, whose very name is significant of world-wide responsibility, he has a responsibility for the defence of the country such as no other man could have. No one in such a position could divest himself of his responsibility, and successfully plead that the vast burden of his office in other directions prevents him from attending to it, unless he is prepared so to alter the machinery of government as to make one Minister responsible. Therefore, he is bound to come into it.
    Much has been done, as would be agreed by those who are critics of the Government in this respect, but a vast amount still remains to be done, including the creation of a Ministry of Supply, to which I shall not refer again. In regard to aeroplanes, there is considerable disquiet in the country as to the numbers for immediate or reserve use, and the method of supplying them. I appreciate the difficulty of my right hon. Friend and I do not want to add to it by pressing him to give facts and figures on that point, but I tell him that I hope he will

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    find some means, without disclosing information which should not be disclosed, to alleviate the very real anxiety which is felt on this subject. We are told, for example, of an expansion of the Air Force, but expansion by itself of the personnel is not of much value unless there are more machines. We hear most disturbing rumours. My right hon. Friend does not require us to indicate the nature of them. Could he tell me the number of machines for training, the progress in producing aeroplanes and the number of squadrons?
    We are told that the programme is vastly behindhand, but my right hon. Friend did not give any indication in his speech whether that is so. Maybe he did not think it right to do so; but if the programme is not behindhand, he would surely have come down to report to the House that, since the Debate last summer, so far from the views of my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping being correct and so far from the programme being more and more behind-hand, we are more and more catching up. I hope that the First Lord of the Admiralty may be able to say a word about that to-night. I have nothing to say, so far as the Navy is concerned. It is with the Air Force and the Army that we are concerned. I must refer to one other remark of the Minister for Co-ordination of Defence. He made a most significant and almost sinister statement, when he said that we cannot make up for lost time.
    Now I would say a few sentences about the Army. To-day, as I understand, the Minister for Co-ordination has definitely come down on the side of an expeditionary force. That is a very important statement. If it is necessary to have that fighting force, as opposed to an armed police force, the present position is gloomy in the extreme; it can hardly have been gloomier during the whole course of our military history. Compare the situation with the years before the War. Even then we were told by our allies in the War that our contribution was not sufficient. Compare the magnificent corps that we had at Aldershot with what we have to-day. Again I feel myself curtailed, almost obfuscated, by the fact that it is not really in the public interest to state the full weaknesses of the situation, but I would ask hon. Members to
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    cast their minds back to what has happened in Palestine, where we had to call up the reserves in order to send out an expedition.
    There appears to be a complete lack of unanimity among leading military opinion as to the exact scope and nature of mechanisation. Surely, that is a most serious situation. How long are we to wait until the Government come down on the one side or the other? In the meantime, some of the units where mechanisation has been decided upon, like the Tank Corps, have been the subject of considerable criticism—not the personnel, not the way in which they are trained, but the type of machines—by the military correspondents of more than one newspaper. I do not want to say anything unfriendly to quarters which are friendly to me and to which I sometimes contribute, but I must draw a distinction between the spirit of complacency displayed by the leading articles in, in particular, two leading Government newspapers and the articles written by their military correspondents. The leading articles say that it is only panicky people, or people who have some personal axe to grind, that seem to be concerned about these matters, and that everything is going on well; but, on the other hand, the articles by the military correspondents show a spirit of real perturbation. I have no doubt that my right hon. Friend is doing all that is possible, but it is not a very large amount, and it is obvious that a very large amount still requires to be done.
    On the question of adequate equipment for the Territorials, what has been said to me by three different Territorial colonels within the last few weeks supports what was said by the hon. Gentleman opposite. He referred to the spirit of the youth of the country. I do not think there is much wrong with it, but I do not know why men join the Territorials when I think of all the difficulties —when I think of the lack of equipment and of the slowness in providing it. I say that with great hesitation, because I know that I may be laying myself open to the charge of attempting to discourage people from joining the Territorials, but it would not be a just charge to make, for I have been a member of a Territorial association for 20 years, and have, like others, been doing everything I can to encourage people to join.

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    It is far more than any question of pacifist propaganda. One great factor which deters men from joining the Army is the question of pay. What are the Government doing? What is the Prime Minister doing, as Chairman of the Committee of Imperial Defence? What is the Committee of Imperial Defence itself doing? I believe that, if you were to ask any general in the Army, whether occupying a big or a small position, if you were to ask any colonel, or anyone else, they would tell you that the low pay is one of the causes of the lack of recruits. The Cardwell system is another. My right hon. Friend casually stated, in an aside across the Table, that an inquiry is going on at this moment. What is its nature? An expert inquiry into the whole question of recruiting ought to be the subject of a Royal Commission. There are dozens of facts which have never been brought out. I can assure the Prime Minister and others that something more is wanted than a mere appeal to the patriotism of young men, without saying that these questions are being gone into to see where the rub is—to see whether it is the case that it is difficult for men to join the Army if it means four of five years in India, if they are prevented, except in certain circumstances, from being able to marry, if it means leaving their homes and coming back without being fitted into India.
    The right hon. Gentleman has said that it could be made into a career, but, of course, that has not been done. The reason why men join the Navy or the Air Force is that it is a career. We hear Ministers saying, as if they had made a great discovery, that the young men of this country are patriotic enough, but the complaint that we have is that they do not go into the real causes. As regards the reserves, I am convinced, as an old member of the Territorials, who joined in 1901 and holds the Territorial Decoration, that one thing that has stood in the way of Territorial recruiting is the calamitous failure of the predecessors of the present Secretary of State for War —my right hon. Friend himself is completely absolved from blame—to make it abundantly clear that, if and when war comes and the Territorials are called up, men will serve in their own units and in no other unit. There is a fear among them that, owing to there being no proper reserves, they will be called upon in
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    the first few months to make up the strength of the Regular Army. That is the question that ought to be dealt with in ministerial speeches. That fear should be done away with if possible, and it should be made plain that that will not be the case. My own association and many others have asked questions on this subject, but have found it very difficult to get an answer.
    Finally, I would make an appeal to the Prime Minister. He has the power, as has no other man in public life in our time, to make an appeal to the British people to make the adequate defence of our own liberty, and that of the Empire and countries outside the Empire, a sacred trust and duty—the personal concern of everyone. I would point out that this is a matter in which every one of us is concerned, no matter in what quarter of the House we may sit. Never has liberty of expression of the right of every nation, and the individuals in each nation, to live their own lives, been in greater potential, if not actual, danger than it is in to-day. In all my parliamentary experience of 30 years I have never seen a more dangerous situation from that point of view than to-day, when the leaders of vast armed, trained and regimented populations are telling the world, not in moments of anger, but as a matter of everyday practice, what they would and could do if they wished. Yet, if one thing is certain, it is that, if Britain and the Empre be peaceful and conciliatory, and at the same time prepared in the last resort to defend alike her rights and her obligations, the vast catastrophe which so many fear will not occur. But I claim that to attain that end the British people need to be impregnated and imbued with a spirit of determination which is still lacking, though it is beginning to be apparent. It is the Government, and, above all, the Prime Minister who can put that spirit into the nation. People talk about giving a lead. Here is a matter in which a lead should be given. I would have him make an appeal on a far higher plane and of a far more extensive character than has yet been made either by the Government or by the Prime Minister.
    6.40 p.m.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: I propose to alter the lines on which I intended to start my speech to-day, after the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham

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    (Earl Winterton). After that speech it will not be necessary for me to say very much against the Minister for Co-ordination, as he is termed, but I must say that I am entirely disappointed with the Minister. I think that the Prime Minister has made a great mistake here —that the Minister whom he has selected for co-ordination is not fit for that job. I listened to him the last time he made a speech on this matter, in which I am greatly interested, because, as I told the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) when he was Minister of Munitions during the last War, one engineer is worth a dozen lawyers. I want to say the same to this House to-night, and I would include, not only lawyers, but politicians. It is the engineer that you have to deal with here.
    I raised the matter with the Minister for Co-ordination on the last occasion, and drew his attention to the wages that are paid now to the engineers on whom he is going to depend—the engineers who have to work to the thousandth part of an inch, the engineers who make it possible for Lord Nuffield to carry out the system which he objects to the Government carrying out, that is to say, the manufacturing of parts in one part of the country and assembling those parts in another part of the country to an accuracy of a thousandth part of an inch. That is no new thing; we have had to do it all along. Beardmores at Parkhead manufacture breech mechanisms which have to be fitted on to guns all over the world, and they must fit to the thousandth part of an inch. That is why I asked the Minister again to give an explanation, but evidently he did not grasp the point, and simply evaded it. The whole House saw the point that I was raising, but evidently the right hon. Gentleman did not see it. My reason for raising it at this juncture is that I think it is better that it should be raised now, instead of having all the trouble which went on during the War, and which was not settled until well on in the War.
    I pointed out to the Minister that he is dealing with the most important thing that has to be dealt with in this country, namely, human flesh and blood—the workers who have to work to the accuracy I have mentioned. You have only
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    to have to work to that degree of accuracy to understand the strain that is on those men. I told the Minister then that the wage paid to them was £3 1s. 1½d., and he denied it. That is the wage paid, not only in Scotland, but in England, and when we were discussing it the employers of labour offered those engineers an increase in wages of ¼d. an hour. We are told that there is no suspicion abroad, but difficulty is being found in getting men to come up to this standard; there is difficulty in rousing men's enthusiasm and patriotism. Certainly there is suspicion; certainly the workers are suspicious of what is going on; they know perfectly well what happened during the last War. They know that individuals made fortunes, that their shares went bounding up. The Prime Minister himself, and Lord Swinton, when he was promoted to be Secretary of State for Air, assured this House, and gave us all the pledges that a man could give, and we pressed him and pressed him in order to try to tie him down, that there would be no individuals who would make money out of this situation. They are making it. I need not mention names but the shares of those who employ the men and women whom I represent have gone up from 6s. 6d. to 38s. 9d. Then you are astonished at the workers not taking all the interest that they might take. I said last time that I would see that the engineers' wages were made in keeping with the tremendous expenditure of energy that they have to make in order to get a decent living.
    Another point that was touched on by the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence was the lack of skilled labour. Again, I have to deny the statement. There is no scarcity of skilled labour. It is true that the skilled labour that they desire is not in a particular place, but there is no shortage of skilled labour in the country. There is no country in the world to-day that has more highly skilled engineers than we have. Our general secretary, Fred Smith, has issued a statement in this month's "Journal of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers" that we have 8,000 unemployed. They are men with families, who are in different localities, and they form their associations in those localities. They are patriotic, not only to their country, but to the locality in which they live and

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    in which they were born. All their associations are there. They are as capable as the best Cabinet Ministers. I have known Cabinet Ministers for years, and they are no more outstanding than the engineers that I am speaking for. It is difficult to get these men to leave their locality and go into another. They cannot uproot themselves. That is one of the problems. Another is the smallness of the wages. The labour can be supplied if the chiefs of the three organisations would go and consult the workers, as they have been consulting the employers during the week-end. If they think they are going to do as they like with the workers, I shall have something to say about it, and so will the workers themselves. They might just as well consult the trade union officials as the employers and managers. The managerial fraternity are no better than we are. I have two sons who are managers.
    This is a serious business. The men in the workshop who produce these aeroplane engines and machines know perfectly well that they are as capable as Cabinet Ministers. We are living in a peculiar age—a democratic age. The workers now know that those who would have been regarded as supermen in the old days are just ordinary. They get large salaries and the workers get a mere pittance and they feel that they are not being treated as they ought to be, and never before was the worker so conscious of his power. We have done our very best to implant a dignity in the worker's mind, and the idea that Jack is as good as his master. I hope those in control will not take this matter as lightly as they have done up to now. They have ignored the most essential item in the whole of their programme, and in my opinion the finest raw material there is in the country—the British worker.
    The Debate started at another angle altogether, and I want to say a word on that. The contributions of the hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. Griffith) to our Debates are always extra good. He always makes a good, clear, reasoned speech. He evidently agrees with our idea of nationalisation. It is four years ago since I raised here the question of the nationalisation of the making of armaments. This is something that I know about. I am going to speak about the firm that I have been in, and it is rotten ripe for nationalization—
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    Beardmores. The case put up against nationalisation is that you would not get the best results. In building up his mighty firm, where did Beardmore get his ideas? Far be it from me to belittle him in any way, but the 7-inch and 10-inch gun was developed at Woolwich at the expense of the Government. By the time Beardmores came to the making of guns, they had gone up to 12 and 16 inches. Woolwich had altered the machines to suit that great development. Beardmore put down an arsenal in Park-head with a complete equipment, with all the improvements that had been made at Woolwich. When the War broke out, Parkhead had the finest equipment for the manufacture of guns that there was in the world. Eight representatives of Krupp's works went to see Parkhead, and I myself saw them deliberately taking notes. Armstrong, Whitworth and other firms of machine makers made their machines from the design of Woolwich Arsenal.
    After the War Beardmore went out, and a new board was formed. Who is on the new board? The Bank of England. Lord Invernairn said to me, "You will have more power in Parkhead now than I have. I have not a seat on the board." It does not end there. He said, "It is worse than that. Who do you believe is going to sit on the board representing the Bank of England? An old friend of yours, a trade union leader, Frank Hodges." I can give the names of all who were on the board of managers. They had as much to do with the manufacture of guns, engines or ships as the man in the moon. We went on manufacturing the guns, engines and ships just the same. All this idea that it is individual enterprise is so much nonsense. Since then that board has gone out. I am not an inner circle member, and I cannot tell you who has nominated the new board, but there is another arrangement. Here is a very able shipbuilder and a very able organiser, but one who has little compassion for the workers—Sir James Lithgow. He commands nearly the whole of the West of Scotland. He walks into this firm of Beardmores. This is the one munition factory in Scotland, and had this factory not been subsidised by the Government it would have become defunct. The Government dare not deny that, and then

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    they talk about private enterprise. Two years ago the then managing director, who again represented the Bank of England and held just that amount of votes that made him dominate the company, told me that Sir James Lithgow was to be chairman.
    The business could have been run by the men who are running it, and this is what we would have done. If we were taking control of any industry we would not put shop stewards—I have repudiated this years ago—in charge because they were good shop stewards or because they were Socialists. We would put the man in charge who had the capacity to do the job, and that is the only thing which would bear with us. It is these men who are running the works now; the others are only supernumeraries who come in and walk away with the profits. I am telling you exactly what the workers are saying, so that you can see what you are up against. You can do what you like with it, you can treat it with contempt, but you will pay the price unless you come to reason. Come, let us reason together. The workers are better educated, better informed and—another thing I want the Cabinet to understand —better organised than ever they were before. The House of Commons has been transformed since the last War. We are here. We are the voice of the workers. We were in the workshop when the last War was on. A complete revolution has taken place, and I want the Cabinet in all sincerity, on behalf of my country, to face this. The workers feel that a new situation has arisen. They see perfectly well that this country can afford to give every man, woman and child in it a comfortable life.
    Talk about the Army and people not joining the Army. How can they be doing otherwise? Who is to join the Army? Nobody knows better than the Minister for War that it is the boys who are unemployed in the streets, the unemployed who marched from Scotland to London, who braved all the rigours of our climatic conditions. Do you think you are going to get men to do that, men whose conditions are forcing them to brave all these rigours, men who are badly fed and clad? Children are starving in this country. Three shillings a week is all that this, the richest and most
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    powerful nation, the wealthiest the sun has ever shone on, can allocate to the children of the people whom they expect to line up and fight their battles. Do you think I would be true to my race or to my class if I were to ask these men and women to line up in defence of the Government? Because that is what it means. Do not run away with the idea that you are going to kid the workers any longer that it is in defence of their country that you want them to fight. You want them to fight in defence of you, in defence of conditions under which they are groaning. It is within the bounds of possibility, if you are willing and in earnest, to put your country first and to put self in the background.
    "Where self the wavering balance shakes 'Tis rarely right adjusted."
    If ever it was true, it is true in this case. Every Member of the Cabinet knows that what I am stating is true, and unless they are prepared to face up to it, they are looking for serious trouble. It will be organised trouble. Some people desire it. I do not. T do not want revolution; I have stood against it all my life. I stand here on behalf of the working class, and on behalf of the engineers in particular, and extend to the Government the right hand of fellowship, but it means that they have to extend the same to us on equal terms, man to man. They are not going to treat us with £3 is. 1½d. a week. How would they like to live on that? They could not do it. The wives of engineers have to try to maintain a family, to educate them, to make them better men and women than they have been on the scandalous wages. It is perfectly true—I have stated it both in writing and on the public platform—that we have made great advances. I can remember that when I first got into Beardmores over 40 years ago, I had to go to the other end of the town, 15 miles away, and rose at half-past four in the morning, and was not home until half-past seven at night. There is a life; it was because we started at six o'clock in the morning.
    That is all changed and everything, I believe, is in keeping with that. The standard of life is much higher, and the workship is not so harsh. No employer would say, as a man said to me 40 years ago, that he had wiped his boots twice on the faces of the engineers, and he

    769
    would do it again. There is no employer who would do that,. I admit that we have made gigantic strides, but the improvements that have occurred in these years are nothing compared with what they should be. If it were not for selfishness—as a nation we are selfish just as individuals we are selfish—there would be no talk on the lines of to-night, and peace would be abroad not only in this land but in the world. We are the heirs of a glorious inheritance handed on to us right down the ages. We are able to produce everything in abundance. We have no idea, if industry were organised for use and for what is necessary, what kind of life we could give our people. We should set out on these lines and be prepared, as I have always been, to extend the right hand of fellowship to an opponent and reason with him—no matter how he knocked me, abused me, or imprisoned me, I have been prepared at the end to extend the right hand of fellowship. Our country, the richest, the most powerful on which the sun has ever shone, should be big enough and generous enough to extend the right hand of fellowship to all mankind, and the Government should be able to extend the right hand of fellowship to the working class in our own country.
    7.13 p.m.
    Captain HAROLD BALFOUR: The speech of the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood), in which he suggested that the Government should seek more co-operation with labour and extended some promise of co-operation, will be welcome on all sides of the House, and I am sure, by the Minister for the Coordination of Defence. It seemed to me that the right hon. Gentleman's speech did not answer fully the two questions which the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) put. The first is: Is the actual expansion programme of the promised minimum air force for this country, an air force of parity with any European country within striking distance of our shores, sufficient to give us that minimum or have the march of European events during the past nine months so altered the situation that even before we are finished with the present expansion programme we should be making arrangements to embark on a still greater programme? That is a question the House of Commons would like to have answered
    770
    by the Government. The second and more particular question is whether the programme for the Air Force expansion is up to the estimated progress in equipment, man-power and buildings. My right hon. Friend the Minister for the Coordination of Defence told us that in respect of man-power he was fully satisfied with the Air Force expansion, but he avoided giving us any statement as to equipment in respect of the quantity of machines available.
    Undoubtedly the programme of 71 new squadrons by March, 1937, has been planned out in respect of these headings of man-power, equipment and buildings, and without giving away any confidential information, cannot the House of Commons have from the Government a statement As to whether we are up to the planned position for November, 1936? Suppose, for example, we were in equipment to be 60 per cent, complete by November, 1936, can we have information as to whether we have exceeded, or are in arrears compared to the position planned in respect of these three headings for November, 1936, for the programme upon which we have embarked? I have made an analysis from this month's Air Force List. It may be that the training is now coming to a peak period 'when there will be such an output that the programme will be completed by the time necessary and specified, but at present I make out that, according to the Air Force List, we have 63 regular squadrons for home defence, of which 16 are quite ineffective in personnel. There are 47 effective home defence squadrons mentioned in the Air Force List, and there are a further 16 which have only partial personnel, and there are eight still unformed, if we are to get to the 71 squadrons by March, 1937. I looked at number 66 Squadron in the Air Force List, which has no squadron leader, no flight commander or flying officers. It has two pilot officers and two acting pilot officers. Number 83 has one flight lieutenant and one flying officer, and 166 Squadron has no personnel at all. That is what 'appears in the Air Force List. While, I am sure, this is all according to planned progress, we would like to know whether the planning is up to the point which he had hoped to achieve by November, 1936.
    The only other point upon which I want to touch briefly is the question, which

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    the right hon. Gentleman rather skirted round, of the Air Force and the Navy. I do not think that any words that any hon. Member uses in this House should in any way, intentionally or unintentionally, increase the difficulties with which these Services are faced with their differing views, but arms expansion in this country cannot be effective so long as this controversy continues, Each day articles are appearing in the newspapers at the present time—propaganda articles on the Air Ministry side and propaganda articles on the Navy side—and anyone who is anxious 'and worried about the defence of this country must realise, as I am sure the Government do, that this must be an inefficient factor in our expansion programme. There is this internecine war which is going on between the two Departments, and I believe that the country is sick and tired of it at the present time.
    Quite irrespective of the merits of the different points of view, there is one positive result from this difference of opinion. I should like the right hon. Gentleman to answer the question as to who is responsible for the trade defence of this country at the present time. It is all very well to say that you cannot define the functions of the Services, as the First Lord of the Admiralty said in a recent speech. It is true that you may not be able to define the functions of the Services, but, at any rate, you should define the responsibilities of the Services. At the present time it is common knowledge that the Navy claim the responsibility, or wish to claim the responsibility, for the trade defence of this country, and the Royal Air Force equally claim to have the same responsibility in certain circumstances. The result has been a sort of compromise formula, failing to satisfy neither Service at the present time, of dividing the seas into "narrow seas" and "wide seas" or "narrow oceans" and "wide oceans," which have not properly been defined. It is common knowledge that the Navy believe in and wish to have aircraft carriers and large numbers of deck flying aircraft, and that the Royal Air Force believe in the large flying boat for which the Navy do not see any great future. It is equally true that the right hon. Gentleman could not get an agreed paper upon any question of Imperial defence from the Air Force and the Navy staffs which did not differ
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    in principles and in suggestions. These differences between the Air Force and Naval staffs are brought out no fewer than four times, if anyone cares to read the report of the sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence on the capital ship. I will not weary the right hon. Gentleman or the House, except to say that I have underlined four different places where that particular difference is stressed. The first is:
    "It may be that the contact between the two Departments is capable of being further developed."
    "The difference between the points of view of the Admiralty and the Air Ministry can however be considerably narrowed down."
    The next one is,
    "The Admiralty view is that there is no reason why the ship cannot be designed to meet air attack just as in the past she has been designed to meet other dangers. These views, of course, are not those of the critics of the capital ship."
    And, finally,
    "To this end the fullest collaboration between the Admiralty and Air Ministry should take place. We do not suggest that anything has been lacking in ingenuity or perseverence in the experiments that have been made, but it is possible that the closer co-operation of the two Services in an attempt to make the experiments as realistic as possible would be fruitful."
    Four times in this report we see that difference coming out, and it must be distressing to everyone who reads it, as it will be to the right hon. Gentleman and every Member of the Government. I repeat that the functions may not be capable of definition but responsibility must. I am sure that duality in responsibility is an impossible thing to continue. The right hon. Gentleman has been having an inquiry into certain relationships between the Air Force and the Navy, but is anybody really any happier? Is either Service any happier as the result of that inquiry? It is deplorable that while the inquiry was on, and just after it finished, the propaganda articles of each side in the newspapers have been intensified and increased in number. My right hon. Friend the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) and the hon. and gallant Member for North Portsmouth (Sir R. Keyes) have particular views upon this subject. I, in my humble ignorance, along with some other hon. Members, have views on the other side. It does not really matter whether I am right or whether the right hon. Gentleman is right

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    provided we get a just, correct and permanent settlement for the good of the country in this deplorable dispute.
    I do not see that as a House of Commons we can allow this expansion programme to continue and pass through our hands conscious of this quarrel which is going on, without taking steps to see that it is ended. It can be ended in three ways. The Prime Minister can say that this must cease, and anyone who directly or indirectly does not obey, whether he be a Lord of Admiralty or member of the Air Council, will have to be a gentleman who is given his orders for departure. That would be one way. It would be a strong line. You might risk the resignation of one of the Air Council or Board of Admiralty. The second way would be to give the right lion. Gentleman the Minister for Coordination of Defence greater power than his terms of reference of appointment at present allow. The third way would be to appoint yet another commission. We have had the Balfour Committee and the Colwyn Committee, and we might now have some form of Royal Commission, with power to hear evidence in secret, and, finally, give a report and decide on this issue. It is not for me to say which of these three ways should be followed, but to put forward the point of view that a final settlement is essential, if we are not to look back in the months ahead and say that we have deliberately allowed our expansion programme to be impeded and inefficient because we have not had the courage to seize upon this particular problem and deal with it drastically.
    7.26 p.m.
    Mr. ERNEST EVANS: The Amendment upon which this Debate was initiated is the one which was moved by my hon. Friend the Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. Griffith) regretting that the Government have not expressed their intention of accepting the recommendations of the Royal Commission. Some of the discussion which has taken place since my hon. Friend, and the Seconder of the Amendment spoke, has proceeded on somewhat different lines, but the interesting thing is that the speeches contain strong confirmation of the demand which is made by us in this Amendment for the adoption of the report of the Royal Commission. The right hon. Gentleman in his speech gave
    774
    but scant notice to the report. He made one or two brief references to it to which I will refer in a moment, but he preferred to anticipate the criticism of those whose names are set to another Amendment on the Order Paper in order to try to satisfy them that the Government were doing all in their power to provide for the efficient defence of this country. The measure of the success of that part of his speech can perhaps be obtained from the forcefulness, if not from the violence, of the language of the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton), who spoke after him.
    The Government have definitely embarked upon a great policy of rearmament. When they first came into office they were in favour of disarmament. Just before the last election they said they were in favour of repairing the deficiencies which had taken place, and now they have gone in completely and wholeheartedly for a policy of rearmament. We were told at the last election that rearmament was necessary for the purpose of enabling this country to play its part in the policy of collective security. I was always a bit suspicious of that argument, because collective security has never been tried yet. The Government say that collective security has failed, but it has never been tried. What has happened every time is that either Great Britain has been asked to do more than it should do under the policy of collective security, or else it has not tried to do the, because it has been persuaded to do otherwise by other countries with which we were friendly. Now quite clearly the Government are embarking upon a policy of rearmament, not for the purpose of enabling this country to fulfil its obligations under a policy of collective security, but for the purpose of supplying it with a force which, in the words of the Amendment in the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Epping, shall secure the peace, safety, and freedom of the subjects of this country. I have no doubt the Government will gain the assent of the House to the prosecution of that policy, but I would remind them that the strength of the country does not in the end depend merely upon the number of your forces, or even the equipment which those forces have, but upon the goodwill and determination of the people of the country in

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    an emergency. If the Government are to get this vote of confidence in them and their rearmament policy the country will expect, in the first place, that the powers which the Government receive shall be made the best use of.
    It is in this connection that I would refer to the part of the Report of the Royal Commission which recommends the establishment of a separate Ministry, whether we call it a Ministry of Supply or a Ministry of Munitions. Clearly, the Commission reports in favour of the establishment of a Ministry with executive powers, headed by a Minister responsible to this House and able to coordinate supplies, the equipment of the Army, and the promotion of the efficiency of the Defence Services. It is in this respect, it seems to me, the speech of the right hon. Gentleman was most disappointing. If I may say so with respect, it was unworthy of the seriousness of the occasion, and unworthy of the duty and debt which this House owes to the Commission. The Commission took a great deal of evidence. It sat under the chairmanship of a man who is accustomed to weighing evidence. They did not come to their decision in any hasty or ill-considered way. They weighed the evidence and came to the balanced conclusion that in the interests of efficiency, which is what the Government proclaim they are anxious to secure, there should be a separate Ministry.
    Captain GUNSTON: If the hon. Member will look on page 53 of the recommendations he will see that a separate Ministry is not mentioned.
    Mr. EVANS: The hon. and gallant Member is trifling with the matter. The obvious intention of the Commission was to recommend the establishment of a body with executive power at the head of which should be a Minister responsible to Parliament. There is no doubt in the minds of anybody except the hon. and gallant Member as to their intentions. On page 43 they say:
    "We think there should be established by the Government a body for the purpose of controlling supply and deciding questions of priority. Such a body should have executive and not merely advisory powers over supply, manufacture, costing and the authorisation of orders from abroad. It should be presided over by a Minister responsible to Parliament."
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    If that does not mean the establishment of a separate Ministry, I do not know how otherwise they could have expressed their intention. The speech of the right hon. Gentleman was most disappointing. He took the line of the advocate. He said: "I do not understand how the Commission arrived at their conclusions. One witness said this and another witness said that." That is the speech which any advocate could make to any jury, to find some disparity between one witness and another, and then say that it is difficult to reconcile the evidence. In view of that the right hon. Gentleman said he could not understand how the Commission arrived at their decision.
    With due respect to the right hon. Gentleman, the Commission were quite as competent to weigh up and balance the evidence as he is. Moreover, the language in which their report is written is such as to show that they were a body of persons who listened to the evidence and afterwards gave their balanced decision upon it. The right hon. Gentleman said that a body of people who are well qualified are now engaged in considering the report. Who are they? We have no indication who are the people who are considered to he so well qualified. Before we can decide whether those people are more qualified to express an opinion than the members of the Royal Commission, we ought to know who they are. How are they going to form their opinion Are they going to receive evidence? In the airy manner of the right hon. Gentleman we are simply told: "There are people who are well qualified who are considering the report." The only other thing that he said was that the Government welcomed the opportunity of considering the report. At a time when the rearmament policy is the major policy of the Government and when the establishment or the non-establishment of a Ministry of this sort is obviously one of the most vital factors to be considered, the Government say: "We welcome the opportunity of considering the report."
    The Royal Commission is not the first body that has advocated the establishment of such a Ministry. It was advocated by the right hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) and other hon. Members who had had practical experience of the supply of munitions during the last War, and who are convinced that

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    for the proper prosecution of war, nr even for the proper preparation of the defences of this country, the establishment of such a Ministry is necessary. If we read the histories that have been written of the last War we find that practically every one of them bears testimony to the inefficiency of the system which obtained for the supply of munitions, and practically every one of them says that in the future the establishment of such a Ministry is necessary. The men who served in the last War say the same thing. The ordinary man in the country is impressed by this crowd of witnesses, all of whom testify to the fact that for the efficient building up of a rearmament policy we need such a Ministry.
    What is the reply of the Government? To use the words of the right hon. Gentleman: "Before we do that we should require the most cogent proof of the necessity of doing it." In other words, they say that they do not think it is necessary. They said that about the position which the right hon. Gentleman now occupies. It was only under the constant persuasive and powerful pressure of the supporters of the Government that they agreed to put the right hon. Gentleman where he is now. I am not sure whether the result has justified the agitation. I would ask the House to consider whether any speech which the right hon. Gentleman has made since he has occupied his present office has left the country any happier in regard to this matter. Why is it that the Government will not do what is suggested, apart from the fact that they say that it is not necessary? One of the remarkable things about this Government is that they say a thing is not necessary, and then they do it, while in regard to other things which they say are necessary they do not do them. I am certain that before long they will say that they agree that this new Ministry is necessary. Why not do it now, when they are starting upon their policy of rearmament, so that it shall be done in a way which, as the report says, shall satisfy the country that the work is being done efficiently.
    The right hon. Gentleman said that efficiency must be the guiding star. There are other stars. There are shooting stars and there are fallen stars. What we want is to make efficiency the guiding star, and if it is to be the guiding star
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    I cannot understand the unwillingness of the Government to accept this recommendation of the Commission, which would not only provide for the efficiency of their policy but would satisfy the country that the Government are in earnest not only in this matter, but in regard to the other major part of the Commission's report, namely, the prevention of profiteering and the right of the country to the best provision to protect our industries in case of war.
    The Government will, of course, receive assent to their programme, but the country will expect that all the powers which the Government receive shall be used properly and not as an excuse for ignoring or neglecting other things which are equally vital to the future of the country and the future of civilisation. A few days ago the Foreign Secretary made a speech in this House in which he said that this country was going again to take the lead. He got that knowledge from a German newspaper. It was a German newspaper which had said that the Gracious Speech from the Throne indicated that this country was again going to take the lead. The Foreign Secretary was delighted to have this tribute from the German newspaper. It was an interesting observation, the use of the word "again," because it was the first time that the Government had admitted what everybody else knew, that Great Britain had lost the lead in European and international affairs. The House cheered the remark, but I could not help feeling that it was somewhat pathetic, and indeed humiliating to think that the Members of this House cheered vociferously a statement that this country was going to resume a position which it ought never to have lost, and which it never would have lost but for the weakness and the vacillating policy of the Government. When the Foreign Secretary says that we are going to take the lead again, I would ask: "Where is he going to lead us?"
    Is it in the policy of armament alone? Does it mean that in future Great Britain hopes to achieve by the strength of arms what it ought to be able to achieve and what it could achieve by the strength of its statesmanship and its precepts? It seems to me a very poor thing for this House to have to cheer. That was only a speech. What is the action of the Government going to be?

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    So far the speeches of hon. Members of the Government do not coincide with the actions of the Government. I could cite many instances. I could even cite the speech to-day of the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence. The Government, as part of its policy of rearmament, is appealing for recruits. The right hon. Gentleman tried to draw a red herring across the path by bringing an accusation against my hon. Friend of saying that the youth of this country lacked courage. He never did, and there is no reason for saying anything of the kind. There is no lack of courage in the youth of this country, nor is there any lack of commonsense either. The youth of this country want to know why they are being asked to join the Forces.
    The Government are in favour of a policy of recruitment, and the right hon. Gentleman pointed with great pride to the numbers of young men who are rushing to join the Navy and the Air Force. Yes, those two services provide a career. But what about the Army? What do you offer to a young fellow to join the Territorial Force? If it had not been for the Territorial Army we should have been in much greater difficulties than we were during the last War. You offer them no inducement in the way of pay and equipment and camps, but send the Secretary of State for War into the country to make speeches. The speeches which the Secretary of State for War is making will not induce a single individual to join the Army; probably they will prevent many doing so who might otherwise have joined. And, what is much more important, the Secretary of State for War is discouraging the men and local patriotic bodies who helped to build up the Territorial Army. They will not continue to do so as long as the right hon. Gentleman is allowed to go about making the speeches he has been making. If the Government get authority to proceed with their policy, these are the things which the country will expect. The Prime Minister knows that perfectly well. It was made quite clear in the speech he delivered at the Guildhall last night, but the spirit which animated that speech is not the spirit which is animating a large number of his supporters. The Prime Minister is right, and hon. Members opposite
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    will do well to bear in mind that a great majority of the people of this country who may now support the policy of the Government are supporting it mainly on the plea that a policy of rearmament is required for the purposes of promoting disarmament and in the end for arriving at peace.
    7.52 p.m.
    Admiral of the Fleet Sir Roger KEYES: Ever since I entered the House some three years ago I have hoped to see the question of the defence of the Empire and the provision of adequate defence forces taken outside the sphere of party politics. It is gratifying to find that my hopes are, to seine extent, now being realised. The vast majority of the people of the country and many hon. Members on the Opposition benches are determined to see that our defence forces are put in order in the shortest possible time. It is also gratifying that a policy which will give security to the Empire and contribute towards the preservation of peace, is giving employment to thousands of men and a number of women in scores of different trades. During recent years the Navy has been going through lean and anxious times, but it is now coming into its own again. There is unquestionably a very definite demand throughout the country for the restoration of our sea power. The White Paper on the "Vulnerability of capital ships to Air Attack" is a most valuable document, and will do much to clear the air. I believe that the strategic side of the question was not within the terms of reference of the Committee, but I am glad to see that they deal thoroughly with it in paragraphs 37, 38 and 39.
    I should like to pursue this question a little further, but time is short and many hon. Members want to speak, and I want to be brief. I should like however to congratulate the Minister for the Coordination of Defence, who has had a good many broad-sides fired at him, and will no doubt have a good many more fired at him, on the clarity of his remarks on this subject, and the excellent fight he has put up for the retention of the battleship. Before I leave that subject should like to remind the House that when Germany first challenged Great Britain's sea power she spent enormous sums of money on great fortifications at Heligoland and the sea ports on her coasts in order to detend the harbours

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    from which her fleet operated. These fortifications were powerful enough to destroy any battleship. But there was never any need for our battleships to go anywhere near these fortifications. The Navy exercised a stranglehold on Germany hundreds of miles away from these fortifications or from air attack from shore based aircraft. The fate of the British Empire may well be settled at sea hundreds of miles out of range of any massed attack by shore based aircraft.
    This brings me to the point I wish to make to-night. While I welcome the Government's decision to put our defences in order, and particularly those in relation to the Navy, I regret that there is no mention in the Gracious Speech of any intention to relieve the Navy of the dual control of its air service, which has greatly hampered its development and efficiency for about 13 years. Although our battle fleet can and will, no doubt, be strategically operated far away from shore-based aircraft, it is absolutely essential that the Navy should possess an Air Force second to none, not only to work with the Fleet, but in co-operation with the ships which are employed in the protection of our trade routes in narrow seas and when approaching harbour. At the end of the Great War the Navy possessed a magnificent force for this latter service. Over 2,000 machines and 50,000 men, working from 40 aerodromes, were employed in the protection of our trade. This organisation simply does not exist to-day and nothing has been put in its place.
    The hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Thanet (Captain Balfour) iemarked that the Admiralty demanded the responsibility for the protection of trade. It is not that the Admiralty demands this responsibility, but that the Admiralty will have to bear this responsibility for the protection of trade should war break out. It is, therefore, all wrong that the Admiralty should have nothing to do with the training and control of the aircraft which are bound to be under their orders when war breaks out. The Navy possesses about 200 aircraft in the Air Fleet Arm, but it is not even allowed to possess flying boats. The hon. and gallant Member for Thanet said that the Admiralty do not want flying boats. We do want flying boats.
    Captain BALFOUR: I did not say the Admiralty did not want flying boats. I said that it was common knowledge that the Navy believed in and wished to have aircraft carriers and large numbers of deck flying aircraft, and that the Royal Air Force believed in the large flying boats for which the Navy did not see any future.
    Sir R. KEYES: The hon. and gallant Member is wrong. The Navy will always want flying boats, but by this system of dual control it is not allowed to have flying boats, Since the Air Force commands everything that flies, except the machines of the Fleet Air Arm when they have actually embarked, the Admiralty have no control over the aircraft in the air coastal areas which must come under naval direction in time of war. When the Navy Estimates were debated last March I quoted a letter from Lord Beatty, written shortly before his death, in which he declared that this dispute between the Admiralty and the Air Ministry, which we all deplore, would never be settled until an impartial inquiry was held by people without political or Service bias, who could take evidence from the Admiralty representatives who were entirely responsible and weigh it against the evidence of the people who set up this system. The Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence had just been appointed, and it never occurred to me that a matter which so vitally affected naval efficiency and the Navy's ability to develop its air service would not be one of the first things to which he would devote his attention.
    Regarding the matter as being sub judice, and having stated the Navy's claims very fully on two or three previous occasions, I refrained from any further reference to it in the Debate on the Navy Estimates. However, it soon became evident that the inquiry which the Minister was conducting into the relations between the Air Ministry and the Admiralty only dealt with minor matters of detail and, presumably, he was not free to touch the main issue, namely, the dual control and divided responsibility of the Navy's Air Service, which had had such a disastrous effect on its efficiency and development. During my absence abroad in the Mediterranean my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) raised this question on 4th

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    May, and made out an overwhelming case against the existing system. Nevertheless, Lord Swinton, in another place, made it clear that he had the Prime Minister's authority for declaring that no alteration in the degree of control of the Fleet Air Arm or coastal area was contemplated. Therefore, I took an early opportunity of restating the Navy's case, and again asked for an inquiry, which was long overdue. Before the House rose last July, when it was clear that the Prime Minister was determined not to grant an inquiry, I returned to the charge and obtained confirmation from the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence that only four minor questions of detail were being considered. I reminded the House that when the Prime Minister announced the Government's decision on the question of dual control of the Navy Air Service in August, 1923, he concluded with the following remark:
    "It is impossible without experience to pronounce a final judgment on these arrangements."
    That happened 13 years ago. As events of those days have a very acute bearing on the situation to-day, I hope the House will permit me briefly to relate what occurred. I was a member of the Board of Admiralty when we were given the recommendations of what was called the Balfour Committee. We were profoundly disturbed, for we knew that the Government were embarking on a dangerous experiment and one which would greatly hamper the development of Naval aviation. We felt it was our duty to the Navy and to the country to make that clear to the Prime Minister, and Lord Beatty did make it clear to the Prime Minister that unless certain amendments were accepted and unless the experiment, which we profoundly distrusted, could be regarded as an experiment, the Prime Minister would have to find other naval advisers. In announcing the Government's decision in the House in August, 1923, the Prime Minister included the amendments for which Lord Beatty had asked, and concluded his remarks with the words I have quoted.
    Five years later Lord Salisbury was called upon to arbitrate on two particular points of disagreement between the Air Ministry and the Admiralty. Those points were settled on a fifty-fifty basis; but at the same time Lord Salisbury
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    made it clear that, in his view, the Fleet Air Arm should ultimately become a special branch of the Fleet, in all respects the same as any other. I have taken those remarks from a letter which Lord Beatty wrote shortly before he died. With this exception, the relations between the Air Ministry and the Admiralty have been entirely governed for the last 12 years by the arrangement which is known as the Trenchard-Keyes Agreement. That agreement was the outcome of a small committee which the first Labour Government appointed, under the chairmanship of Lord Haldane, to implement their predecessor's decision. As I have said, all that happened a great many years ago, when war was regarded as remote; but we are now living in dangerous times and simply cannot afford to drift on from bad to worse as we have been doing. The case against the existing system, which my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping has stated so clearly in this House, and which I also have stated on two or three occasions, has never been answered by anyone with responsibility, knowledge and experience —the sort of experience and responsibility that my right hon. Friend and I can claim to possess. In fact, there is no answer which could satisfy any impartial committee. It will take some time to re-establish the Naval Air Service on the lines which those who are responsible for Naval efficiency and the exercise of sea power consider essential. The majority of the Navy's machines are obsolete, and do not meet its requirements. The question of reserves is causing great concern; casualties are bound to be heavy; and yet, for some years, the Air Ministry have arbitrarily declined to train our splendid petty officers as pilots, although they have sent noncommissioned officers of the Royal Air Force to our ships to fly our machines.
    Rear-Admiral Sir MURRAY SUETER: Does the hon. and gallant Member want to break down the Royal Air Force, and to have a separate Royal Naval air force and a separate military air force—that is, three separate Forces?
    Sir R. KEYES: In reply to the hon. and gallant Member, I might use the words which a former Prime Minister used so often—"Wait and see." I have never claimed that there should be

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    three separate air services, but I do claim that the Navy should have an air service of its own.
    Sir M. SUETER: Will the hon. and gallant Member answer my question?
    Sir R. KEYES: That is the answer. As for the other part of his question, he can wait.
    Colonel BALDWIN-WEBB: Is the hon. and gallant Member urging that we should have the same system as obtains in America, where there is an entirely separate naval air service?
    Sir R. KEYES: Yes. I thank my hon. and gallant Friend for his intervention. I might add that the American air service is 100 per cent. ahead of ours, and that is because the naval air service of the United States Navy, has been allowed to be developed in the Navy and by the Navy. France tried the system of a unified air service and abandoned it: the French navy now has its own machines and flying boats. Those who worked so hard in the past to deprive the Navy of an Air Service and the Government which imposed the system of dual control—and the present Government which has turned a deaf ear to the Navy's demands for a Naval Air Service —will bear a very great responsibility if war comes before the Admiralty is in a position to build up the Air Service which it considers necessary for the work of the Fleet in the protection of trade. I have frequently pressed for an inquiry. Much valuable time has been wasted, and during that time we very nearly drifted into war. Responsibility in war cannot be divorced from administration and control in peace time, and we simply cannot afford to drift on.
    The Navy is amazed at the patience of the Admiralty. The Board of Admiralty no doubt relied upon the late First Lord to insist on its demands being considered and re-examined. He knew very well that the Admiralty was thoroughly dissatisfied with the existing conditions, as is the whole Navy but it seems that he entirely failed to impress that upon the Prime Minister. An impression is being put abroad—it has been stated in several newspapers recently—that solutions of points of administrative detail are being reached, that the Navy is again to be told to accept a compromise and that the status quo is to he continued. I can assure the House that
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    the Navy will be profoundly shocked if the Admiralty accepts that decision. I wonder whether the present First Lord—I am sorry he is not here, but I hope my remarks will be repeated to him—has succeeded in impressing upon the Prime Minister the gravity of the situation and the magnitude of the failure of the experiment. The Navy is well 'aware that the First Lord of the Admiralty is one of the individuals primarily responsible for the unhappy state of affairs to-day. He has a great opportunity of righting that wrong. The eyes of the Navy are upon him, and his reputation in the Service which he has the honour to represent in this House will stand or fall upon the success or failure of his efforts in this matter.
    I came into this House with one object, to fight for naval security, the efficiency of the Navy and the contentment of its personnel. Those three things are bound up in the question of the dual control of the Naval Air Service. My friends and I have tried in every possible way to bring home to the Prime Minister the gravity and urgency of this matter. In view of the fact that I was one of the Sea Lords who loyally carried out the system of dual control, on the strength of the statement of the Prime Minister, in August, 1923, and that I was to a great extent responsible for the existing arrangement which has lasted for 12 years, I think I can claim that the unfortunate experiment should now be terminated, or that the inquiry for which Lord Beatty asked shortly before he died should be granted. But inquiries take a long time. In the meantime is the Navy, which is spoiling to get on with the work, to drift on with pinioned wings? There is a solution for this problem. Thanks to the initiative and foresight of my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping, the Admiralty built up the finest Air Service in the world and controlled it until the end of the War, and it will have to control all naval aviation if war comes again. The Air Ministry are fully occupied in carrying out their present immense programme of expansion and their many commitments abroad. Is it too much to ask the Air Ministry to hand over to the Navy all naval aviation? If they did so now with good grace and in a helpful spirit it would enhance their prestige throughout the country and allay very profound anxieties.
    8.15 p.m.
    Mr. BELLENGER: After listening to the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for North Portsmouth (Sir R. Keyes) I can sympathise to some extent with the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence. It must be obvious to the House or to the few who are left in the House at the moment that there are great difficulties in deciding on the merits of the Naval issues raised by the hon. and gallant Member for Portsmouth. The House will have observed that, even on those issues, our squadron of Admirals in the House do not see eye to eye. I am not in a position to argue the technical issues which have been raised by the hon. and gallant Member. He is far more qualified than I am to deal with the Service but the special pleading which he made to-night concerns I suggest only a, part of the problem which this House has to face. We are concerned with the defence of our country and as the right hon. Gentleman referred this afternoon, to the protection of British interests, it would be useful if those interests could be adequately defined in relation to the whole problem of the nation's defence and the peace of the world, There is another issue too besides that which we are now debating. That is the issue which was raised by the First Lord of the Admiralty in a speech at Geneva. I suggest that the provision of sufficient defence forces for this country will not, of itself, in the long run, ensure peace and security for this country.
    In listening to the speech of the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence I was struck by the smug complacency of his remarks. He gave us a lot of figures in regard to the work of his office but they were entirely inadequate. As the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) said, they were of the nature of soothing spirit and the country does not want soothing syrup—it wants the facts. If the facts are as serious as we are led to believe they are by a colleague of the right hon. Gentleman, namely the Secretary of State for War—who in speech after speech has warned us of the imminence of danger to the country and its interests—then we ought to know the facts, and, if we are to understand this problem thoroughly, we deserve something more than we got in the speech of the right hon. Gentleman
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    to-day. One aspect of this matter with which I wish particularly to deal is the question of recruiting. The Noble Lord the Member for Horsham struck a note which appealed to me. I am an ex-service man and the Noble Lord is one, and there are many others in this House, and although it has been alleged against the party to which I belong that we are not seriously concerned about the defence of our country, I submit that many of us—the majority of us—on these benches, especially those who fought and suffered in the last War, have a very great concern for the future of our country and the adequacy of its defences.
    It has been suggested by previous speakers, as I suggest now, that the Secretary of State for War is not going the right way about securing the recruits he desires. At one moment he is browbeating those on whom he is calling to serve in the defence forces; at the next he is acting as a kind of wet nurse to the Army. He is introducing conditions which those of us who were recruits in the old days never experienced. I do not suggest that modern recruits should have to undergo the conditions which some of us experienced when we enlisted in 1914. It may interest the House if I recall one of my own experiences in those days. When I first enlisted we were not even provided with knives and forks and I was compelled to eat my food, such as it was, with a pair of nail scissors which I happened to have with me, and my fingers. I am not, of course, suggesting that we should go back to those conditions. When we hear talk about the lack of equipment to-day and when the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence tells us that everything is rosy in his Department, I beg leave to doubt what he says.
    There is another aspect of recruiting which I wish to bring to the attention of the Secretary of State for War. Tomorrow we shall celebrate the 18th anniversary of the Armistice. Noble sentiments will be expressed by all sorts of people all over the country. The best recruiting agents for our Army to-day would be those who served in it during the War or their dependants. But I know from my own experience, and every hon. Member must have had similar experiences, that there are many ex-service men and dependants of ex-service men who have been so scurvily treated, following on the last War, that to-day they are

    789
    advising the young people not to join up. Recently I investigated a case in my own constituency of a wife, now a widow, and her three children. The husband enlisted, as I did, voluntarily in the last War. He was wounded, as I was, in that War. Parenthetically I may remark that I was wounded by a British shell which had been sent to Russia and returned to England via the Western Front. Perhaps they were Beardmores shells, but at any rate they were British. This man was invalided out of the Army with, I think, a 90 per cent. pension amounting to 36s. a week. He existed—that is the correct word—for 18 years in terrible agony and recently passed away.
    I spare the House a recital of the sufferings which this man endured. He had married after the War, and although there are King's Regulations and Acts of Parliament which prohibit a widow from getting a service pension, if the marriage took place after the War, we must realise that some of the wounded men who survived the War wanted to be happily married and to have their own homes and were entitled to get married just the same as any other members of the community. At all events, this woman has now been left a widow. She has no right to any service pension, and to-day she exists on the charity of the public assistance committee. I submit that that is not the way to treat the dependants of those who served the country faithfully in the last War and it is certainly not a good recommendation to those who are being asked to-day to join the Army and who, as the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence tells us, will be called upon to serve their country abroad in the same manner as their predecessors in the last War.
    I do not wish to make a long speech on this matter. I think a far more important aspect of the question is that to which the Mover of the Amendment referred. Unfortunately the Debate has swung from the lines on which he initiated it. But we on these benches who advocate the duty of the State to the individual must as a matter of logic realise that the individual has a duty to the State. I realise it, and in speeches in my constituency I have emphasised, and shall continue to do so, that the individual to-day has his duty to the State. It may be said that at a certain period of the individual's existence—I
    790
    do not know whether the appropriate time is now or when the danger becomes more urgent—he has the duty to defend his country against aggression, from whatever sources it may come. If we look abroad to-day none of us can be satisfied with the state of the world, and we have to realise—and the Government should realise it too—that there are great dangers there. When you consider the modern Germany—and I am not picking out Germany as the only danger —when you have nations as virile as the Italian nation is to-day, when you have those 8,000,000 bayonets which the leader of Italy talks about, it is obvious that we must be prepared to meet any danger, from whatever source it may come. We know where those dangers are to-day. I regret some of the fiery speeches made by some of the leaders of those nations. Only on Sunday I listened to a speech made by the leader of Germany.
    Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER (Captain Bourne): The hon. Member seems to be impinging on foreign affairs, which is not in Order on this Amendment.
    Mr. BELLENGER: I will endeavour to keep to the narrower limits of the Debate. The dangers which exist to-day are self-evident, and therefore I consider it is the duty of all parties in this House to treat this matter as far as possible on non-party lines. That is why I am prepared to do my bit, it may be only in a humble way, to help my country to be ready—ready only for any aggression against us, but for no other purpose whatever. When the right hon. Gentleman talks about British interests, let him define what they are, and, then we shall know how far it is necessary for the unlimited programme, because that is what it seems to be, of the Government today in rearmament. My concluding remark is to the Secretary of State for War, who perhaps on some occasion might change the name of his office and make it one more conducive to peace. Let him bear in mind that different tactics are necessary if he is to get the desired number of recruits and the sympathy and help of Members on this side of the House.
    8.28 p.m.
    Mr. CARY: I am sure the hon. Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Bellenger) will forgive me if I do not follow him in the

    791
    interesting points that he raised, particularly as I have an Amendment on the Order Paper dealing with another aspect of the subject of this Amendment to which I hope to refer later. There are two matters which have been raised by Members on the opposite side. One, since the House reassembled on Tuesday last, has reference to the fear that in two or three years' time, at the end of this programme of rearmament, this country is going to be plunged into the most appalling industrial slump. I would remind those hon. Members that it is quite possible that, following the present rearmament programme, they may find this country seeking means whereby a great replacement programme may be undertaken. I need hardly quote to the House the speech of the Minister for the Coordination of Defence on 20th July last, when this House was in Committee and the whole question of the production of machines was raised. The Minister then put before the House that it was in our favour that the present rearmament programme had not been started until the present time, and that had it been started two years earlier, the equipment of, say, the Royal Air Force would by this time be more or less antiquated.
    I need hardly point out the enormous impetus that has been given to the inventive capacity of the armament firms. Again, one could go down to the Institute of Patent Agents in Chancery Lane and there find, almost daily, a fresh registration of some device devoted to the business of war. I think you will find throughout the world in the next two or three years that there will be an enormous impetus given to the inventive capacity of the armament firms, either in the form of a new kind of gun or of a new type of light engine for aeroplanes. Therefore hon. Members opposite must not depend too much upon the belief that in two or three years' time there will be an industrial slump, because the probability is that there will be an even greater programme of replacement than the present programme to repair our own deficiencies.
    As was pointed out by the Minister on 20th July last, and again to-day, there is throughout the country general satisfaction with the programme of naval re-equipment and expansion, but I think
    792
    there is also grave uneasiness in regard to the re-equipment of the Army and the expansion of the Air Force. The Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence at Gosport two or three days ago dealt, firstly, with the deliveries from factories and, secondly, with recruiting for the Army. In the case of the deliveries from factories, he hoped that he would see written over the door of every factory, "As much as possible and as soon as possible." I will give him a better slogan than that to put over the door of every factory, in the single word "Efficiency." Speed is quite useless in any type of factory unless they have the requisite amount of efficiency, and just as you may slow the speed of a battleship by weighting it with armour, so you must slow down the production of a factory if it does not contain the requisite amount of efficiency.
    There is one other point that I would like to deal with, raised by an hon. Member on the opposite side, namely, the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood), when he talked about skilled labour. I heartily agree that there is still in this country an abundance of skilled labour. Particularly in my own county of Lancashire there is still an enormous number of semi-skilled and skilled men who could he usefully employed in this new scheme of defence. Wherever I go I hear the average industrialist complain that he cannot get skilled labour. Nailed to the door of his factory is an advertisement of some kind crying out for skilled hands. I suggest to the Government that either through individual industrialists, or through county associations, or through trade unions, they will find, in such a county as Lancashire, an enormous amount of skilled and semi-skilled labour that is waiting to be tapped and waiting to be brought into this scheme. It is the problem of the workshop that they have to provide more at the moment for the question of man-power than for gun power and the production of machines. In the Services themselves, in the Navy and in the Air Force, it is adequate, but in relation to the regular Army it is grossly inadequate.
    I suggest that you want at the present time to bring the regular Army up to its proper strength. You want, not the man, as you so often had in pre-war

    793
    days, who through social misfortune or necessity had to seek the King's shilling; to-day you want the clerk and the mechanic who, with a first-class secondary education, is in search of useful employment. That is the type of man that must be attracted into the Army to-day. We have to create not merely a small professional army waiting to be sent to any part of the Empire, but a cadre which can be rapidly expanded on the outbreak of war into a great national force. If some readjustment could be made in the field of recruiting, if the older system of recruiting could go and could be replaced by some healthier scheme of recruiting which would be more suitable to our time, we might find the ranks of the regiments rapidly filling up again. I think that the standards are still far too high. The last War proved conclusively that it was not necessarily brawn that made a good soldier. To-day we require wits much more than brawn. That a man may have moderate eyesight or bad teeth is neither here nor there, for that may not prevent him being a marksman with a rifle and an excellent machine gunner.Merely to think in terms of the barrack square is now a little out of date. I suggest that the standards, such as they are at the moment, may be lowered, because there are many able men who would submit themselves for a test to join the Army if they did not have this awful fear of rejection, and we should bring into the forces a whole section of intelligent able citizens, although a little undersized or suffering from some physical disability, who are now kept out.
    With regard to the new uniform, is there a great deal of difference in the average battalion which parades to-day for active service and the battalion that paraded in 1914? With the exception of the tin helmet, there is not a vast amount of difference. What has happened to the new uniform? We heard a lot about it two years ago, but it seems to have been shelved. I should like to hear a little about what may happen in the future as to the clothing of the Army.
    May I turn to the question of the production of machines and of aero engines. One can have the figures of personnel but not the actual figures of machines. I would like to bring this point to the
    794
    attention of the House. I know that it is a bad fault constantly to judge future war by what happened in the last war, and I know that comparisons with 1914–18 are odious. I would like, however, to point out in relation to the Air Force that the machines of all types that were included in the equipment of the Royal Air Force in November, 1918, consisted of 22,171 air frames and 37,702 engines. The numbers at the present time can approximately be arrived at from the Government's statement in the programme of defence, but, apart from that, one must consider also the number of pilots that we had at that time. In November, 1918, the pilots on the active list in the Air Force numbered 8,500, and at the present time the number is 3,750. I suppose that for immediate purposes we could call upon a reserve of approximately 1,250. That means that in the first month of hostilities the use of 5,000 pilots would be available. I should like to ask whether in that first month we would also have available the use of 12,000 to 15,000 air frames and possibly 15,000 aero engines. Is the production of air frames and aero engines being planned on that basis?
    With regard to the siting of the armaments industry, it is at the moment being plastered on to the motor manufacturers; in other words, it is being given to Birmingham and Coventry. I suggest to the Government that it would possibly be better in the interests of the country if the distribution were scattered on a far wider basis. Instead of having a single chain production or a duplicate or a triplicate chain production, in one centre you could place beyond the Pennine Chain in Lancashire possibly a complete unit chain to produce air frames and aero engines. We could have another section in the centre of England at Birmingham and Coventry which would be doing the same thing, and, if necessary, we could have much the same system completing a triplicate chain in the southwest corner of England.
    Another major point is the appalling fear that comes from the use of the fast stream-line bomber. This country is invadable by the fast stream-line bomber, and it is obvious that in London we must, experience an intensified form of air bombing and air attack. If the Port of London is to be so intensively bombed,

    795
    and if the docks at Southampton and Dover are to be bombed, the Government should take all steps to give facilities for importation and storage to other dockyards on the West coast. May I point out a passage that occurs in a book, "Imperial Military Geography," which deals with the general characteristics of the Empire in relation to defence. On page 78 I find this significant passage in relation to the Port of London:—
    "Lastly, the outstanding part which the Port of London plays in the whole framework of distribution must be borne in mind. Seven great dock systems which are under the Port of London authority deal with 70 per cent. of the meat, 35 per cent. of the petroleum, 27 per cent. of the wood and timber, 44 per cent. of the wool, 56 per cent. of the rubber and 45 per cent. of the sugar imported annually into the United Kingdom. In all, they handle about 35,000,000 tons of imports and exports, or about one-third of the total oversea trade of this island. An attempt to transfer this immense volume of traffic to other ports under the pressure of wartime necessity would be liable to dislocate the whole transport supply system of south-east England."
    What steps are being taken by the Government to provide the necessary facilities on the western side of England in view of the enormous volume of imports that come into the Port of London? Representing as I do the great county of Lancashire, may I suggest that no better alternative could be found than the Port of Liverpool, and if cold storage has to be built for the importation of meat, possibly no better port could be found than the Port of Liverpool and the banks of the Mersey. I know that I shall suffer the gibe that I am doing a little constituency log-rolling and that I want to see my part of the country get the lion's share in everything, in the equipment of machines, and in all that goes to the making of a great and satisfactory plan of national defence.
    I have put down an Amendment drawing attention to what I regard as the considerable amount of skilled labour as yet untapped in the county of Lancashire, and factories as yet unused, and the possible production of the lesser things, apart from engines and machines, which will be required, such as hutments through the Quartermaster-General and all the supplies which will be needed by the Director of Ordnance Services. I am not asking that Lancashire as such
    796
    should have the lion's share, but that it should have its fair share. May I say, in conclusion, that I think the Debate to-day has shown that there is at least unity of opinion in the field of national defence, and that I sincerely hope that in the no great distant future, even in this Session, we may have the same unity in the field of foreign affairs?
    8.46 p.m.
    Vice-Admiral TAYLOR: I propose to deal with the subject of the Naval Air Arm, which has already been referred to by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Portsmouth North (Sir R. Keyes), because I feel, in reference to the Government's rearmament scheme, that there is no subject to which they could devote themselves, with greater advantage to Imperial defence generally, than the creation of a Fleet Air Arm which would be both efficient and sufficient for the duties which it will be called upon to perform in time of war. At the outset I should like to say, categorically, that no well-informed man can deny that if efficiency in the Naval Air Arm is to be achieved, it must be an integral part of the Fleet, and, further, it must be completely under the control of the Admiralty. I should like—and I make no apology for doing so—to go somewhat into the detail of events leading up to the amalgamation and the results which have accrued from practical experience in the working of the scheme.
    It is well known that during the War there was serious cut-throat competition between the Royal Naval Air Service and the Royal Flying Corps over the supply of materials, and also in matters of design and personnel—but particularly in regard to material. This question was practically settled by the Cowdray Board. The real reason for the formation of the Royal Air Force and the amalgamation of the Royal Naval Air Service and the Royal Flying Corps was that it was necessary to have an organisation to counteract the air raids on this country, particularly on London. The Air Board, having once been formed, became the centre of interest in air matters, and out of that board grew the Air Ministry, to become the Air Ministry as it is to-day. The Smuts Committee of 1917 was really responsible for the creation of a separate Air Ministry, and it is important to remember that the specific

    797
    purpose of its creation was to counteract the air raids on this country. The amalgamation was, in point of fact, a political matter, and I suggest that the real requirements of the Navy in respect of the Fleet Air Arm were sacrificed to considerations of the necessity for dealing, during the War, with the air raids on the country.
    Since the creation of the Royal Air Force there is not a shadow of doubt that successive Boards of the Admiralty and Commanders-in-Chief of the Fleets have been profoundly dissatisfied with this dual system, and have not ceased in their endeavours to regain control of their own air arm, but so far without success. At the time the amalgamation took place—my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Portsmouth, North, has already referred to it, but I repeat it—there was under the complete control of the Admiralty no less a force than 2,800 air machines of all kinds, with a personnel of 55,000, and from 40 to 60 aerodromes scattered about the coast—no mean force. What has the Fleet Air Arm got to-day? It has 217 sea-borne aircraft—not one more, and that number includes the aircraft provided for in the 1936 programme. The few squadrons which it is possible to create with this limited material have to be confined absolutely to Fleet work, nothing outside it for the defence of trade in the approaches to the narrow channels or on the high seas. There are aircraft, a, totally inadequate number, under the Air Ministry for dealing with that aspect of the matter, but though they are working in co-operation with Naval units not a single man of the naval personnel is in those flying boats, not one; they are all manned by Royal Air Force personnel. What do they know about the work from the Naval point of view? I regard that as a deplorable state of affairs.
    I should like to deal with the matter of material under this dual system. One of the advantages always claimed for the amalgamation was that it would do away with cut-throat competition, accelerate the delivery of aircraft and increase efficiency generally. That is what was confidently hoped, but the practical results have shown that the Admiralty have not always received what they required from the Air Ministry and that the delivery of the machines has always been deplorably slow. That is an indisputable
    798
    fact. In short, things have been the exact reverse of what had been expected. The Air Ministry have endeavoured to work on the principle of standardising types of machines, and I do not say that is wrong, but instead of building machines specially to Admiralty requirements they have, in cases, taken one of their standardised machines, altered it, added something here, and taken away something there, and thus created a hotch-potch machine in their endeavours to meet the requirements of the Admiralty.
    The natural and inevitable result of that procedure has been that the Naval Air Arm has received machines with a decreased efficiency and a sacrifice of performance, and they have not come up to the standard of requirement of the Admiralty. The Fleet Air Arm and the Navy in general have had to be satisfied with machines which were of a lower type than the requirements laid down. No hon. Member could consider that position satisfactory. I understand that the deplorable practice of taking a standardised machine and altering it has now been largely rectified, and that types of machines are being specially built to meet Admiralty requirements, but it has taken the Ministry longer to deliver some of these specially made machines than it takes the Admiralty to have a battleship designed and built—some seven years. That is hardly a satisfactory state of affairs.
    This shows the difficulty which the Admiralty have experienced in the past, in obtaining what it requires in time of peace. In war time, however, there will be the additional and very real danger of the Fleet being deprived of its Air Arm because there happens to exist a temporary crisis elsewhere; important operations may have taken place on shore where there has been great wastage and destruction of planes and pilots, from the personnel of the Royal Air Force. To justify that suggestion I would remind hon. Members that the Fleet Air Arm is regarded officially as an integral part of the Royal Air Force, and was so alluded to by the Prime Minister some two years ago. That was a most serious statement for the Prime Minister to make. If the Fleet Air Arm is anything it is an integral part of the Fleet, and unless the efficiency of the Fleet is to be sacrificed,materiel and personnel cannot

    799
    be removed from it, whatever the cause may be. The Navy might just as well be called upon to surrender the guns of the Fleet because there is a shortage of guns on shore.
    This danger to the Fleet Air Arm, a very real danger, of being crippled in war time because materiel and personnel upon which it relies have been diverted from Naval use to meet an urgent crisis elsewhere, applies with equal or even greater force to the supply of care and maintenance artificers for the machines. Most of them are Royal Air Force ratings and are not Naval ratings. It should be possible for hon. Members to visualise a situation of great wastage ashore in which the Royal Air Force would be forced to refuse to comply with the demands of the Admiralty, with regard to the care and maintenance artificers.
    So far as materiel is concerned, this amalgamation and dual system of control have proved disastrous to the Fleet Air Arm, and I submit that it will inevitably break down and become impossible in time of war. As regards personnel, whatever the argument may have been in 1918 for the amalgamation of these two flying services, the existing system, whereby all naval officers who fly have a dual commission and hold two ranks, one in His Majesty's Navy and one in the Royal Air Force, being at one time under naval discipline and at another time under Air Force discipline—being, in fact, asked to serve two masters—is a most unsatisfactory compromise. That is the position, and I unhesitatingly say that even a naval officer, who, in most circumstances, can come up to the scratch, is unable to satisfy and efficiently serve two masters.
    So unsatisfactory has this question of personnel proved to be in practice, that the Admiralty have great difficulty in obtaining sufficient naval officers to volunteer as pilots. There is a shortage of naval officer pilots to-day, and the shortage is increasing. So far as I can see, the shortage will continue to pile up, notwithstanding the fact that flying in all its forms has a particular attraction for the young man of to-day. Seventy per cent. of the pilots of the Fleet Air Arm are naval officers, and they ought to regard that branch of the Service as offering great promise for their future in
    800
    their own Service; but it does not do so. Flying officers in the Fleet Air Arm, belonging to the Navy, are not satisfied that their chances of promotion are as good as those of their brother officers in other specialised branches of the Navy.
    Suppose that a naval officer joins the Fleet Air Arm and is not promoted in the Royal Air Force. His flying career will soon come to an end, and his failure to get promoted, quite possibly due to no fault of his own but due to the intense competition in the Royal Air Force, will not, I submit, add to his chances of promotion in the Royal Navy. There is not a shadow of doubt that the Fleet Air Arm is very unpopular, under the existing system, among the officers of His Majesty's Navy. That is a deplorable condition of affairs, but it is true. The remaining 30 per cent. of the pilots are Royal Air Force officers, and they, not unnaturally, regard service in the Fleet Air Arm as a sort of side-show. It is not at all popular with them; that also is an undeniable fact. Therefore, so far as officer pilots are concerned, we have the unpopularity of the existing system among both the officers of the Navy and of the Royal Air Force. Can any hon. Member agree that that is a condition of affairs which should be allowed to continue?
    The Balfour Declaration is understood to have guaranteed to the Admiralty that. all the Royal Air Force officers detailed for work with the Fleet Air Arm would spend four years with the Fleet, but, as a matter of fact, they seldom spend more than two. I believe it is a fact that the Admiralty consider that it takes four years for Royal Air Force officers to make themselves efficient in Naval work. They have then reached the point at which they are of real service to the Fleet which has trained them. What unfortunately happens is that, at the end of two years, which is half the amount of training laid down for the Royal Air Force officer, they may be despatched to any part of the world. They are taken away from the Fleet Air Arm and sent anywhere over the world. They are lost to the Navy; they are lost to the Fleet Air Arm; they are not there in an emergency, and there is not a shadow of doubt that they would not be sent back again to the Fleet Air Arm if war broke out. What a waste of effort; what a waste of time;

    801
    what a waste of efficiency, in all of which the Navy suffers.
    With regard to this matter of pilots, I wish to refer to a question which has already been referred to by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for North Portsmouth. Up to the present time the Air Ministry has absolutely declined to allow naval petty officers to qualify as pilots, and yet the Air Ministry does not hesitate to send non-commissioned officers to pilot naval machines in naval aircraft carriers. That is an astonishing position. As a naval officer, I consider that it is a direct insult to that magnificent body of men, the naval petty officers. The naval petty officer is a man who has proved himself to be above the average. He is a man who is efficient from a seamanlike point of view, a man who can take charge, who has initiative. He has to pass a high educational standard before he can be promoted to petty officer, and I have yet to learn that the naval petty officers are in any way inferior to any non-commissioned officer. That, however, is the position. I can only say, as a naval officer, that it disgusts me to think that the Air Ministry has adopted that attitude. There is not a shadow of doubt that under Admiralty control they would welcome naval petty officers qualifying as pilots for their machines. They would be satisfied that they would be efficient, and, apart from that efficiency, these naval officer pilots, unlike the Royal Air Force officers, who are sent away from the Fleet Air Arm, would always be there if they were required. I think that the case for the Navy to have 100 per cent. of the pilots in the Fleet Air Arm naval is unanswerable.
    I would like now to deal with the operational side. I am sorry I am taking so long, but I feel very keenly on this matter, and it is most important. One of the principal objects of our Imperial defence is the safeguarding of our trade routes; in other words, the security of our shipping in the narrow and on the high seas from enemy attack. Up to the advent of the Air Arm, this duty had to be entirely carried out, of course, by His Majesty's Navy. Now, with the coming of the Air Arm, it will work in co-operation with the ships of the Navy, and will be most effective in doing so. But, although this is a naval matter, the
    802
    responsibility for ensuring that there are sufficient aircraft of the proper type for this specific purpose lies entirely with the Air Ministry. The protection of trade routes and merchant shipping by utilising the Air Arm is not the function of the Fleet Air Arm as at present constituted; it is vested in the Air Ministry so far as every type of shore-based aircraft is concerned. It is an Air Ministry responsibility; and, in addition, no practical measures are in being for their efficient operational control.
    I would remind the House, in connection with these shore-based aircraft, that there are no naval ratings whatever in the flying boats; they are all Royal Air Force ratings. Nor has the Admiralty any authority whatever as to the manner in which the Roal Air Force personnel working in flying boats in conjunction with the Navy are trained. Everyone, of course, knows the immense value of aircraft in the defence of merchant shipping. It is essentially a naval matter, and during the War the Admiralty utilised some 600 aircraft. To-day the Admiralty do not possess one single flying boat, and flying boats are a most important type of machine in the protection of merchant shipping from attack. Flying boats under the control of the Air Ministry only work with His Majesty's Fleet on very rare occasions, instead of being in constant touch and co-operation with the units of the Fleet, as they would be quite naturally and obviously if they were under the control of the Admiralty. For efficiency in this most important work of safeguarding our shipping, constant practice is the chief essential. To-day it is conspicuous by its absence; it is not there. The operations of the Navy and of the Air Force, so far as the local defence of sea approaches to ports and focal points is concerned, are so inextricably interwoven that a common organisation is essential.
    Aircraft and surface craft must work in the closest co-operation and control. It is impossible in this matter that the movements of ships arising out of the reports of aircraft sent out on patrol should be under the Air Force. The Air Force cannot order His Majesty's ships to sea because of a report made by one of their aircraft that an enemy cruiser or an enemy ship has been sighted. It is quite possible that the first report from an aircraft on patrol telling the authorities that

    803
    an enemy vessel has been sighted may be only the prelude to a much stronger force behind, and it is quite possible that the first report of the sighting of one ship or two ships may lead ultimately to a major operation of the Fleet. It is obvious that the movements of ships consequent on these reports cannot be under the control of the Air Ministry, and, therefore, it follows that the local defence of ports and focal points, so far as their sea approaches are concerned, must be completely under the control of the naval authorities.
    From what I have said, I think it must be quite clear that under the existing system a most vital factor in the security of merchant shipping at sea is almost completely unprovided for — a most serious position. If our merchant ships cannot rely on security, we cannot continue a war, we cannot continue to live. It is most vital that we should give proper security to, and that proper arrangements should be made for protecting, our merchant shipping from attack at sea. I suggest that this serious omission from our defence system must be made good without delay, and that that can only be done by providing the Admiralty with flying boats and any other aircraft that they may require to co-operate with naval forces in the defence of shipping at sea.
    The Admiralty must also have vested in them the sole and undisputed control of their organisation, training and operation. There should be no question about it whatever. I do not know which Minister to ask. Who is responsible? What force is there, not only in narrow waters but in the various most important. focal points which are scattered about the trade routes all over the Empire? Have any defence arrangements for merchant shipping with aircraft been made at all? What are they? The system in force to-day, such as it is, just works in spite of and not on account of the system because of the loyal co-operation of the officers in the two Services. In war-time it will be found to be impossible. Controversy must inevitably break out as to whether the war is mainly Naval or mainly Air. The supply of pilots and materiel would once more form a constant bone of contention between the Admiralty and the Air Ministry.
    Experience has shown that the present dual system of control is a failure—I put
    804
    it no higher than that—and no modification of details will affect the broad principle at stake. To tinker about with details is no good at all. When the original measure was brought before the House, it was clearly stated by the Prime Minister that experience would be necessary in order to prove whether the system was good or not. We have had that experience. We have had quite enough of it. The matter calls for immediate decision. The Admiralty of every other great naval Power in the world takes exactly the same view with regard to their Naval Air Arm as the British Admiralty does, and in the case of the United States and Japan, which have far and away the most efficient Naval air arms in the world, infinitely greater than ours, the complete control of the Naval Air Arm is vested in the Admiralty.
    It is not conceivable to my mind that the Air Ministry, with the immense expansion of the Air Services—they will go on expanding—and the enormous responsibilities which they already have to bear, can possibly undertake, in addition to their own duties, others which are essentially Naval and which they are not qualified to undertake because they do not know Naval work. It is not their job. Everyone must know what a tremendous advantage it would be to Imperial Defence and to the Navy and what therefore both would gain by the change. What. would the Air Force lose? Is it only a question of amour propre? If so, such a mater should not stand for a moment in the way of Imperial Defence. I suggest that the Air Ministry should agree to this change, which is vital to our Imperial Defence. Finally I would ask, is it satisfactory to the Government that this canker should eat into the heart of the Navy, undermine its efficiency and foster growing ill-will between the two great. Services?
    9.21 p.m.
    Lieut.-Commander FLETCHER: I listened to the speech of the Minister for Co-ordination with the greatest attention and interest. It was of necessity long and of necessity packed with figures, and it is impossible to reply to it in detail without careful study. While the right hon. Gentleman was speaking there were signs that it will receive that careful study from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill),

    805
    and it will be, no doubt, very faithfully dealt with by him on Thursday. I thought the speech contained what I should describe as a great number of very rotund platitudes, but the main criticism I have to make is that it was a speech which dealt with the question of supply. It was the speech of a Minister of Supply, although the Government decline to appoint such a Minister, and it did not deal at all with strategic questions. In one small instance it approached strategic questions, and that was when the right hon. Gentleman threw over that celebrated dictum of the Prime Minister, that our frontier is the Rhine, and restored the Channel to its old position in that respect.
    The right hon. Gentleman spoke of the long, lean years when no provision at all was made for Defence. I am never able to understand the story of those years, when no provision was made, because this House has been voting supplies for the Services year after year arid, if no provision has been made, what has been done with the money? It is very satisfactory to hear that recruiting for the Navy and Air Force is good, because the reason ascribed is that the conditions of service of the Navy and Air Force are good, but I noticed how very quickly the right hon. Gentleman skated over the question of recruiting for the Army, which I think must be due to the fact, brought out in speeches from hon. Members opposite, that the conditions of service in the Army, especially in India, are not equally good.
    The Minister claims to be speeding up our preparations for Defence. The truth is that he cannot speed up beyond a certain point, because the White Paper lays down that all these preparations for Defence must be governed by the ruling factor of creating minimum interference with our normal industrial life. That being so, there cannot be that tremendous speeding up which the Minister indicated. He said we cannot turn the country into a vast munition camp. He did not go on to explain how he is going to compete with other countries which are transforming themselves into vast munition camps. It is obvious from his speech that he has no idea of what sort of war he is preparing for or what the function of each of the three Services will
    806
    be in the event of such a war. The First Lord was equally contradictory in a recent speech at Southampton, which showed that he also has no clear idea of what are the separate and relative functions of the Navy and the Air Force in the event of war.
    What emerges from these two speeches is that at this moment and in the event of war there is no single competent authority in this country to say what warlike action shall be taken. In wartime events will move very fast and we have only divided and differing authorities. We can be quite sure from his speech that the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence is not allowed to encroach on the independence of the three Services. I do not think that anyone, having listened to his speech, could envisage him as overruling the very dogmatic heads of the three Services. He himself seems to be terrified of encroaching on what they conceive to be their prerogatives, The Prime Minister, as we know from his speeches, is opposed to central control and is still of the opinion that the Committee of Imperial Defence gives us all that is required in that direction.
    About the Estimates for the three Services it is noticeable that the tendency is to spend most of the money on the Navy and the Army. They appear to get the lion's share, although it is the fact that the importance of these two Services wanes with every advance in the air. With every development in the air the importance of the Navy and Army recedes, and London, after all, is incomparably the greatest air target which exists in the World. Within a, quarter of a mile of Westminster Bridge you have everyone of our national controls, financial, military, political and Imperial, yet in spite of that there is still no co-ordination of the three doctrines of war at present held by the Air Ministry, the Admiralty and the War Office, and no combined exercises on any adequate scale are carried out. All this being so, one cannot help wondering what it is the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence is engaged in co-ordinating. I have said that the importance of the Navy and Army wanes before each successive advance in the Air. We know that the Admiralty and War Office have always been blind to the importance of the Air. They were blind to it before the War. I believe it is a fact that in

    807
    their turn both the War Office and the Admiralty turned down the Wright Brothers. These two departments still appear to be wedded to pre-war power ideas. Yet it is surely obvious that in another war the air must be the decisive factor.
    Since 1918 the Navy has had pretty well the lion's share of the money that has been voted. They have spent £1,000,000,000 since 1918. Yet last year, after all that expenditure of money, the Prime Minister broadcast to the country that the Navy was not equal to the responsibilities which might face it in the Mediterranean, where we happened to be in a preponderance of four to one. They are now rebuilding the Fleet. They only held an inquiry into the vulnerability of the battleship from the air in 1936, and they held it after, not before, they had ordered two battleships. Moreover, that inquiry was held only in response to pressure in this House. It was not held on the initiative of the Service chiefs. It was held only very reluctantly and in face of pressure from this House. Battleships take years to complete and air developments may render the two battleships which are being built obsolete before they are completed.
    In 1935 the War Office laid it, down as official doctrine that "we can no longer rely entirely on the Navy to protect this country against invasion or against raids which might paralyse our national life." But the White Paper in 1936 speaks of the Navy as "assuring the very foundation of our system of Imperial Defence." Who is right—the War Office or the White Paper? By which do the Government stand? One thing we certainly know about the Naval side of the late War. It did not take the form which the Admiralty had expected or prepared for. They had given us a Fleet which was not able to force the enemy to decisive action or protect our shipping. Yet here to-day in 1936 we are building exactly the same type of Fleet that was found unable to perform these two functions in 1914. The next naval war will be against our shipping again, but it will be against our shipping from above as well as from below. Yet we can get no answer about what is being done to protect our mer-
    808
    chant shipping, and those auxiliaries without which the Fleet cannot remain in being, against air attack.
    I notice that the Minister for the Coordination of Defence is concentrating his ideas on a war of endurance. The quotation he made from a speech by the right hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) this afternoon shows that his mind is still revolving around the idea of a war of endurance. I find that most people now think that we shall not be faced with a war of endurance, but of the knock-out type, and a war which will be decided by the forces existing at the time when the war breaks out, and not decided, as the last war was, by forces which we built up and improvised after the declaration of war. If that is so, surely it would be common sense to spend most of the money we have to spend on defence on that arm and those weapons which will give the quickest results in war? After all, the essence of war is attack, and in the last War we saw that both the Navy and the Army were very powerless to attack. They had not the power to attack or force an issue. The one weapon which can attack is the Air weapon. The Air weapon has the power to attack, so I should imagine that common sense pointed towards spending the bulk of the money available for defence on the Air weapon and not on the Navy and Army. Our resources may be vast, but we have to husband them.
    The last armaments race began in 1907 when Income Tax was is. in the £ and the National Debt was just over £700,000,000. We begin this new armaments race in 1936 with income Tax at 4s. 9d. and the National Debt ten times what it was in 1907. War in future will be war which concerns every individual. Every individual in future will be concerned as a participant.
    I advise people to be very shy indeed of supposing that those in charge of our fighting Services are any more capable of preparing the nation for war or for conducting a war than they were in 1914. The illusions under which we entered the war in that respect in 1914 were very sadly shattered indeed. The fact is that Service chiefs attain the positions that they hold by virtue of 40 years' of stainless orthodoxy, and that being so, it is not very likely that they will be particularly receptive of new ideas.

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    The right hon. Gentleman the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence expressed his great confidence in youth and in the response that they will show to the clear call which he proposes to utter to them. From what I hear from youth on this subject they seem to feel that the Government are muddling us into a war for which all the wrong preparations are being made by the Service chiefs. If that is what is in their minds, I am afraid that the call of the Minister for the Coordination of Defence is not going to be a very clear call at all. I think that his trumpet is giving out a very uncertain note indeed, and while that is so the country will remain confused and perplexed and will by no means respond in the spirit of which he spoke this afternoon.
    9.37 p.m.
    Mr. AMERY: Before I touch upon some of the important points raised by the hon. and gallant Member for Nuneaton (Lieut.-Commander Fletcher), I should like to refer for a moment to the original issue raised by the hon. Gentleman the Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. Griffith) the mover of the Amendment, namely, the recommendations of the Royal Commission, and in particular the recommendation on which a good many hon. Members have already spoken today that there should be, to use the words of the Royal Commission, a
    "controlling body presided over by a Minister responsible to Parliament having executive power in peace time and in war time for the supply and manufacture of arms and munitions."
    I confess, like many hon. Members of the House, that I was disappointed by the reply which my right hon. Friend the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence gave. I do not think it is enough to say that the Commission did not give a precise outline of the kind of body which it wished to set up. Clearly, that is a matter for the Government to decide, and the Commission, in the evidence which it included in its appendix, at any rate furnished two or three alternative suggestions as to the way in which it might be done. More than that, the essence of the recommendation does not lie in the particular scheme, whether it be the Addison, the McGowan or the Geddes scheme, whether the body set up is executive or advisory—those two functions tend to overlap a great deal
    810
    in practice—but whether there is to be one Minister retained for that work or not. It is full time work for any one man.
    The essence of the question raised today, and which the right hon. Gentleman has not answered, is whether this immensely important function of co-ordinating the whole supply of munitions at times of urgency like the present is work that can be done in the spare time of the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence Policy. That raises another question, and it was the question to which the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Nuneaton addressed himself. The functions of the Minister for the Coordination of Defence are so immensely important that clearly they cannot be exercised effectively in the spare time of a Minister of Munitions and Supply. That is the point upon which my right hon. Friend the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill), and a good many of us have concentrated again and again within the last year or two, and have been continually put off by the reply that the Government do not see the urgency of the case. I venture to say that in this matter, as in so many other matters, the necessity which is, first of all, pooh-poohed by the Government, eventually gets recognised, after "the locust has eaten the years," by those who speak on behalf of the Government.
    It is to this immensely important question of the effective co-ordination of our Departments and of their different doctrines about war, to which the hon. and gallant Member referred just now, that I wish to address myself. Surely, there is no question more vital than that, because, after all, you can to some extent catch up deficiencies in supply. But if your whole organisation is fundamentally wrongly directed, if it is organised for wars which you are not going to wage, and is not organised for wars which you are going to wage, no afterthought, and no previous haste in the production of the wrong sort of supplies will set the situation right. The question which has exercised a great many people very seriously is whether the Minister who is normally responsible for the co-ordination of defence policy has to-day either the time or the authority to carry out his proper duties.
    More than one hon. and gallant Member this evening has raised the

    811
    question of the Naval Air Arm. It is a question of immense and urgent importance, because the whole efficiency of the Navy may depend upon it. Personally, I agree in the main with the conclusions of my two hon. and gallant Friends. But I respectfully suggest that that is not the real issue. The issue is that here is a question which, above all others and before all others, ought to be entrusted to the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence Policy, who is the impartial authority responsible to the Cabinet for that type of question. We understand that he has been warned off the course, and that he is not to be allowed to settle it. If that is so, I venture in all humility to suggest that either the Government do not consider him fit to settle that question or they do not take his appointment seriously—one or the other. In connection with the relations of the Navy and the Air Force, there is another very important question upon which more than one hon. Member has touched, namely, the responsibility for the protection of commerce in narrow waters.
    Beyond that I do not believe that there is any very great issue on the respective functions of the Navy and Air Force. But there are issues of immense and transcendent importance, affecting not only our whole organisation but our foreign policy, in connection with our ground forces to which, if I may judge by the speech of my right hon. Friend or by the White Paper which the Government have published, no real attention has yet been given, and on which this country, which is only too ready to follow the Government in organising better defence, if it knows what the policy of the Government is, has not been given any clear lead.
    Let me take the definition of the task of our ground forces as given in the Government White Paper. It says that there are three main functions. They are garrisons overseas, the military share in home defence, including anti-aircraft defence, and, lastly, "a properly equipped force ready to proceed overseas wherever it may be wanted." "A force."What kind of force, and what size of force? One division? Ten divisions? One hundred divisions? We are not given the slightest indication.
    812
    "Properly equipped." Yes, but equipped for what kind of war and for what purpose? This is one of the most vital issues of our defence problem, and upon it we have no shadow of guidance. Clearly, there are at any rate two main types of task to which an overseas force can be devoted. One is the taking part with the mass armies of the Continent in a campaign in Western Europe. The other is the very different kind of campaign, with armies of varying size, that we may have to wage at any time either within the confines of our own Empire or in various regions overseas as part of some greater war. This latter type of army we must have in any case. The necessities of Imperial defence compel us to have forces available to send to any threatened point at any moment. But it is a very important question to ask: Must we have the other kind of army? Must we wage land war in Western Europe as a necessary part of our international obligations? In the last War we had to do so because we had no other way of redressing the balance which might otherwise have fatally gone against our Allies. The operation of our Navy was far too slow to help them. Even so, our help would have been utterly vain if it had not been for a whole variety of circumstances, that are never likely to occur again, which gave us months and years in which to create an emergency land force of the same type as the great continental armies of Europe.
    The hon. and gallant Member who spoke last said, very truly, that the next war was far more likely to be decided by the forces in existence at the outbreak of the war than by any improvisation that could be slowly created afterwards. That is the position. Shall we he given time again to create an army to play any effective part in deciding a struggle on the Continent? We have not got that army to-day. We have not even got an army comparable to that splendid little force, in many respects superior to any army on the Continent, that we had in August, 1914. To-day, not only in numbers but in equipment of every kind we are lamentably inferior to the armies on the Continent. I venture to say, looking at the recruiting situation as it is in this country to-day and the attitude of our people towards the prospect of taking part in mass warfare

    813
    on the Continent, that there is no possibility of getting an army comparable to the Continental armies and fit to place alongside of them in war without conscription. Are the Government prepared to face that? If not, they should reconsider the whole question of how we are to co-operate with other countries in the discharge of our international duties or for the protection of our own security.
    There was a very interesting article in the "Times" the other day on this question, from which I will quote only one sentence:
    "We go on professing to maintain the object and we do nothing to create an army that will fulfil it. Meanwhile, we allow Continental prepossession to prejudice our whole organisation."
    Very true words. What is more, that Continental prepossession is a very serious obstacle to recruiting. Our people are essentially individualists. They love, if they have to fight, the kind of fight that means adventure, that means individual skill, the kind of fighting that the Air Force or the Navy give, and which our old traditional wars gave them, and not wars of mass slaughter. What we did in the late War may have been necessary but it was something essentially repugnant to the whole character of our people and it has left memories that are very deep-rooted.
    I should like to quote a sentence from a remarkable work just published by a Member of this House, my hon. Friend the Member for Altrincham (Sir E. Grigg):
    "Our people will do anything in an emergency but they will never again commit themselves by any advance commitments to offensive mass warfare in Europe, and it will only make military reorganisation impossible to insist that such commitments are indispensable."
    A very powerful statement. Yet if we have commitments on the Continent we have to-day a weapon which was not in our possession in]914, the air weapon, which, as the hon. Member opposite said, is going to play a decisive part in the wars of the future. Not the only part, the land force will still be essential. But the Air Force is going to play the principal part, the decisive part, especially in the early days of the struggle. We are committed, I understand, to building up an Air Force which shall be equal in every respect to any Air Force within reach of us. Are we sure that we are making that pledge
    814
    good? That is a very essential question, and I do not know that we have yet received a satisfactory answer. If we do make the pledge good, and if we have an Air Force as strong as that of any combatant in Europe then, surely, the intervention of that Force—and it can intervene within the first hour of the war—must be strong enough to turn the scales in any contest.
    The other day in introducing the Army Estimates the Secretary of State for War said that if we declared that we were only going to intervene by air, or that we only pledged ourselves to intervene by air, it would create despondency on the part of those depending on our support. Why? Surely, our air assistance which ex hypothesi is equal to at least 100 per cent. of their own air force, must be more to them than the addition a few weeks later of a land force amounting to 3 or 4 per cent. of their land force, with the contingency of another 3 or 4 per cent. coming along a few weeks or a few months later, when the whole war may have been decided. Surely, from the point of view both of recruiting and of effective contribution to the Continental war if, as the hon. Member opposite says, our financial resources are not unlimited, then we must make quite sure that we have an Air Force that will play a decisive part in such a combat, and let us devote the organisation of our land forces to tasks which they have to fulfil in any case, and for which there is no alternative.
    We certainly want overseas forces very different in character, in organisation and in numbers from those required for a war in Flanders. We want, in the first instance, a small force permanently mobilised and available to be sent at any moment to centres of disturbance in the Empire where quick intervention is often infinitely more important than subsequent intervention on a large scale. My right hon. Friend spoke as if we had such a force. We have not. By mobilising our reserves, to the laughter of Europe, we scraped up something like a division to send to Palestine. If by any chance that had not been quite enough, where should we have been? Can anyone say that the recent troubles in Palestine are the only troubles that we shall have in the Middle. East, or in some part of the Empire? We want a

    815
    small force of something like two divisions always available and situated where it can be most strategically effective. My own suggestion would be that one division should be kept here and the other somewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean, in Cyprus or Palestine, where it could be most readily available for despatch in any direction. We also want for our purposes a larger force of, it may be, four, five or six divisions. In a long war the number might have to be extended.
    There may well be, in fact, there is certain to be in the next 20 or 30 years somewhere in the Near East, the Middle East or the Far East a critical situation when a land force of one or two divisions will not be enough, but where, on the other hand, we shall not want to enlist the whole manhood of this country. Over and above that we want additional reinforcements in our Colonial garrisons in peace time. Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Palestine, Aden, Singapore, all want strengthening not only in anti-aircraft defences but in ordinary troops. Incidentally I believe that we are making a great mistake in our recruiting methods if we ignore the value we can get out of local forces whether in Malta or Cyprus, or those splendid Assyrians who gave us such excellent service in the past, and whom we have requited so ill. We could get real value for our defence in these various garrisons.
    The force we want for these overseas purposes is a force that the existing Cardwell system cannot give us. I have spoken more than once on that question, and I will not delay the House by going into detail. The system cannot give vs what we need, in the first place because it was organised to create only one sort of army on mobilisation, an army which is a mere by-product of the linked-battalion system, and bears no relation to any strategic purpose whatever; and, in the second place, because it is a system which is so unjust to the recruit that it kills recruiting. While the system is very convenient for the War Office it takes away a man during the best years of his life, and does not let him go back in time to get into employment alongside his fellows. On the other hand it does not give him a career. One of the reasons why the Guards have no difficulty in getting recruits is their short-term service,
    816
    and the Navy have no difficulty in getting recruits because it gives a career. The right hon. Gentleman is entirely mistaken when he says that the Army offers a career.
    On the Army Estimates the Secretary of State for War said—and there is something in it—that the best recruiting sergeant is the contented soldier, the happy warrior, as he called him. But the worst enemy of recruiting is the unhappy ex-warrior, the man who feels that having been in the Army has wrecked his career. We shall never get a satisfactory system, not even by improving leave conditions, until we touch the fundamental problem, namely, the conditions of service which you are prepared to give to recruits. I think the problem may be solved in the main on the lines Mr. Arnold Forster once attempted to solve it—a short service Army, enabling those who want to go into civil life to go back in plenty of time to have a chance with their fellows of employment, and thus creating a large reserve, and then a smaller long-service Army for oversea garrisons with a further permanently mobilised force at home. That is a suggestion which deserves serious consideration, and I hope what the right hon. Gentleman said about the Cardwell system in his speech means that consideration will be given to it now.
    Entirely separate, and no less important, is the question of our own home defence against air attack. Nobody can deny that it may be a terribly serious thing, and if we are inadequately provided for defence it may be so serious as to destroy our hopes of further resistance within the first few days or weeks of the war. The danger arises, not, I believe, from the terrorising of our civilian population. The courage of our people would, I think, be unbroken whatever happened in that way, and I do not believe that our enemies will ever have half enough aeroplanes and bombs to be able to devote them to the purpose of terrorism, and away from the much more urgent task of going for the material and equipment upon which our fighting forces and the life of our civilian population depends. Their whole object will be to cut the sinews of our fighting strength and paralyse our civilian life. For that reason they will concentrate on the central government, the docks,

    817
    railway stations, bridges, warehouses, waterworks, railways, gas-works, and stores; and the danger of their succeeding would depend directly upon the fact whether there was or was not some measure of defence prepared.
    No measure of defence will stop aeroplanes coming over, but the accuracy with which they can inflict damage is reduced to the merest fraction the moment there is an effective resistance. That means that, apart from the balloon circle round London, a most excellent idea, and apart from any zone of intense coastal defence, we have to provide for the defence of every vital vulnerable point. That means the provision of anti-aircraft artillery and highly skilled equipment for the more important points, and for the rest apparatus for smoke-screens, anti-aircraft machine guns, provision for dealing with gas and fire, as well as also small ground forces to deal with the possibility of small forces being dropped by parachute in their neighbourhood.
    The point I wish to make—and I think it is a point of vital substance—is that for the purposes of overseas warfare, in territories with a sparse population and a shortage of transport, we want above all an army of quality, a relatively small army, because mobility is everything and quality is everything. For the purposes of defence against air attack we cannot have mobility. No organisation that we can create can move from one point to another as quickly as an aeroplane, so we must have each vulnerable point protected on the spot. That necessarily means large numbers of men. The right hon. Gentleman talked about two divisions of the Territorial Army being devoted to anti-aircraft work, one in Southern England and the other to anti-aircraft work in the Midlands. You will want 10 divisions of Territorials to almost every county! You are not going to deal with This problem with half a Territorial force. You have to reckon on a force of between 500,000 and 1,000,000 men before you can possibly deal with this particular problem. On the other hand, if does not follow that you want the kind of force you would use in a war on the continent or elsewhere. It is a force which does not necessarily require uniforms or parade drill, or formation into brigades and divisions and all the other paraphernalia. of mobile war. It should be an organisation
    818
    like the Navy, based on the unit that has to be defended, based directly on the station or the munition factory. If you do that, your task is enormously eased in many respects. For one thing, you need not in war time mobilise men away from their work; they can go on doing their work until the very last moment when the alarm rings; they can carry on their work as Nehemiah described the work of rebuilding Jerusalem was carried on:
    "For the builders, every one had his sword girded by his side, and so budded."
    That would be the best practical organisation for dealing with this very difficult problem. More than that, I believe it is the only kind of organisation that would be adapted to the psychology of our people.
    I do not believe there is the slightest chance of getting the numbers required for anti-aircraft defence by enlisting men in an enlarged Territorial Force of the present type. That enlarged Territorial Force is wanted for many purposes; but something over and above that is wanted, something much more flexible, much simpler—something that makes a much more direct appeal to a man's desire to defend his own work and his own home. Unless you do that—and, perhaps, even if you do that—you will not get away without some form of compulsion, of universal service for the elementary task of actually defending a man's home on the spot. The Royal Commission recommended that, when it comes to a struggle for existence, industry should be conscripted. There should no longer be unfair discrimination in favour of the employer and the man who stay at home over the employer and the man who go abroad. If you have got to have that, then you may very well parallel it with the equal duty of taking part in the defence of the industries by which they live and the homes in which they live.
    If I may, I should like to summarise in a sentence or two what I would throw out to my right hon. Friend as a suggestion of a feasible way of dealing with the problem of our ground forces. First of all, we should decide that in a continental war we shall give all the help we can in the air and make sure it is effective, but not attempt again—at any rate not pledge ourselves again—to intervene with ground forces. Secondly, we

    819
    ought to build up by long service a highly-trained army skilled in every form of effort that can contribute to military success, beginning with the rifle and machine gun, passing on to artillery work, learning how to do mechanical transport work, learning, if necessary, how to ride on a pony or a camel or move about on snow on skis—really handy men, as handy as the Navy has ever turned out. Behind that we should have a Regular Army on short service, enabling its men to go into ordinary civilian life and build up a really large Reserve Force. Behind that, for home defence, we should have an effective first line Territorial Force. Behind that again there should be a local Defence Force organised essentially on local lines and as far as possible on non-military lines. If I might use a parallel, I would say on fire brigade lines. That might, I believe, meet the problem of our ground Defence, which cannot be ignored, for it is an essential complement of the work of both the Navy and the Air Force.
    I put forward these suggestions not because I think that is the only possible scheme or the best scheme that we can adopt, but in order to indicate to the House the kind of problem with which we are confronted, and the kind of complete reorganisation that is necessary if we are to be secure. I hope the calamity of war may be averted for all time, but it is equally possible that it may come upon us at any moment. I believe the nation would stand behind the Government in any reorganisation—however far-reaching, however great the sacrifices demanded—if they felt that the Government had really faced the problem as a whole, had probed it to its foundation and were themselves communicating that enthusiasm and passion in their task which alone will inspire the nation to follow. It is leadership that we want, and I confess, with my right hon. Friend the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton), that when I listened to the speech of my right hon. Friend the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence, I did not feel that there was much of the spirit that would lead a single man to make a sacrifice for his country. There was regret over the years that the locust hath eaten, but as regards the present a certain, perhaps it is too much to say complacency, but at any rate a certain lack
    820
    of clear vision or the consciousness that clear vision is required. I confess that the Debate so far has left me anything but encouraged. I only hope that the speech which my right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty is to make will give me and the House that encouragement of which we are so sorely in need if we are to communicate it to our constituents outside and get the support of unanimous nation in face of the terrible dangers which at present confront us.
    10.14 p.m.
    Sir S. HOARE: The Government have welcomed this Debate, and they have particularly welcomed the atmosphere in which it has been conducted. We have heard a number of thoughtful and well-instructed speeches, but the significant fact about them is that no speaker has questioned the gravity of the situation and no speaker has questioned the need for rearmament. Let people outside this Chamber note that fact, and particularly let foreign countries note it. Criticisms have been made and suggestions have been offered: the Government resent neither the one nor the other. We are glad to hear the kind of suggestions that have been made this afternoon, and I was particularly glad to hear the suggestions just made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Sparkbrook (Mr. Amery), who always speaks with great knowledge and authority upon questions of defence. So far as I am concerned I will try, I hope at not too great length, to deal with the greater part of those suggestions and criticisms. I say to the House at the outset that, naturally, I shall approach those which do not concern my own Department with some diffidence. None the less, I will try to deal with them, for I feel sure that my Service colleagues will agree with me that, while individually responsible for our own particular Departments, collectively we are responsible for all the Departments represented in the Government and for each others' policy.
    Let me begin with the criticisms that have been made against my own Department. I note with some satisfaction that they have not been numerous and that they have not been formidable. The hon. Member for West Middlesbrough (Mr. Griffith), who opened the discussion in a very interesting and attractive speech, criticised one of my speeches. I expect

    821
    there are a great many things in most of my speeches that are open to criticism. But let me at once disabuse him of any feeling he may have had in his mind that we were following this programme of rearmament for its own sake, and were not closely regarding the course of events in the world at large. What I did say at Margate, and what I repeat now, is that if there are discussions upon disarmament and the reduction of armaments, they cannot begin upon the status quo. They cannot assume the weakness of Great Britain and the British Empire. Let them by all means start at the proper time. We should all like to see reduction of armaments. But when the question is discussed it must be discussed upon the basis of a proper standard of security for this country and the Empire.
    The hon. Member made a criticism about the committee that has been appointed to advise the Admiralty upon difficult questions connected with contracts, and he quoted the fact that the committee has seldom met. That is perfectly true. It has not had more than one or two meetings, and for this reason. The Admiralty system of costings is well-established. It is surrounded by a number of excellent checks. The costs can be checked by the costs of corresponding work in the dockyards. As far as we can judge, no very new and difficult questions are likely to arise. When, therefore, I presided at one of the opening meetings of this committee and discussed the question of their activities with Sir Malcolm Robertson, the chairman, and the members of the committee, we all agreed that they should be called together only when an actual difficulty arose. That we have already done in one case and the committee gave us very valuable assistance. We are going to call them together for another and bigger case connected with the question of armour. The fact is that even though the committee has not had more than one or two formal meetings, Sir Malcolm Robertson has been in very close touch with the Admiralty and authorises me to say that so far as he and we are concerned, the arrangement is working as we always intended.
    I pass from that question concerning the Admiralty to the old and difficult question of the Fleet Air Arm. I was embroiled in that question for seven
    822
    years of my life in the early days of aviation. I suppose that no one in this House realises better than I do the complexities of the problems connected with it. On the one hand, there is the passionate belief of the Air Force in the unity of the air and in the distinctive character of the Air Arm; on the other hand, there is the equally strong conviction of the Navy that, however important it may be that there should be a Fleet Air Arm in the field of air strategy, in the field of naval tactics the control of sea-borne aircraft is as essential to the efficiency of the Fleet as the control of naval guns or naval torpedoes. How, Sir, can these two divergent views be reconciled? So far the attempt has been made to find the least objectionable point of contact between the two Services. Somehow or other, there must be a point of contact between the Navy and the An Force. Have we found the best? That is the question, and I feel sure that no hon. Member would expect me, who, in the nature of things, must be a partisan on one side or the other, to impress my opinion upon the House this evening. Suffice it to say that, despite some of the criticisms made in the course of the Debate, the question is very much in the minds of the Prime Minister and of the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence, and perhaps most of anyone in the Government in my own mind.
    I pass from the Fleet Air Arm to the questions that are raised in connection with the so-called controversy between the bomb and the battleship, and let me, in two or three sentences, make the position clear. We do not worship big ships as such. We were anxious to reduce the size of battleships. We did our best, by international agreement, to make a reduction possible. We failed. We feel that we could not run the risk of having ships substantially less strong than the ships of other great naval Powers. Secondly, the committee came to the view that of all warships battleships are the least vulncrable; that is to say, that if aircraft made battleships obsolete, a fortiori they made much more obsolete every other type of ship in the Fleet. Thirdly, the committee took account of the fact that, however powerful aeroplanes may be in the narrow seas, over four-fifths of the seas of the world they cannot operate. That being so, the committee unanimously reaffirmed, not because they were anxious to bolster

    823
    up the status quo, but because they were convinced by the evidence which they received, the need for battleships in our naval programme.
    It is incorrect to say as the hon. and gallant Member for Nuneaton (Lieut.-Commander Fletcher) said a few minutes ago, that we gave the orders for the new battleships before the committee had reported. We did no such thing. It is incorrect to say, as he said just now, that the Admiralty was driven reluctantly into this inquiry. The Admiralty welcomed this inquiry, and I say, on behalf of the whole board, that we welcomed the chance of an impartial decision on one of these great questions of strategy. Thirdly, it is incorrect to say, as some hon. Member said in the course of the Debate, that the Air Ministry had been the critics on the one side and that the Admiralty had been the defence on the other side. As a matter of fact, the greater part of this report, indeed, the whole of the conclusions were agreed to by the Air and Naval staffs. That is a very satisfactory fact, and I hope that we shall see it in future inquiries that raise these great questions of Imperial defence and the relations between any of the Services.
    I pass from these observations on my own Department to the criticisms and the suggestions that have been made about the other two Departments. Let me begin with a word or two on the questions that have been raised about the Army. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Sparkbrook raised a number of important questions in the speech that he has just delivered. I am sure that we have taken note of all of them. Let me, however, deal shortly with one or two of them. He raised questions about the so-called expeditionary force. I should prefer not to call it an expeditionary force. I would rather call it an all-purposes force. If we call it an expeditionary force it presupposes, think, too much the assumption that everything is going to proceed exactly as it proceeded in 1914. That is an assumption to which I certainly should demur. What we are engaged in forming and equipping is an all-purposes force of five divisions that will be able, as the right hon. Gentleman suggested just now, to go anywhere and to carry out whatever responsibilities may be imposed upon it.
    824
    Let me say to him that the situation differs materially from the situation in 1914. Then there were in existence definite commitments. There was actually a plan agreed between the French and British General Staffs. In the present case there are no such commitments. We should have to judge the situation when it arises, and my own view is that we would be unwise to make either affirmative or negative commitments as to how or where we are going to use this all-purposes force.
    A number of questions were asked about recruiting and the causes that have led to the unsatisfactory results. Here again I speak with some diffidence. I would have thought that to say that the only two reasons that have impeded the progress of recruiting are the Cardwell system and the question of pay were not sufficient. I am inclined to think that there are a number of reasons, and I can assure hon. Members that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State has looked into the position and is, I understand, making proposals to remove whatever obstacles are removable.
    Earl WINTERT0N: Will my right hon. Friend answer the question which I asked? It is not clear from the interjection which the Secretary of State for War made during my speech whether there was a regular inquiry proceeding into these matters and, if so, whether the results of the inquiry will be available to the House?
    Sir S. HOARE: My Noble Friend, I understand, directed his question specifically to the Cardwell system. My right hon. Friend authorises me to say that an inquiry is going on into the Cardwell system and possible alternatives. At present it is being carried out by experts. I do not think my Noble Friend will expect me to give a pledge as to what action we shall take when the inquiry is finished. I am sure that my Noble Friend knows better than anybody that to change the whole system of service in the Army raises a number of difficult issues, and, as he will know better than anybody in the House, it raises a number of issues with the Government of India; but I can assure him that it is a very serious inquiry into those alternatives. I cannot at the present moment say any more, as the inquiry is not yet complete.
    Mr. LEES-SMITH: Can the right hon. Gentleman give us any indication of how long the inquiry will take?
    Sir S. HOARE: No, I cannot say that. Another specific point which was raised was the assertion that Territorials may be transferred from one unit to another, and that that is making recruits reluctant to join the Territorial Force. Let me repeat what my right hon. Friend has said more than once, and said publicly, that there is no foundation for this fear. He has given an undertaking that, short of a great emergency, transfers of that kind will not take place.
    Let me pass from Army questions to those connected with the Air Force, and I would begin with the questions as to the progress of the Air programme. I am sure that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Air will be the last person to resent questions of that kind. We all know how anxious the country is about the Air programme and how eagerly it wishes for information as to its progress. I must be careful to avoid exciting undue optimism on the one hand or undue pessimism on the other, but I can tell my Noble Friend the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) that there is no foundation whatever for the statement which he quoted, though I do not think he made himself responsible for it, that we are vastly behind-hand with our programme. My right hon. Friend the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence gave a number of particulars as to the personnel of the Air Force, and I think any hon. Member who listened to those figures will agree with me when I say that there is no cause for the feeling that, so far as personnel is concerned, we are vastly behind with our programme.
    How far, then, can I make the same affirmation upon other features of the Air programme? I can tell the House that so far as the bigger programme is concerned, that is to say, the programme in which the smaller 1937 programme was merged, the position is satisfactory. The 1937 programme is to a certain extent scrapped. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Isle of Thanet (Captain Balfour), who raised questions about it, will be the first to understand that the immediate effect of adopting a, bigger programme was to make substantial changes in the earlier programme. We had, for instance, to take units out
    826
    of the 1937 programme to make a training backbone for the increased number of squadrons. What is important is not so much the 1937 programme that has been superseded, as the larger programme into which it is merged. There I am authorised to say that the position is satisfactory. So far as aircraft is concerned, the production had not quite come up to the estimates, but is not far off the estimates. So far as engines are concerned, the production has been better than the estimates. I do not want to prophesy as to the future. The position is fluid, but it is none the less satisfactory to be able to tell the House that, at any rate in present conditions, the position is satisfactory. On the whole, our forecasts of the strength of other air forces proves to be accurate; on the other hand, our own estimates have also proved to be accurate. [Interruption.] My right hon. Friend can develop his criticisms on my speech later, when perhaps he will devote himself to the consideration which I have just put before the House, namely, that so far as aircraft are concerned, the production has almost come up to the estimate, and that so far as engines are concerned, production has exceeded it.
    Another point raised by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith) was about the vulnerability of the big air-engine centre of Coventry. I agree with him that it is a formidable and difficult position. The fact is that around Coventry is concentrated the motor industry, and it is in connection with the motor industry rather than with the aircraft industry, that the shadow system has to grow up, around the engine-making firms. I fear, therefore, that, in the nature of things, there must be a considerable concentration of engine production in the motor industry district. What I can tell him is that, as soon as that became clear, we included Coventry in the zone of air defence, and that, so far as that side of it is concerned, we are trying to make this all-important district as secure as we can.
    I pass from these questions of the programme to the questions that the right hon. Gentleman raised about the so-called Nuffield controversy, and further information as to what was intended from the six shadow firms in the event of war. I understand that the position is as follows: There was a question between vertical and horizontal production, a

    827
    question that pervades almost every branch of industry, as to whether it is better to produce the whole of the cornmodity in one factory or to proceed with the system of the division of labour. That, I understand, was the issue between Lord Nuffield and my right hon. Friend and the other participants in the shadow industry. The plan is to get production going as quickly as possible, and it was thought by the firms who are taking part—indeed, by all the firms except Lord Nuffield—that the quickest way to proceed was to proceed at the start by the system of division of labour. They were all agreed that, if they had attempted to concentrate the entire production in this or that factory, inevitably there would have been delays at the start. Accordingly, the start has been made on these lines, but it is intended, when once they are fairly started and have learned the work, to give them further jigs and gauges and machine tools and to make it possible, in the event of war or an emergency, that they should carry out the whole process under one roof. The right hon. Gentleman, therefore, will see that the Air Ministry and the firms concerned are definitely assuming two stages. The first is the simple stage consisting of the division of labour; the second is the more complicated stage when a single factory, or one or two factories, will produce the whole of the engines.
    Mr. KIRKW00D: Before the right hon. Gentleman leaves that subject, would he be good enough to tell the House why Lord Nuffield objects to this shadow system, if that is the system which he puts into operation himself in his own factories?
    Sir S. HOARE: I think the hon. Member had better turn to the White Paper, which goes in great detail into the issues between Lord Nuffield and the Air Ministry. I think the satisfactory conclusion is that both sides have agreed to differ, and that Lord Nuffield is going to give his unrivalled experience to the help of another Department, the War Office.
    I pass naturally from the Nuffield controversy to the even more controversial question of a Ministry of Supply, the question that has occupied a very large
    828
    part of the discussion this afternoon. Let me say to the House that we have no objection on principle to a Ministry of Supply. The only question that interests us is: Will a new Minister and a new Ministry improve matters and expedite the carrying out of the programme? My own view is that a Minister of Supply or a Ministry of Supply without powers will be worse than useless. If powers re to be given to a Minister of Supply, they will have to be in the nature of the powers that were given to the Ministry of Munitions towards the end of the War. I do not believe, myself, that there is a half-way house between giving the Minister of Supply full powers and going on with much the same kind of system that we have at present. Has the time arrived for giving the Minister these exceptional powers? Has the time arrived when it is necessary to make great changes in the world of industry and labour, when it is necessary to conscript certain processes of production, when it is necessary to make what will undoubtedly amount to a great upheaval in the economic life of the country?
    I do not wish to exaggerate the disadvantages of that upheaval. They are sufficiently obvious in themselves. They must strike directly at the development of trade recovery. They will make a number of very difficult problems between capital and labour. They might compromise our export trade. They probably would, whatever they might do in the future, make considerable dislocation in the immediate present. We may come to a position when it is necessary to assume powers of this kind. I can assure the House that no prejudices will stand in the way of the Governments when they believe that the time has actually come. They do, however, think that at present—I say particularly at present, for they have no desire to prejudge what may be the case in the future—the time has not arrived. They do believe that the programme is proceeding not unsatisfactorily and that the time has not yet come when a revolutionary change should be made.
    Viscount WOLMER: My right hon. Friend has used a phrase that the Minister for Co-ordination of Defence used, which was rather obscure to us. He said the time has not come. Can he give the House any idea what change

    829
    of circumstances he has in mind when he, talks of a coming time which may alter the policy of the Government?
    Sir S. HOARE: I can answer my Noble Friend in a single sentence. What I meant was if production went badly and our programme was badly lagging, and secondly, if the state of the world became substantially worse than it is now.
    Mr. CHURCHILL: Will my right hon. Friend tell the House whether he agrees with the Minister for Co-ordination of Defence that this question of a Ministry of Supply must be reviewed in a few weeks? What is going to happen in these few weeks?
    Sir S. HOARE: All that my right hon. Friend quite obviously meant—and I repeat it—is that we are constantly reviewing it.
    Mr. CHURCHILL: You cannot snake up your minds.
    Sir S. H0ARE: It is very easy for my right hon. Friend to make interjections of that kind. He knows as well as anyone in the House, perhaps better than most of us, that the situation is very fluid.
    Mr. CHURCHILL: I do. I agree.
    Sir S. HOARE: I need not continue the argument. My right hon. Friend agrees that the situation is fluid. That seems to be a good reason for not taking up a rigid attitude at the moment. [Interruption.] My right hon. Friend's interjections are beginning to remind me of our long controversies over India, which I had hoped were finished for ever. It is like old times to hear him sitting below the Gangway interrupting. I have now dealt with the main questions that have formed the principal subject of the Debate.
    Let we come to a short description of the general attitude of the Government towards all these difficulties. My Noble Friend the Member for Horsham made a characteristic and smashing attack on the complacency of the Front Bench. We do not in the least resent that attack.
    Earl WINTERTON: It is very seldom that my right hon. Friend and I are in disagreement, but he must not say that I said anything of the sort. What I did
    830
    was to snake an appeal to the Government, addressed directly to the Prime Minister and based on his speech last night, to make a far more striking appeal to his fellow countrymen to do their duty.
    Sir S. HOARE: Let me not find myself in disagrement with my Noble Friend, but he did describe us as middle-aged gentlemen with an old chairman whom we did not wish to vote out of the chair. Let me say also, in reply to the right hon. Member for Keithley, who said that we were obscurantists thinking only of the status quo, that nothing could be further from the truth. We are on no account complacent. We realise that although progress has been made a vast amount of urgent work still needs to be done. We realise that both in the field of supply and in the field of strategy there are whole series of urgent questions that need settling. We realise the gravity of the world situation. We feel just as strongly as he feels the need for speed. We are just as anxious as he is to mobilise the fullest possible support of the country. I have done what I could in my own Department to stimulate interest in the naval programme, and to ensure that we have the fullest possible flow of recruits. That is typical of the action of the whole Government. We are determined to proceed with this programme with the least possible delay. We believe there is no cause at present for changing its course. We do not wish to dogmatise about the future, and we tell the House that if the programme does go too slowly we will give hon. Members the reasons and ask for power to take whatever action is necessary to expedite it. Further than that, we are most anxious to carry behind the programme not the members of this or that party but the country as a whole; not only the employers of labour but the men working in the yards and factories.
    Mr. KIRKWOOD: You have not started with the men yet.
    Sir S. HOARE: I have been making a general tour of the dockyards, and I intend to go and see the men in industry as well. So far as the dockyards are concerned, there is a splendid feeling among the workers. I hope and I believe that feeling is typical of labour generally in the country. I must be careful not to make any kind of appeal to right hon.

    831
    Gentlemen opposite which might embarrass them or me, but we shall attempt so to carry through our programme as to have behind it the greatest measure of support in all parties in the land and among all walks of life.
    Sir PERCY HARRIS Sir PERCY HARRIS rose—
    Motion made, and Question, "That the Debate be now adjourned," put, and agreed to.—[Captain Margesson.]
    Debate to be resumed upon Thursday.

EXPIRING LAWS CONTINUANCE BILL.
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."—[Captain Margesson.]
10.56 p.m.
Viscount WOLMER: May I appeal to my right hon. Friends not to press the Second Reading of this Bill at the present juncture simply for the reason that last night some of us objected to the Bill being taken after 11 o'clock because the report of the Special Commissioner had not yet been delivered to the House of Commons. That report appeared in the Vote Office at seven o'clock to-night, and it is a volume of over 200 pages. I submit to my right hon. Friends that it would only be treating the House of Commons with proper respect if they would keep the whole question as to whether the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill containing this particular Measure should be introduced or not until the House of Commons has had a reasonable opportunity of gathering the salient features of the report of the Special Commissioner. It is simply because some of us feel that this is such a grave problem that it deserves the most earnest, careful and thorough consideration by the House of Commons and ought not to be dealt with in this manner. I ask the Government not to bring the Second Reading forward until the House has had an opportunity of considering the report. I am not saying for a moment to-night that the Government are not perfectly right in the policy upon which they have apparently decided, but none of us has had an opportunity of forming an opinion upon that question, because
832
we have not been able to study this very important and very long document. Therefore, I appeal to my right hon. Friends not to press this matter to-night, but to bring it forward upon another occasion a day or two hence, and then, I believe, they will have no particular difficulty.
The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the TREASURY (Captain Margesson): As the Noble Lord and the House fully realise, the Second Reading of the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill is not an effective stage. It was in order to get through to the Committee stage, when the subject can be fully debated, that the Government have moved the Second Reading of the Bill to-night, but if the House does not wish—and I take it that that is the wish of the House—the Second Reading to be taken to-night, I beg to move, "That the Debate be now adjourned."
Question, "That the Debate be now adjourned," put, and agreed to.
Debate to be resumed To-morrow.
The remaining Order was read, and postponed.

INDIA (ELECTIONS).
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [Captain Margesson.]
10.59 p.m.
Mr. MORGAN JONES: I desire to raise a matter of which I gave notice yesterday to the hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary of State for India. In the course of Question Time yesterday I addressed to the hon. Gentleman three questions, each of which was related to the other, which raised generally the subject of the alleged interference on the part of the Government of India with those various people who are participating in the elections in India at this particular moment. The first question which I put to the hon. Member concerned a person named Mr. Masani. Mr. Masani happens to be the secretary of the Socialist party of India, which is affiliated, I believe, with the Congress. I do not propose to go into the details of the case except to say that Mr. Masani in the course of his ordinary work as secretary of the Socialist party of India

833
undertook a journey to the Punjab district, but, apparently, before he had the chance to open his mouth or do anything at all he was accused of doing something that was prejudicial to the peace of the neighbourhood, and on that account he was invited to leave the district and was deported to Delhi. The importance of that question is this, that in the course of discussion on the Government of India Act, when it was before this House, we were frequently assured by the representatives of the Government that there would be complete freedom for all parties to participate in the necessary work preliminary to an election. Mr. Masani, naturally, as secretary of the Socialist party was going to a meeting for this particular purpose. If the secretary of an organisation of this sort is not permitted to go to an area and undertake preliminary work in connection with the election, then, clearly, the election is nothing but an absolute farce.
I associate with that question a second question which is of a nature rather graver. I refer now to the district of Allahabad. In that district there happens to be a body called the Court of Wards. I gather that this Court of Wards is an organisation upon which Government officials participate in the work, and their particular work is to act as trustees of very large estates. I am not now discussing whether it is proper for officials of the Government of India to act in such a capacity, but when an election of this sort comes up there is a tendency for those who are in charge of landlord interests to regard certain political organisations as tending to be inimical to the interests of the landlords, and in proof of that I propose to quote not from an unofficial but from an official circular. This is official circular K.70. C288634, dated 9th July, 1936, from the Secretary of the Court of Wards, United Provinces, Allahabad, to all the district officers in the United Provinces. The point is, that this is a statement issued by a person who is in practice a civil servant. It reads in part as follows:
"It is essential in the interests of the class which the Court of Wards specially represents, and of agricultural interests generally, to inflict as crushing a defeat as possible on the Congress, with its avowed Socialist principles. The Court has therefore decided to support in each constituency
834
the candidate who (a) will actively oppose the Congress candidate and, if elected, the Congress programme; and (b) would have the greatest chance of success, if the Court of Wards remained neutral.
The district officers are instructed to engage themselves in a systematic survey of the Province constituency by constituency and prepare themselves in support of the loyalist candidate in each constituency."
It really is an intolerable situation if Civil servants in India are to be permitted to issue to officers in other parts of the Provinces documents of this sort, in which they specifically invite people to work against a particular candidate for Parliament. It is a contravention of repeated pledges made to us in this House when the Government of India Act was being considered. I know that there is keen controversy in India in relation to this letter. I know that the Government of India believe the Congress party entertain somewhat revolutionary ideas. I am not arguing that matter now, but I say that the Government, if they believe in the policy embodied in the Government of India Act, should make the conditions for its working as favourable as possible. You are making the conditions as unfavourable as you can if you give the impression that the Government qua Government is acting in such a way as to prevent one particular section of candidates having a chance of approaching the electors. This is really a question of the freedom of all candidates to approach the electorate in the way that seems to them best. I really must protest strongly against this action which seems to be engaged in by the Government of India.
There is one other observation. There has been sent to the Labour party in this country and to individual members of the party, bulletins containing news of events which have taken place in India, but recently the organisation responsible for sending these bulletins suddenly found their offices raided and the bulletins, apparently in that form, are not in future to come to this country. The point I wish to make is this. As I understand it, no allegation was made as to the impropriety of anything contained in particular bulletins; in fact, the authorities who send the bulletins specifically invited the magistrate concerned to state to which bulletin he objected, and his answer was that he did not refer to any particular bulletin but to the lot. If that is the way a controversy in India is

835
conducted there is no such thing as freedom as we understand it in this country. If that is the situation, we really have no right to fling stones at Germany or Italy as to what is happening in their countries. We want these people to learn the art of self-government, and to become acquainted with democratic methods of government, but if they are to be prevented from circulating their views, although the circulation cannot be proved to be inimical to the law, then we have reached a condition of things in which there is no freedom at all. If, on the other hand, it can be shown that a given document violates the law, then the authors of the document should be prosecuted; but do not carry your enthusiasm for suppression to such a degree that you prevent the circulation of any documents which explain the views of a particular party in India.
The three points that I have raised are all inter-related, for they raise the fundamental issue of the freedom people expressing unpopular views to expound them as long as they do not break the law in so doing. I appeal to the Under-Secretary to give an explicit statement—a pledge, if will allow me to put it in that way—that there shall be for all people, whether they belong to big organisations or small ones, free access to the electorate in order that they may have a chance of getting representation of their point of view in the Assembly at Delhi. We have argued in this House before that, however generous one may be, these people will not be over-represented there—that has been secured by the Government of India Act, 1935. That being the case, we ought to be generous in allowing the minorities, which will remain minorities, to have as much chance as possible of acquiring for their party as many adherents as possible. Therefore, I hope we shall receive a reassuring statement from the UnderSecretary to-night.
11.12 p.m.
Mr. SORENSEN: I am anxious, as is my hon. Friend who has just spoken, to hear the reply of the Under-Secretary, and I would like to endorse very emphatically the appeal that he has just made to the Under-Secretary, for the sake of the sincerity of the Government and particularly for the sake of the sincerity of the people of this country.
836
I am positive that the Under-Secretary is disturbed in his own mind regarding the facts to which reference has been made this evening. I am certain that he would rather that these incidents had not occurred, and I hope very much that before he has finished his reply he will give an assurance to the House that, so far as in him lies, he will do all in his power to prevent these very grave incidents from occurring again. Reference has been made to the notorious circular of the Court of Wards. I understand that that is not, in fact, an official body, but I am sure, on the other hand, that it is viewed as an official body by large numbers of people. It has a status and prestige which one can only interpret as, if not official, certainly quasi-official.
I believe that the Under-Secretary regrets that this circular was ever sent out. It is an attempt to prejudice the case—indeed to prevent a free election being held—and, in this particular area at least, an attempt to prevent the expression of a real opinion held by the electorate in that neighbourhood. I would like to draw special attention to the last paragraph of the circular, which reads:
"When the Court of Wards receives these lists, it will choose the candidate whom it will support, and issue instructions about the manner in which that support should be given."
Any semi-official body that sends out such instructions, particulars of which have been given and further particulars of which I have added, is surely guilty of a dis-service to the Indian people and indeed to the British Government. I am glad also that reference has been made to the position of Mr. Masani. I feel particularly keen on this matter, because Mr. Masani is the secretary of the Congress Socialist party. As long as he is externed, not only may other districts follow that example, but he cannot get in touch with his own followers in that particular district, and obviously cannot secure that adequate expression of opinion which alone can justify the contention of this country that we are desirous of seeing a real development towards political freedom in India.
Time does not allow me to deal with the third matter to which my hon. Friend has referred further than to say that it is absurd that ordinary literature sent out in the ordinary process of propaganda

837
should be prevented from having normal circulation. Any sort of type-written or duplicated document has been prevented from circulating, which means that the views of all bodies cannot find expression. The mouths of those who wish to put those views are stopped. I trust earnestly that the matter will speedily be put right. I am certain that the Under-Secretary is sincere in his desire to see the elections carried on under as fair conditions as possible. I hope he will admit frankly that these instances—we could quote others—throw a sinister shadow over the preparations for the coming elections. We do not want these elections to take place under the shadow of a swastika, even though it should be a British swastika. We want them to take place in the atmosphere of honest discussion and freedom of speech to which we are accustomed in this country. It is true that many do not realise the great changes that are taking place in India, but it is up to the Under-Secretary and his chief to instruct those who are so backward, that, in fact, a, new era has begun. I hope a message will go forth from the House to India to-night to assure the people of India, whatever their political opinions may be, that we in this country are desirous to have the elections conducted fairly, and that these intimidations and threats to freedom of speech and thought will be speedily removed so that an atmosphere may be created in which the Indian people can choose their own destiny, within the very narrow limits which have been laid down for them.
71.18 p.m.
The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for INDIA (Mr. Butler): May I start my answer by saying that the Government welcome the opportunity of making their attitude on this important subject perfectly clear? It is the view of the Government and of my Noble Friend, that we have no wish to interfere officially in the Indian elections. We do not wish any sinister shadow of the Swastika, or anything else, to be cast upon those elections, and what we said during the passage of the India Act about making the conditions for working these elections as favourable as possible, stands as true to-day as it was when we said it. We wish the officials to conduct themselves according to the Public Servants' Conduct Rules, which I think it would be well to read to the House. An official is asked
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to subscribe to these Rules about taking part in politics and elections:
"Subject to any general or special order of the local government, no Government servant shall take part in, subscribe in aid of or assist in any way, any political movement in India or relating to Indian affairs."
and further:
"No Government servant shall canvass or otherwise interfere in or use his influence in connection with or take part in any election to a legislative body, whether in India or elsewhere."
These Rules, it will be seen, are perfectly explicit, and in order to make sure that they are observed, as we believe they will be, steps have been taken—I think I can safely say, in all the Provinces—to draw the attention of Government officials to these Rules and to ensure the fulfilment of the desire which the hon. Members opposite have in mind. I expect hon. Members will bear in mind that when we pass from an old system to a new there are certain considerations which must be remembered. The official himself has to accustom himself to a new atmosphere, and I think it is valuable, therefore, to have this opportunity of reminding the House that officials are being inspired with the view that they should accustom themselves to this new Atmosphere of the new reforms in India.
Certain cases have been put forward by the hon. Member, and I shall try to show him that I believe his suspicions in those cases are virtually unfounded, and that there is no intention of the Government, through its officials, to take part in the elections. As to any isolated, detailed cases, in every case which we have investigated, if there has been any possible breach, appropriate action has been taken, and I am glad to say that the cases have been very few indeed.
What should the Government attitude be to the transition period? The Government's attitude, surely, should be to keep the elections free and open, a fair field and no favour. It should also be to keep the situation tranquil and quiet, which is a matter of supreme importance, particularly in a transition period, when power is to be transferred to Indian Ministers. In this connection, I think it would be valuable if I reminded the House of some words used by the Home Member in India when, in referring to the two desiderata to which I have referred, he said:

839
"It is the duty of Government to protect the structure of law and order and the machinery of the administration from subversive and unconstitutional attacks."
That is as important a duty of Government as it is to keep the elections free and to prevent officials from interfering. In relation to that, it is interesting to note that an Amendment was moved by a certain section of the House in the Legislative Assembly, which requested the Government, in fact, to keep the elections free from unruly conduct and demonstrations likely to cause a breach of the peace—which shows that there is anxiety in the Assembly on the other side to enlist the services of the Government to preserve an atmosphere of tranquillity during the election period.
As far as I could see, the anxieties of the hon. Gentleman opposite arise from a fear that in interpreting this duty the Government should restrict legitimate political activity. Let me therefore examine in detail the cases in which he considers there has been such alleged interference, and let me come first to the case of Mr. Masani. As a preface to considering this case, I should like to say it is always difficult to decide about individual cases, and we here, my Noble Friend and myself, must be guided by the opinion of the authority on the spot. The Governor of the Punjab gave it to us as his considered opinion that it would prejudice the situation in the Punjab if Mr. Masani was allowed to continue his projected tour. An order was therefore served upon him, of which the wording is set out in the Punjab Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1932, that he was, to put it shortly, about to act in a manner prejudicial to public safety and peace. That is the considered opinion of the Punjab Government. I have said that it is difficult to decide on individual cases, but the reason the Punjab Government took this action was that they considered, from information in their hands, that Mr. Masani, although not a Communist himself, had Communist affiliations, and that under the guise of electioneering he would on entering the Punjab undertake a campaign for preaching sedition and fostering a revolutionary mentality. That is the opinion of the authorities on the spot.
I have said that Mr. Masani is not, we believe, a Communist, but he has Com-
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munist affiliations, which can be proved by his record. He has crossed the line established in the speech, which I have just quoted, of the Home Member. His invitation, for instance, in a speech at the end of last June, when he advocated a widespread strike of the transport services, was made as a beginning of measures for the overthrowing of Imperialism. It is that sort of case which it is important that the Government should make clear at this stage cannot be tolerated in a period when we want the elections to be free from anything that savours of direct action or affiliation with Communism. I must remind hon. Members that Communists in India are declared to be an unlawful body, and anything that savours of affiliation with Communism cannot be tolerated by the Government in a transition period.
Mr. MORGAN JONES: Is it declared illegal to be a Communist?
Mr. BUTLER: The Communist body is declared to be an unlawful association.
Mr. GRENFELL: What does the hon. Gentleman mean by Mr. Masani's Communist affiliations?
Mr. BUTLER: I mean his association with Communists, from information which is in the possession of the local government of the Government of India. I hope that he will wean himself from these associations, but as long as he continues with associations which in India are not those which the Government can tolerate, the Government are obliged to take the action they have taken. In the case of the Court of Wards, I am glad to be able to disabuse the hon. Gentleman of a certain feeling which he has in this case. The Court of Wards is not an official body, and I think that some of the hon. Gentleman's misapprehensions, which were shown from certain of his expressions, such as saying that a civil servant issued this circular, and that it was an official circular, arise from a misapprehension of the proper nature of the Court of Wards. The Court of Wards was in fact, under the old Act of 1912, in the United Provinces, an official body, but its nature has been completely changed by the Act of 1933, under which its members are non-official. The circular was issued by the Secretary to the

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Court of Wards, who is himself a nonofficial. Therefore, I think that all the ease which is based on the fact that the Court of Wards is an official body must necessarily fall to the ground.
In the case of the Congress news sheets, as I attempted to show in answer to questions, the offices of Congress were not suddenly raided and documents were not suddenly found. In fact, a warning had been given to Congress and a district magistrate warned a certain Dr. Lohia that he must either get permission for the use of these bulletins as news sheets or register them as newspapers. This warning was disregarded and the magistrate therefore took action under the Press Act, which he is fully entitled to do. The President of the Congress has asked the Local Government to reconsider the matter and for permission to issue a further series of bulletins. The Local Government is giving consideration to that, and if the matter is regularised I am sure hon. Members will be satisfied. May I say on this third matter that I would not for worlds deprive hon. Members of the briefs they are able to get through these news sheets.
Mr. MORGAN JONES: Information.
Mr. BUTLER: Information to enable them to interest themselves in Indian affairs, but I hope I have been able to show that the material which they have put forward is not in every respect as sinister as they themselves have tried to make out.
In conclusion I should like to say that in the democratic structure of the new Constitution a combination of freedom and order is absolutely essential. The Government cannot abrogate its functions for preserving order or weaning any particular person from Communist affiliations, because of its elections. Its object is to create a fair field and no favour, not to encourage sedition or to abdicate its responsibility for law and order. And provided we inspire ourselves, as we do in this country, with the need for freedom and order hand in hand, I hope that hon. Members will be satisfied by my assurance that it is our intention that no official shall interfere with the free elections which are coming forward in India.
It being Half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

TRADE AND COMMERCE.
  RUMANIA (PAYMENTS AGREEMENTS).
  RUMANIA (PAYMENTS AGREEMENTS).
  NORWAY (HERRING EXPORTS).
  NORWAY (HERRING EXPORTS).
  GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY.
  GREAT BRITAIN AND GERMANY.
  FACTORIES LEGISLATION.
  FACTORIES LEGISLATION.
  LIGHTHOUSES.
  LIGHTHOUSES.
  HOP FIELDS, HEREFORDSHIRE AND WORCESTERSHIRE.
  HOP FIELDS, HEREFORDSHIRE AND WORCESTERSHIRE.
  PRISONERS ON REMAND.
  PRISONERS ON REMAND.
  DISTURBANCES, EAST LONDON.
  DISTURBANCES, EAST LONDON.
  OLD AGE PENSIONERS (PUBLIC ASSISTANCE).
  OLD AGE PENSIONERS (PUBLIC ASSISTANCE).
TRANSPORT.
  FORTH ROAD-BRIDGE.
  FORTH ROAD-BRIDGE.
  ROAD ACCIDENTS (STATISTICS).
  ROAD ACCIDENTS (STATISTICS).
  PEDESTRIAN CROSSINGS.
  PEDESTRIAN CROSSINGS.
  MOTOR ROADS (EXPERIMENTS).
  MOTOR ROADS (EXPERIMENTS).
  BRITISH ARMY (PROMOTIONS FROM RANKS).
  BRITISH ARMY (PROMOTIONS FROM RANKS).
UNEMPLOYMENT.
  INSURANCE (VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTORS).
  INSURANCE (VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTORS).
  ASSISTANCE BOARD REGULATIONS.
  ASSISTANCE BOARD REGULATIONS.
  ISLE OF WIGHT.
  ISLE OF WIGHT.
  MANCHURIA (OIL).
  MANCHURIA (OIL).
  OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT.
  OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT.
  HOLIDAYS WITH PAY.
  HOLIDAYS WITH PAY.
  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.
  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.

Preamble
The House met at a quarter past four of the clock, The EARL OF ONSLOW on the Woolsack.
The Earl of Shrewsbury—Sat first in Parliament after the death of his grandfather.

DISEASES OF FISH BILL. [H.L.]
THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY OF THE MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES (THE EARL OF FEVERSHAM): My Lords, I beg leave to introduce a Bill to prevent the spreading of disease among salmon and freshwater fish in Great Britain; and to move that it be read a first time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1a.—(The Earl of Feversham.)
On Question, Bill read 1a, and to be printed.

JUDICIARY (SAFEGUARDING) BILL. [H.L.]
LORD RANKEILLOUR: My Lords, I beg leave to introduce a Bill to safeguard the independence of the Judiciary; and to move that it be read a first time.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1a.—(Lord Rankeillour.)
On Question, Bill read 1a, and to be printed.

THE NATION'S PHYSIQUE.
LORD MOUNT TEMPLE LORD MOUNT TEMPLE had given Notice that he would ask His Majesty's Government what steps they propose to take in order to improve the physical fitness of the young people of this country; and whether any decisions have been reached since the statement on this subject by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on October 2 last; and move for Papers. The noble Lord said: My Lords, being greatly interested in the state of the physical health of the young people of this country, I greatly welcome the statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer made at the beginning of last month that, at long last, the Government propose to do something to increase their physical
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fitness. And I am indeed glad that it was the Chancellor of the Exchequer who made that statement, because it means (hat if concrete and definite proposals are put forward to that end he, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, having raised the question, cannot very well refuse the money to carry it out.
Everybody seems to assume that the physical state of the English youth between the ages of fifteen and nineteen or twenty is bad, and if one travels abroad in Germany, or Italy or, above all, in Sweden, I think, he will find; here that the young people are in-finitely better equipped for the battle of life by physical health than they are in this country. "But," you may say, "that is a matter of opinion." I would then answer: Well, what about recruits for the Army? A Secretary of State cannot lie, and we have it from the Secretary of State for War himself that if all the recruits, who came forward in 1935 to fill the depleted ranks of the Regular Army could have been accepted, as coming up to the physical standard, there would have been no deficiency in the Army. Even more important, we have the definite figure given by the War Office representative that in 1935 47 per cent. of the men wishing to enter the Army had to be turned down because they were not physically fit; and we all know that the standard of physical fitness for the Army is not very high. That, surely, discloses a most deplorable state of affairs. Can you imagine Germany or Italy or Sweden or France having half their recruits turned down because they were not fit to serve their country?
We heard a great deal about C3 men during the War, and it really is supprising that this nation has gone on so long allowing no care to be taken of its bodily youth. While doing a great deal more than most nations in respect of booklearning and cramming the brain with matters which probably are of no use in after life, we pay no attention to the physique of our young people, male or female, after they leave school. What is carried out by the State to look after those who have not money or opportunity to look after themselves? We have maternity care, and we have reduction in the infant death-rate, a very mixed blessing, I think, myself, because it seems to me that we are preserving the unfit

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whom nature really designed should die. Be that as it may, however, we have reduced the death-rate among children. Slums are being demolished, overcrowding is being taken in hand, whole cities of new houses are being built, and, above all, though the Labour Party do not give any credit to the Government for it, an increasing number of meals are being given to the school children so chat they may take advantage of the learning which is put before them and be strong and healthy during their school-time.
It is very difficult to assess the value of these services at the present day, because—let us be fair—most of these services were not working when the recruits who are coming forward now were children. Therefore you may say that the services I have enumerated will, in due course, so improve the health of the young people of this country that no further action is necessary. That is a matter of opinion, and one which the Government no doubt will investigate. Personally, I do not think that will meet the case altogether, or indeed go very far. What happens to the child as regards physical improvement while at school? That really is a very important aspect of the question. For the sake of convenience I should like to divide the school population into three classes—children from five to nine years old inclusive, a class containing all those ten years old, and finally, a senior class containing those from eleven years to fourteen plus.
I do not think the State does very much for the health of those children as far as games and exercise in the open air are concerned. I am informed that generally speaking the children in the five to nine years class spend twenty minutes every school day in physical exercises, and that is all. That does not seem to me very helpful, as most of these exercises, I suppose, are carried out in the school building whereas four-fifths of the benefit of exercises conies from being in the open air. Those children who are ten years old get the same amount of physical exercise and in addition they get half-an-hour of games once a, week. The senior class of children from eleven to fourteen plus are given the same physical exercise, but in their case the time spent on games is generously extended from half-an-hour to three-
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quarters of an hour. That depends upon there being playing grounds. As some noble Lords know, perhaps, better than I do, the provision of playing fields, though it is now being augmented to a certain degree, is ludicrously inadequate to meet a programme even so meagre and so skimpy as the one I have outlined to your Lordships. I think we may fairly say that these specific remedies for bad physical development among children are, to put it moderately, very inadequate to carry out the object in view.
It is very difficult in a debate such as this to pin any noble Lord who is going to speak, including myself, to any specific remedy. Perhaps the point would be better put if I said that each one has his own specific remedy. Members of the Labour Party say that the whole trouble is due to the fact that the children are not given sufficient food. Personally, I think that what is even more important is that their mothers are not taught to cook food. The children must be well fed in the home as well as at school. I think the noble Lord, Lord Strabolgi, would agree with me in that, and I would support him regarding the provision of more meals for school children if he would support me in urging that greater facilities should be given for the future mothers of the children of this country to learn how to cook, and in urging that they should not be allowed to finish their school course until they do know how to cook. Everybody has his own particular hobby. Mine is physical exercise in the open air. What can we do? It would be absurd and perhaps even impudent for me to lay down any plan. The subject is very complex and the Government have only just taken it up. Probably the Government do not know themselves what they are going to do. They must make investigations and see what can be made out of the present situation.
But what I would beg of the Government is this, that that they should not take some very exiguous plan. If they are going to have a plan at all it should be worthy of the nation and worthy of the object in view. One thing that strikes me as being possible is this. At the present moment the local education authorities both in town and country, through powers given to them by the Ministry of Labour, are able to compel, and do compel, youths who are unemployed between the ages of fourteen plus

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and nineteen to attend evening continuation schools for the purpose either of receiving more book learning or learning a trade. I would propose that that policy be earned further. If the Ministry of Labour, with the concurrence of Parliament, can adopt that measure of compulsory attendance at evening classes, there is nothing to prevent, and I do not think anybody ought to object to, the same policy being applied with the object of remedying defects in their bodies. If that policy was adopted these youths would be given a certain amount of open air life and exercise which I consider so important. It would be given at any rate to a portion of the youths of the country—a small portion now, thank goodness, because there are few unemployed among the youths of the country. But I would go further and say that any youth, whether he is employed or not, so long as he can show that he is not in a position to pay for it, should be allowed to attend classes free of charge for courses of physical exercise.
That is one end of the programme. The other end is something which one hardly dare mention to your Lordships' House because one might be accused of abolishing the personal liberty of the young people of this country. There is a land which I visited two months ago, which my noble friend Lord Dawson also visited—perhaps I may be allowed to call it Ruritania—where there is the most complete and successful scheme of physical training which I suppose any man could imagine. At the present time in Ruritania every young man between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one is compelled to join a labour unit for a period of six months. That is not new in Ruritania. Before the present régime came into office there were in Ruritania 200,000 young men who voluntarily, absolutely without compulsion, served in these labour units—not, I think, for six months, but for three or four months—because they were told by their leaders that it was a fine thing to do something for your country and not do everything for yourself. That system went on, and it was done largely for the relief of unemployment, so that all the young people between eighteen and twenty-one were "mopped up" and not on the unemployed list. For various reasons, when the present régime came
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into office, it was made compulsory because it was found that the effort was largely wasted; there was no co-ordination and generally the maximum effect was not produced; so that now in Ruritania from the first day of last month this obligation was taken on by the youths there to serve six months in a labour battalion.
What do they do, these labour battalions? They carry out works which the local authority cannot carry out because they are not immediately profitable undertakings. A work may be profitable to the country as a whole but not profitable to the town or local district who would have to foot the bill if it were carried out on a commercial basis. What sort of works are these which the labour units do? They reclaim land from the sea, they take part in fighting coast erosion, they do large works in afforestation—afforestation which could be trebled and quadrupled here without any damage to anybody and with great advantage to the country. They do land drainage and repair bridges. In fact, 90 per cent. of what they do is connected with the land, and surely that would be a great advantage in the scheme if it were applied, even in part, in this country. Heaven knows that the countryside wants looking after much more than the towns, and here is a way to do it. What are the objects of this movement? It is a large movement, because at the present moment, with their instructors, there are 230,000 of these youths seeing service in Ruritania, and by 1939 their numbers will have risen to no less than 300,000. The first thing, the second thing and the third thing is to improve the physique of the nation, and those of us who were in Ruritania two months ago and saw the unbelievably fine body of young men which had been turned out by these three or four, five or six months of out-door life were deeply distressed to think that you could not see anything among the youth of this country comparable to it. Then again, the movement rests upon the desire to increase the wealth of the country, and undoubtedly if you can do land reclamation, if you can do afforestation, if you Can do land drainage by the State at no cost to the locality, then you are adding very greatly to the assets of the nation.
Last but not least is a rather curious object: to get all classes to know each other better. You will say, "Well, they

53
do that in the Army." In Ruritania they have, of course, a conscript Army, but not on the same basis as these labour battalions, because the labour battalions are all run on a territorial basis. If you had anything of that sort in this country the Isle of Wight, we will say, would provide one or two of these units, which are only 140 strong. No one who was not an Isle of Wight man would be allowed to be in that unit, and all the Isle of Wighters would have to go into a unit which was made up of Isle of Wight people. The idea is that if boys of eighteen to twenty-one, fifteen to nineteen, or anything you like, are brought together for six months into close contact, know each other, call each other by their Christian names, work together, eat together and sleep together, then when they go back to their homes class divisions will have been swept away; they will be friends and will understand each other better than they did before they went into the unit.
I do not suppose anything of that sort would be adopted in this country at the present time. Noble Lords opposite would call it compulsion conscription and all sorts of bad names, and noble Lords on this side would say that individual liberty must be preserved. Probably there is a great deal of truth in all that they would say. But what will probably happen as the result of the Government's views and of debates in both Houses of Parliament is that we shall do something on a voluntary basis, and something more on a voluntary basis, and finally we shall probably do something which is linked up with compulsion and linked up with the Board of Education and with no other Ministry. I regard it as a vital thing that this physical improvement of the people by the Government should be a continuation of the work done by the Board of Education and should not be done by any other Government Department at all. After all, the Board of Education, which has had the care of a child from the age of five to the age of fifteen—or fourteen plus, whatever it is—is obviously the authority to carry on with the good work, not from the book-learning point of view but from the physical point of view. Thank you, my Lords, for listening to me in such a very courteous and patient way. I only hope that my simple proposals may not be jumped upon too violently by noble Lords who will follow me. I do not pretend to
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lay down the law as to what should be done. All I ask of your Lordships is that you should concentrate on the point that something ought to be done, and that soon. I beg to move.
LORD DAWSON OF PENN: My Lords, I listened with great interest to the speech of the noble Lord. I have had the advantage, like himself, of visiting other countries as part of the policy of my profession to seek knowledge wherever we can find it. I have visited not only Germany but also Sweden and Denmark, and I will say here and now that they have in many respects studied these questions to greater advantage than we have. To my mind this is a question so big that it transcends in importance and in scope this or that political or social question. I suggest to your Lordships that it goes far deeper in its extent, and also further back in point of time. A time has arrived when we need to take stock of our ideas and keep pace with events. For instance, it is surely a small view to take to espouse nutrition and depreciate physical education, as certain right reverend Prelates of late have done. Surely it is equally foolish to pretend that the human race can be independent of the laws of sound breeding, though it is equally true that the qualities we seek in the human race are more complex and, if you will, nobler and more beautiful than we seek in animals. That, however, does not alter the fact that we are bound by the laws of breeding, and if we neglect them as a nation we are going to suffer. There are evidences now that we are suffering. It is evident, therefore, that only if we take a large and not a parochial view of this question can we hope to achieve our object.
I want at the outset of my remarks to save myself from any errors in the understanding of those who are good enough to listen to me. To avoid circumlocution in expression I do not know of any better terms than those of "fit" and "unfit,'" it being understood once and for all that the term fit comprehends the whole man, body, mind and character. It is a little difficult to determine where the signs of physical defect in the nation reside. There is—and it is good that there should be—a conflict of facts. It would, in my opinion, be quite wrong to say that this nation is a deteriorating nation. On the other hand, I think it

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would be right to say that there are in our midst the seeds of deterioration, and we all know that seeds quickly multiply. To those in search of encouragement I would suggest that they visit our elementary schools, say in London. There they will find the children as a whole well nourished, well kept, bright, of good colour and brimful of vitality, with better promise of good teeth. The scourge of rickets is disappearing. It is true that I have chosen a good sample, for the London County Council is in the forefront of enlightenment, and has brought the physical education of its children to a more advanced stage than other parts of the country. At the same time it is true that amongst these children there is a minority of weaklings.
If you inspect, on the other hand, various groups of adolescents—I mean boys in our public schools, young men in factories, and groups of hikers and Territorials—you are at times ill at ease. So often groups will show defects in their bodies which bode ill for the future of their health as they grow older. It must be borne in mind that youth can afford to have defects and not show the results. There is such a margin of energy and power in youth that they can be good at games, despite the fact that they have defects which bode ill for their future ten years hence. I remember that about a year ago I saw a group of Territorials at a ceremonial function. When you looked at their heads, and their bearing, they obviously belonged to a good class of men, but when you looked at their bodies half of them were defective, and you felt what a shame it was that these fine fellows should not be endowed with the best that the nation could give them. It is the same with the hikers. Watch a party of high-spirited hikers making the best of their Sunday. You will see physical defects—one shoulder higher than another, a back not straight, defects perhaps of breathing, defects which do not affect them until later in life and then render them unfit for their work.
We have had definite warning of the C3 men after the War. We had warnings lately from Aldershot. We have had those definite warnings, and as a result the question has become very urgent at the present time. If it is said that the average boy and girl of to-day are taller and stouter and heavier, the answer at
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once is that that is true, but mere bulk of frame is not evidence of fitness, and we have to remember that the demands on our race to-day are greater than they were in days gone by, for a nation, like an individual, can never stand still. Standing still is more often followed by regression than by progression. If we are to live up to the highest standard which the modern world requires of us, and this nation is to maintain its leadership, the physique of its race has to go on improving to the very fullest of its capacity.
I do not propose, my Lords, to spend much time on the side of physical development. That question has taken such a hold of the nation that it is common ground that it must be in the forefront of our programme, but I would urge that we must distinguish between the functions of physical education and the functions of physical recreation. Physical education should take place in school hours. It should train the youth to get the best out of their stature and powers, and it should be guided by the teacher. It is astonishing to think that whereas we do not allow the mind of a boy to stumble along as best it may, without training, we think it is quite enough to let the body of the boy stumble along without any training or guidance. In fact physical education and training are complementary of one another, each in its proper sphere, and there is no division of opinion at all that the best of physical recreation, which teaches the boy leadership and team work, and gives him qualities of character, should be given to every class of the community.
I cannot bring myself to think that the present need for going into this matter depends upon political considerations. I suggest that the defects which compel us to take stock of the situation go deeper than that. No doubt problems like urbanisation and the depletion of the countryside are playing their part. But there is this further, and I am inclined to think underlying, reason, that in increasing measure, to-day, we are not only reaping the advantages of the progress of medical science and the operation of our social services, but also are beginning to reap the disadvantages. Years ago nature's methods were to have a high birth-rate and a high death-rate, both adult and infant, and with that a

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big turnover. That brought about a substantial elimination of the weaklings of the race. Thus we obtained a strong race by the rather rough method of eliminating the unfit Now, the effect of medical knowledge and the growth of public conscience have lowered the death-rate and steadily, year by year, nature's method has been rendered nugatory. I take another example. In former years the weaklings of both body and mind sank to the lowest economic level. They lived precariously; they mated with their kind; and amongst those there was a very high death-rate Take for example tuberculosis, which carried people off by hundreds, and similarly with other diseases of nutrition. Now what is the state of affairs to-day? That group of weaklings is not eliminated to anything like the same extent. We give them maintenance—and I am not complaining that we do; I am simply trying to analyse the facts—we give them maintenance, and we give them treatment. They are even able to many on their maintenance allowance. So these weaklings are preserved, and they are contributing to a lamentable extent, in so far as they do contribute, to the future of the race.
It seems to me clear that we are more and more feeling the result of having rendered nature's methods nugatory: we are preventing the elimination of the unfit. We have removed nature's method of selection, and nowadays more and more the responsibility of selection rests with ourselves. In short, we are preventing the death of the unfit as the result of our civilisation, but we have not planned any adequate substitute. So far as I can see, there is only one adequate substitute, and that is to promote the fit on the one hand, and see to it that we take care of the inherently unfit and prevent them from vitiating the race. If we allow the policy of promoting the fit to affect our policy, and we turn to our social and intellectual services, I suggest that we have to make them more selective; that is, while securing for the child of average abilities every opportunity in the limited sphere of usefulness for which it is fit, we have to do everything we can to push forward the better and the best. The administrative difficulties might at first be great, but if we would, say at the age of fifteen, put down a sieve and let those pass through and go on to the next stage, and again at sixteen or seventeen put
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down another sieve and see how many get through it, and then take the final filtering, there is no money that it would not be worth our while to spend to push that filtrate forward.
The testing of the fit at each of these stages is not a thing to be determined just by an examination, or a mere test of the boy's or girl's mind, but it must include also a study of their bodies and their development, and a study of their character, In other countries, if it is found that a boy or girl reaches a certain stage of mental fitness, say at fifteen or sixteen, and that boy or girl has not a physique equal to the standard that should exist, that child is turned back and given sufficient further physical training to make it fit, to make it pass through the requisite sieve. I want to make myself clear, if I may. It is only by pushing forward the fit by active measures like that that you will make up for the fact that you are rendering nature's methods nugatory. You are not putting anything in the place of what you are steadily taking away. If you once get the fit forward, you will got a group of young leaders whom you will train, no doubt in special schools, and once you get those leaders forward they will be a pattern and a model. They will set the pace, they will set the fashion, and they will also influence the taste of the young community; those leaders will put their impress on those who follow. More than that, you get a process of collective maintenance, because like will attract like, and you will get the healthy girls being married to the healthy men, and you will thereby get the good race. A great danger I see at the present moment is that we go on—rightly go on—rendering nature's methods nugatory, but we do not apply ourselves sufficiently seriously to a substitute in the shape of promoting the fit.
I pass to another aspect of this question, the smaller families of to-day. The smaller family, if we rightly consider it, does add to fitness. At one time nature eliminated the weakling children by a high infant death-rate We have put a stop to that. Now that we have reduced our infant death-rate down to 57 we must remember that we are not only saving the fit children but we are also saving the unfit children. In so far as we save the unfit children—and it would have been far better if many of them had not survived—

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we are doing a damage to the community; an unavoidable damage if you will, but we are doing a damage to the community. We have therefore to add something to make up for that, and the way we are striving to do it is by having fewer children and fitter children. It is a fact that the smaller families of to-day have a higher proportion of fitter children, and the mothers of those children are as well as, and in my judgment better than, those of any previous generation.
And there is this interesting reflection, that it is the high infant death-rate that has accounted in large measure for contraception. It is one thing to have twelve pregnancies and five children reared—which was the state of things some years ago—and it is a very different thing, with our lower infant death-rate, to have twelve pregnancies and ten children reared. In other words, if you are not going to have families of a size which to-day is impossible, you are forced to have contraception largely because you are lowering your infant death-rate. At the same time it is true—and I think it must be owned to be true—that we do not want a population that is too small. From a national point of view, if we have too small a population our leadership in the world might easily be imperilled, and I think we need an appeal—and I believe it would be answered if we applied reasoned arguments—that there should be adequate parenthood.
I pass lastly to another and difficult part of the question. On the one hand we have to plan actively for a fit race. That must activate all our policy, whether it is physical education, physical recreation, or family life. We must get the fit citizens to the forefront and secure leaders of youth and make them set the pace. But now we have to realise that by our lower death-rate there is a residue of inherently unfit that no environment, however favourable, is going to raise up to the level of good citizens. They are the tares in the field of life. Now, in days gone by those inherently unfit were eliminated, not entirely, but in larger numbers; they were cared for but little. They just floundered along as best they could. To-day we are preserving them. It is quite proper we should. But we have to protect them and to protect the race. From
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the point of view of education, surely those who are inherently unfit should be given a kindly, simple shelter, and no effort should be made to raise them above their biological level. If you raise them above their biological level and plant them on the community, you run the risk of vitiating the race by the increase of their defects. These defectives, whether they are physical, mental, or moral, if they happen to be carriers of disease to descendants or if they are undesirable parents, should, I suggest, be discouraged from reproduction and, where possible, prevented from undertaking parentage.
Let me give one or two examples. Take the tragedy of bleeders. Every generation the girls, if they marry, are liable to transmit the bleeding disease to their sons. It has been traced back for generations. You see tragedy arising here and there if you only follow it. I take another example—hereditary blindness—not a very common disease, but a very tragic one. Then take inherited deformities of the hand. Children are born with a considerable prospect of inheriting deformed hands. Then take the question of cyclical insanity. Think what happens. The parent is in an asylum, gets perfectly well after a while, demands discharge, receives it, and during the period of discharge produces another child. The mother, in an agony of mind, knows full well that the child when it comes is liable to be insane.
May I pass to the question of mental defectives? There are 250,000 mental defectives in our community, sufficiently fit to hold their own economically in that existence but unfit from the point of view of parents. It has been calculated that if one parent or two parents are subject to this disease, the children born of them are liable to be defective to the extent of one-third, and to the extent of one-half the children will not be normally minded. That is a considerable figure when you have 250,000 such defectives in the community. May I quote one outstanding case which shows graphically how easy it is to get the race vitiated? A woman who was a mental defective, with a bad heredity on that side, after two illegitimate children, had fifteen children born in wedlock. Of these, nine were mental defectives and only two were normal. If these children were free to move about the community, if they were

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not really incapable of looking after themselves—they have a greater freedom now after the age of sixteen—if ten of these children should marry and produce families, it does not require much thought to realise to what extent the race could be vitiated, say, after fifty years. It might easily run into thousands.
We doctors are always being exhorted to think in terms of prevention, and we are more and more striving to do so. We take sanitary measures to prevent the spread of infectious diseases; we inoculate practically whole communities, schools and other places, in order to prevent the spread of disease and arrest it at its outset. I ask in all reason why we should not use preventive measures to prevent the birth of children who are not wanted, who are a misery to themselves, a misery to their parents, and damaging to the race. My experience is—and this is certainly true of the Western part of America—that these people do not want to be parents. Where they have been deprived of the possibilities of parenthood, there is hardly an instance where they express any regret; they know they are incapable of the responsibility, they know they cannot stand the racket; and if they are of a higher standard of intelligence, they are terrified of producing bad children for the race.
It is only an accident that we doctors at the present time have not the power of offering—only offering—to these poor things relief from the dangers of parentage. It is a mere chance, and that chance is this, that back several hundred years ago, when there was an awful practice of getting someone to maim you in order that you might escape military service, there arose a law against maiming. That law has existed down to this day. It was never meant to apply to any skilled profession, but the law is there. At the present time it is doubtful, and more than doubtful, if I would be enabled to advise the prevention of parenthood, however grave the risk to the person involved. I should lay myself open to be guilty of a breach of this law against maiming. I suggest, as a remedy, simply that the medical profession be exempted from the terms of that ancient law and that we be enabled to extend our powers of preventive treatment in such cases as we are asked to treat and where it is right to proceed. It would be on all fours with
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the rest of our treatment. We advise; we do our best to persuade what is the best course. There is no compulsion; there is no suggestion that any other course should be followed. I have been trying to show that this is a question of large import which cannot be approached except from all these varied aspects, and I would plead in the months to come, when this great question is being considered, that it should be considered in all its bearings, remembering that on our efforts may well depend the destiny of our race.
LORD MILNE: My Lords, my sole reason or excuse for intervening in this debate is that for practically the whole of my life I have had to deal with the training of young men. For the past few years as chairman of possibly the only physical training institute in the East End of London, I have come across and had to deal very intimately with young men who have passed the school age and who are desirous and anxious to improve their physical development. Quite lately the Minister of Health said: "We are not a C3 nation, but the reverse." It is true we are not a C3 nation, but we are very far from being an A1 nation.
May I just refer to the statistics of the War? Owing to the lack of any form of physical training and any standard of physical fitness in this country there are no statistics at all that we can rely on; but when the nation was mobilised for the Great War only under 50 per cent. came up to grade, which was not a very high standard. I was rather surprised when the noble Lord, Lord Mount Temple, said that only 47 per cent. of the would-be recruits for the Army in 1935 had been medically rejected. That is certainly an improvement in the standard since I left three years ago, because I think that in 1932 57 per cent. of those who were medically examined were rejected. And I would ask your Lordships to remember that of that number probably 40 per cent. were in employment; they were not unemployed but they were employed young men. But there is a worse standard. Many men never come up for medical examination because they are turned down by the recruiters, and that comes to about 23 per cent annually of those who offer themselves. I think, therefore, that you will agree that the standard is a very

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low standard and that much must be done for this nation. I would ask your Lordships to recognise what is done in the Services and what could be done for the nation by a proper co-ordinated physical and mental training, by good food and properly cooked food, by proper medical supervision in which defects are remedied, by proper physical training, and also by instruction in hygiene which, I think, is possibly more required than other things.
Something has been said about the children. In the primary schools only round about 20 per cent. of the children suffer from defects which can be remedied by physical training. These defects generally arise before they come to school. In the secondary schools, where the children are selected to a certain extent, the reports show that the standard of physique is very much better; but I should like to stress that there is a danger of questions of health giving way, especially sight giving way, to that striving after success in examinations which is becoming so prominent at the present moment. But I should like to congratulate the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education for what is being done in the State-aided schools. Possibly the time allotted is short, but it is taken out of school hours and not out of games. It is part of the curriculum of the school. The instructors are based on a very sound system. They are the schoolmasters themselves. They are trained as schoolmasters, they work with the children, they get special training in physical education, but that training is not sufficiently detailed and not sufficiently long. That wants distinct improvement. But the great point is that owing to sound medical examination defects can be found out and remedied by physical training.
I wish I could say the same of another class of school which ought to be very much better. I refer to the preparatory and public schools of this country, where games are studied and carried out possibly to perfection, but where physical training as physical training is very often, much too often, very badly neglected. For some reason headmasters will not allow physical training to be taken out of the time allotted to mental training and to games, and in those schools there is no medical supervision
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on the same lines as in the State-aided schools. Defects are not being remedied in the same way. And last, and almost worst, there is no proper system of instructors. Too often—and I will return to that later—the drill instructor is put in charge of physical training, and I have no hesitation in saying that I think the drill instructor is the very last person who ought to be told off for physical training. The difference of the two is very great indeed.
What does seem to be lacking in this country, and the defect, I hope, will now be remedied, is a universal system. There are many systems of physical training in the world, but we do want a British system of training to suit the British temperament and British characteristics. That should be easy to find and when found it ought to be carried out in all the schools, because it is essential that the physical training and the mental training and the medical man should act together. Much more than people imagine the one reacts on the other. Too often physical training is carried out—I speak with deference to the noble Lord, Lord Horder, by my side—without reference to the medical man, and often very much damage is done. It is essential that those two should work together, and it is essential that physical training and physical education should not be regarded as something separate, but should be regarded as part and parcel of the education of every young man in the country. It is during these formative years from fourteen to eighteen that I am certain, by a proper system, we could build up not only the bodies of the young but the mental faculties and the character. We could quicken the brain power, and, I believe, by a proper system of physical training, we should add to the moral strength of the young men of the country. I would stress the point, that the training of the physical instructor is just as important as the training of the mental instructor.
Many of the people in this country who are in close contact with the young men and the young women after they leave school feel that what they have gained at school they lose once they leave school. The reason of that is that there are no facilities at all for the youth of the nation to carry out physical-exercises. They are lacking in all opportunities for physical development.

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That is why as we go along the streets we see thousands of weakly, badly developed bodies which might be made by a proper system into fine, well set-up men. I am certain that if industry demanded any standard of efficiency in physique we should be sadly lacking in workmen in this country. Our modern methods of mechanisation, in which no use is made of the physical attributes of the body, are adding every day to the depreciation in the physique of the nation. It is on behalf of the young people after they leave school that I appeal. The Government should do something for those young men and young women. I welcome very much the statement made by the Minister of Health the other day that physical education and development should be aided by further Government assistance and should be given a definite place in the Government's health scheme. That assistance must be of a financial nature, because finance is the difficulty with which all those who are keen on physical training have to contend at the present moment. I am certain that any such expenditure will be repaid tenfold in helping the industry and commerce of our nation.
There is one other thing I want to say quite clearly and that is that there is no connection between physical education and militarism. Physical education is a totally different thing from drill. As I have said, the worst; instructor in physical training is very possibly the best drill sergeant. What those of us who are interested in physical training are aiming at is so to develop the bodies of the young men of the country as to raise them to a standard of fitness that will stimulate their mental activities and really enrich their lives, by giving them pleasure in their games and pleasure in their work, which only a sound body can possibly give. But there is one very great obstacle to the carrying out of any constructive scheme of physical training. There are in this country, outside the Services, practically no properly qualified instructors. The extraordinary thing is that in that respect girls are better off than boys. There is only one, college in Leeds that turns out instructors About sixty a year are turned out and they are swamped.
As the head of a college in the East End of London, the Lucas Tooth Institute, where boys pay a small fee out of their
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hard earnings to receive instruction once a week and to develop their bodies, I appeal to His Majesty's Government to help to inaugurate centres for training leaders of boys' clubs. It takes some time to train instructors but it is an easier matter to train leaders, and these boys' clubs are crying out for leaders to instruct them. Those leaders are justified in demanding payment. The instruction and production of leaders is the first thing we have to consider, together with the provision of places—not only playing grounds but covered places, because they will be used a great deal in the evening after the day's work is done—where instruction can be given. That is what the youths of the nation are crying out for at the present moment.
LORD HORDER: My Lords, I do not abate in the least degree the customary plea for indulgence on the occasion of first addressing your Lordships. As a doctor I am interested a great deal in this subject, but I do not propose to weary you with a long speech. In that way I hope to obtain your favour on future occasions. My noble and distinguished colleague, the President of the Royal College of Physicians, referred to the great importance of clarifying our terms. The noble Lord, Lord Dawson of Penn, differentiated between physical training and physical recreation. But we are surely all agreed that what is wanted, to use the noble Lord's own words, is the bettering of the national physique. My noble colleague takes a long view, a view that begins with eugenic preparation for physical and mental fitness, that plans for a continuation of this fitness, that concentrates on the plastic and trainable period of life and on the importance of selecting at about that age those who can lead and so spread the gospel of fitness. It is a long road that we are asked to travel, and I know no short cut. I know of no royal road. What I say to your Lordships this evening I want to be taken as supplemental to rather than substitutional for the ideal of the noble Lord, Lord Dawson.
Mr. Greenwood and some others seem to scent an ulterior and veiled motive in the references of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Minister of Health to a possible campaign for physical fitness as though a short view was to be taken, with intensive methods, with the Government's

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mind perchance bent upon a prepared nation for a special if not an immediate objective. Well, why not? If we are precariously unfit in regard to mechanised defence that surely is no reason why we should be equally unready in regard to personal fitness. The universal assent that has been given to adjustment in the former case surely must not be withheld in regard to the latter. But whether we take the long view or the short view, we must surely take the wide view. Fitness for living, fitness for working—fitness for fighting, if it must be—can never be attained by mere physical measures, whether these be educational or re-creative. As has been said, it cannot be thought that the Government have such limited methods in view. There are other still more basic things that are imperative in this matter: food, shelter, air and leisure. All these are essential to that rise in health and morale which, if we take the long view, are requisite. I therefore urge the Government not to cease from any of the efforts in these directions which already stand to the credit of the Ministry of Health, of Labour and of Education, but rather that these methods be intensified and expedited.
The Minister of Health has had an opportunity of advertising legitimately, as I think, what has been done in these directions. Why not advertise more fully what the nation has itself done in these directions? Such advertisement would be wholesome for our self-respect and would be salutary reading for some other nations. We should have heard more about it if other nations had gone half the length that we have gone in the last decade. Here is propaganda of an attractive kind of which I venture to think, with his past successful experience in another Department, that the Minister of Health will take notice. But, my Lords, much remains to be done. Surely there is need for more co-operation between Government Departments concerned in these things. The Ministries are Departmental, we understand, but must they be so compartmental? I spoke of food because I believe food to be fundamental in all questions of fitness. I prefer the word "food" to "nutrition." As a scientist I am interested in calories and vitamins; as a doctor I am a little dubious whether nature really intended us to be so selective in our diet as some
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people suggest. But as one who is anxious to avoid the delays that exasperate, I would say: Look after the accessibility of the right foods and nutrition will look after itself. Then, as I see it this question of food and its distribution is surely not a matter of one Ministry but of several, and I should like to see more co-operation in this respect between the Ministries of Health and of Agriculture, the Board of Trade, and—why not?—the Ministry of Transport.
Then I think it is vital that the interest of the nation itself should be roused in this question of fitness. You cannot really plan for improved fitness; even the best doctor cannot make his patient healthy, and we are beginning to see in Russia some of the effects upon a nation of being—if I may use that telling phrase—more planned against than planning. I am not decrying forethought. I welcome the promised Factories Act as an important contribution towards a better design for living for our younger raw material. But my own lead, if I may put it in that way, would be that the Government should speed up all those social services upon the results of which depend the health and happiness of the people. Does the Treasury bill appal some of an? I am not appalled if I can believe that the money has been wisely spent and spent rather for enduring than for merely temporary benefits. When I look at the cost of revolutions elsewhere I think that the cost of our revolution is small by comparison. We have so far spent nothing on bloodshed, but we have kept the greatest of all our assets, which is our individual liberty.
As for physical training, I am not sure that the methods and the means will not emerge rather naturally, given health and contentment. I know that the Board of Education sent delegates to Germany to study methods of physical exercise; but since when have Britons been dependent upon other nations for giving them the incentive to, or for teaching them, physical exercises? Let the Government stimulate and also subsidise existing institutions of whatever kind that centralise physical training and physical recreation, chief amongst which I should like to put the Central Council of Recreative Physical Training, a body in whose work several members of your Lordships' House take an active part.

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By doing this they will rebut the charge of a hollow slogan on the one hand and encouraging a "ramp" on the other. Finally, my Lords, I hope that we shall not be regimented towards this act. I cannot think it is necessary. Let the Government have faith that if the people of Britain are given the modest requirements of security at home and security of sustenance, their sturdy commonsense will do the rest. The word "democracy" has been debased, out if I dare use it I would remind your Lordships that democracy, especially a democracy asked to be physically fit, also advances on its stomach.
THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: My Lords, I hesitated very much to intervene, even for a few minutes, in this interesting discussion. I cannot claim to be an expert, and yet the subject is one which necessarily causes in my mind the greatest possible interest, affecting as it does the welfare of the whole people. I certainly cannot traverse the ground covered by the speech of my noble friend Lord Dawson, to which we listened with profound interest and close attention, nor do I propose to enter into the larger fields which have been put before us in the speeches of the noble and gallant Field-Marshal and Lord Horder. I only want to call attention to one particular and limited point. I do so partly because I know that two of the right reverend Prelate? on this Bench, if they had been present, would have called attention to it, and I should like to associate myself with what they would have said. The very limited point to which I wish to refer only in a few sentences is one that has already been mentioned in the course of the debate. It is the danger less the standard of nutrition, whether among children or among adolescents, should fall short of the standard of body necessary for profiting by physical exercise or physical training.
With regard to the children, of course there has been in this? matter a very great deal of exaggeration, and I noted—and I am sure we all noted—with great satisfaction the statistics which were brought before another place not long ago by the Minister of Health. I should like to say how glad I am to notice everywhere o an extension of the provision of milk and suitable meals for
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children in our elementary schools. But it is one thing to have a standard of nutrition which is adequate for the ordinary school life, and another thing to have a standard of nutrition which is adequate to withstand the actual strain which physical exercise is bound to bring upon the body, to say nothing of the extra hunger which these physical exercises are bound to create. Therefore I think it is of very great importance that, so far as the children are concerned, there should be the most careful medical inspection as to whether in point of nutrition any of the children can safely be put through the physical exercises which on every other ground are so desirable.
When we turn to the adolescents, those who have left school—and I should hope most of them have received some employment—there it is abundantly evident that the need is not less but greater for opportunities for physical training and physical recreation, but there are multitudes of these younger men and women who have not the advantage which in our elementary schools the children have of free meals or the distribution of milk, and it seems to me not improbable that some of them, and those often the most eager for physical training, may not be sufficiently nourished to stand the strain, so that what we would wish to be a benefit may be actually a hindrance to their full development. It is extraordinarily difficult to know how to deal with that problem, but I should hope that further and fuller consideration will be given in this matter to a considered policy of food production in the country, food distribution, and not less food preparation. I have no doubt the quite admirable Committee on Nutrition, which I understand has been appointed, will give adequate consideration to the matter. I am sure it is one of very real importance, and that we are in danger, if I may use the words in a letter to The Times by the Bishop of Winchester, of putting the cart before the horse; in other words, we must be sure that the body, whether of the child or of the adolescent, is capable by proper nutrition of development before attempting to make it more fit by physical exercise and training.
THE EARL OF LISTOWEL: My Lords, it is a privilege of which I am very

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sincerely proud to be able to congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Horder, on his maiden speech in this House. I shall not pay him the doubtful compliment of saying that he is an ally of those of us who sit on these Benches, although I should be entitled to do so on the basis of his remarks this afternoon, but I should like to assure him that whether he speaks as an ally or as an opponent of any political Party represented in this House, he will always be listened to with attention and with the utmost respect. The fund of specialised and expert knowledge on which this House is able to draw is an advantage of which we are particularly proud, and our only complaint is that those who are best qualified to make constructive contributions do not do so as often as we would wish.
Your Lordships' House has, I think, been particularly fortunate to-night in securing speeches from two distinguished members of the medical profession, and from a Field Marshal of His Majesty's Army, because they have been able to provide information which otherwise it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to come by. At the same time I am bound, speaking with all due deference to the scientific knowledge of Lord Dawson of Penn, to be a little less optimistic about the prospects of scientific breeding as applied to human beings. I should like to remind your Lordships of a remark which Mr. George Bernard Shaw is supposed to have made in answer to a proposal of marriage from the eminent dancer, Miss Isadora Duncan. She knew his views about eugenics, which are, I suppose, rather similar to those of Lord Dawson of Penn, and on that basis was sufficiently bold to approach him. "Well," he said, "might it not happen that our children would inherit my body and your brains?" I do not tell that story in any jesting sense. I honestly believe we have not sufficient accurate knowledge of human heredity to be able to tell what people are best fitted to bring children into the world, and I should like to remind Lord Dawson of Penn that geniuses have very often been born of the very poorest stock. So I think it would be extremely dangerous if we were to adopt physical fitness as the criterion of fitness for parenthood.
I should like to say, in speaking for those who sit on these Benches, that we
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welcome the obvious awareness of the Government to this urgent problem of the state of the national health, and that we are very glad that they intend to do something to improve the physique of the young. I am not one of those who are sceptical about the value of what you might call more scientific methods in the physical education of the young, and from that point of view it is, I think, the common ground of all Parties that any step forward would be welcomed. For other reasons we are bound to express our dissatisfaction with the attitude of the Government towards this problem of physical fitness. In the first place I think we are entitled to look back over a certain period of time. The Government have been in power for a year already, and another Government of which the composition was very similar—not identical but at least very similar—were in power in this country for four years previously, but only now has the machinery of State been put into operation to improve the physical standards of the young. It can hardly be a mere coincidence that this should occur not a year ago, not two or three or four years ago, but at the very time when His Majesty's Government are embarking on the largest programme of rearmament put forward by any Government since the War. I am not suggesting for a moment that any Government, of whatever political Party it might be composed, regards the working class from the angle of defence exclusively. That would clearly be unfair and unjust. What I am suggesting is that it should not require a national emergency of this kind, a period of great tension in the relations of European countries, to induce the Government to take definite steps towards improving the physical health of the young.
The essence of the few remarks that I have to make has, I think, already been expressed far more ably than I should be able to express myself on this subject, in two letters that appeared in The Times; his morning and in the speeches of the most reverend Primate and the noble Lord, Lord Horder, who spoke from the Cross Benches. It is simply this, that if the Government intend to face up to this problem of physical debility on the part of hundreds of thousands of the population of this country, then they have got to detect the root cause of this low standard of physical well-being and to

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strike at that. And the root cause, as those to whom I have already referred have either said or implied, is surely malnutrition or under-nourishment. I do not wish to labour a point with which your Lordships' House is already exceedingly familiar, but I think it worth while to stress it again, and to stress it emphatically, owing to the peculiar circumstances of the debate to-night.
Your Lordships will remember that the great nutrition expert, Sir John Orr, produced a Report on the state of the national health in which he divided the total population of the country into six separate categories or groups on the basis of average income per person per week—on a basis, therefore, of wealth. Now the three lowest of these six groups, comprising together a half of the population, had an insufficient income to procure those nutritious foodstuffs which are necessary for an optimum standard of health. I would like to quote one sentence from Sir John Orr's Report. He says:
"The average diet of the poorest group, comprising 4,500,000 people, is deficient in every constituent examined. The second group, comprising 9,000,000 people, is adequate in proteins, fats and carbohydrates, but deficient in all the vitamins and minerals. The third group, comprising another 9,000,000, is deficient in several of the important vitamins and minerals."
I would suggest that, however effective in a limited sphere the proposals of the Government may be, a mere increase in the amount and quality of sports and physical training available for the young cannot reduce under-nourishment or malnutrition. Such a routine is surely best suited to the physical health of any person who leads a sedentary life and enjoys the best possible nourishment, but who requires definite periods of physical recreation of a rather active order. I cannot see how measures of this very limited kind are going to affect beneficially, or to any appreciable degree, the children who inhabit the Depressed Areas of South Wales and North-West and North-East England.
It is generally urged by those who are in disagreement with our point of view that we are always ready to criticise the Government and to carp at the measures they propose, but at the same time can never suggest any constructive alternative. What I would like to do is to suggest a few practical and concrete measures that could well be adopted,
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not in place, of what the Government are going to do but as a sort of supplementary programme. I do not wish to discourage any improvement in our existing social services; at the same time I am perfectly certain that the one suggested by the Government needs to be greatly added to if it is going to have the desired effect on the standard of physical health prevalent at this moment. Surely, as many of your Lordships and so many people outside have suggested, if the fundamental programme is one of adequate nutrition, then what we have to consider is how to increase the purchasing power of the ordinary working class family and how to reduce the cost of those essential foodstuffs that are necessary for an optimum standard of health.
I hope I shall not be considered to be ranging over too wide a field if I say that the problem envisaged in this way entails action in other directions as well. There should be an attempt at this moment to secure a reduction of indirect taxation, represented by tariffs and quotas, by mutual agreements with other countries, it is perfectly obvious that indirect taxation of this kind forces the working class family either to spend more money on manufactured products or other commodities that are not essential—or not so essential—from the point of view of health, or to spend more money upon agricultural products. I suggest that a reduction of this kind should first and foremost affect those necessary agricultural products which are the staple food of millions—I am thinking, of course,- of butter, eggs, milk and meat—and that a really determined effort should be made to strike what might be called a fair deal between the farmers and the consumers, which I think at present has not been struck owing to the tendency of the Government to give an excessive advantage to the farming community. In the second place I should like to endorse the appeal of the most reverend Primate for an extension of the supply of fresh milk in the schools and possibly for a reduction of the price at which it is provided to the children. This might well be coupled with an extension of the number of child welfare centres, which could certainly be extended with the encouragement of the. Government, and with a greater provision of fruit juice and fresh milk and other vitamin-containing foodstuffs in those centres.

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Thirdly, I wish to make a plea that has been already made by those who belong to my persuasion in another place for the abolition of the family or household means test. I am not thinking of this regulation in regard to the general welfare of those thousands of working-class families who are affected by it at this moment. I am thinking merely of the reduction of income owing to the fact that, out of a wage that should only suitably be used to support themselves, they have to support as well all those relatives who may be living under the same roof. I suggest there is such a large surplus in the Unemployment Insurance Fund that the Government could afford to spend a little more on those who are now receiving unemployment allowances and who are past the period of unemployment benefit, while agreeing, of course, with the Government that in the two cases there is essentially a difference of principle.
Finally, there is one matter to which I would like to allude in a very few words, because I feel certain that, after nutrition, it is the most important contributory cause of the state of physical debility in which so many of our working-class families find themselves at this moment, and that is the chronic overworking—indeed I believe the word "exploitation" could be used without exaggeration in this context—of young persons between the ages of fourteen and eighteen. I should like to remind your Lordships that the only statutory regulation of hours of these young persons applies to factories and to the cotton mills where there is respectively a limit of sixty hours and fifty-five and a half hours per week. I am perfectly certain your Lordships will agree that a sixty-hour week is far too long for any child of fourteen, fifteen, or sixteen to work. We welcome the appearance on the programme of His Majesty's Government of a Factories Bill, but one cannot help being apprehensive lest it should not go far enough. We do urge His Majesty's Government to set an example to other countries—an example of which we certainly could be proud—by reducing the hours of work of young persons of both sexes to forty per week without overtime. This problem is specially urgent at the moment because, owing to the wave of prosperity, there is a natural demand for juvenile labour up to the very limit to
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which it can be worked. I cannot help also putting in a plea for those young persons who would not be covered by any Factories Bill, but who are worked very often even longer hours than those who are so protected. For instance, there are 5,000 page-boys in London between the ages of fourteen and sixteen working seventy-two hours per week—an average of eleven hours on six days and six hours on Sundays.
I feel perfectly convinced that if the Government could envisage this problem, which all Parties and all persons of good will are anxious to solve, as a problem primarily of poverty on the part of those who wish to buy essential foodstuffs, then they could adopt measures which would go a very long way towards providing a solution. I am not satisfied that the mere increase in facilities for physical training and recreation and shorts is going to diminish very appreciably the appalling incidence of physical defects to which attention is being drawn at the present moment, and I am perfectly certain that unless His Majesty's Government are prepared to be more courageous and to expand the social services generally in a bolder and more generous way, we shall be faced for many years to come with a problem that is one of profound anxiety both from the point of view of the happiness of millions of working-class people and from the point of view of our own national defences.
VISCOUNT MERSEY: My Lords, I feel very much like a minnow among the Tritons in intervening in this debate, and I am sure your Lordships will sympathise with me. I only want to say a few words on one particular angle and that is the comparison with Germany—I shall not call it Ruritania. I happen to have been three times in the last twelve months in Germany, not in Prussia, but in the South and in the centre, and in August last I drove slowly across the country from Belgium to Czechoslovakia, stopping at different places. The impression that remains upon one's mind is so remarkable that I cannot possibly agree with noble Lords who suggest we have nothing to learn from Germany. We have a great deal to learn from Germany. I do not wish in any way, in what I am going to say, to be understood as approving or disapproving of Germany's internal policy.

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I do not consider I know enough about it to give an opinion, and, even if I did, I would not consider it my business to do so. I am speaking merely of what one sees with one's own eyes.
To begin with, there is no question about the difference in physical appearance between the people of Germany and the people of the southern part of Belgium, the northern part of France, and the people of Czechoslovakia. Physically, these people look definitely inferior to the ordinary people in Germany. The people in Germany are healthy, of good colour, civil, cheerful. I am talking of the country people. The villages are as clean as a new pin. One hardly ever sees a slum dwelling—and this is not only on the main roads. This does not only apply to the men but to the young women also. As your Lordships know, the young women in Germany do not use paint or lipstick, and I must say that that does not derogate from their attractions. The people look well set up; they are proud of themselves. Their clothing-is not perhaps very up to date but it is quite good enough. I cannot help thinking, speaking of course purely as a layman, that one of the essential causes of this is that they undoubtedly eat a great deal less than they used to do before, the War. The "stomach" and spectacles seem to have entirely disappeared. They are a healthy, active people.
Another cause which I am also convinced has a great deal to do with it is the form of physical training which they undergo. A good deal of it is drill. The noble and gallant Field Marshal (Lord Milne), my own chief, who has frequently had to reprove me in other days, will forgive me if I differ from him. I do not think drill is such a bad thing, at any rate the drill administered there. I personally am inclined to think that my presence in this House to-day is due to drill. I was what was known as a very bad "drill," and I have often thought that, owing to that reason, early in the late War I was transferred to the staff from my regiment, and that probably made a great deal of difference to me. For that reason I owe a certain debt to drill. The young people in Germany, more particularly the boys and young men go about in little companies. You meet them in the towns and villages. They have what they call a fuhrer or
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young leader who is probably a little more intelligent than the rank and file. These young leaders take them about. I met one such party at Trèves, being shown the Roman amphitheatre in which I must say they appeared to take more interest than did their elders. You see these young people all over the countryside, which is a smiling picture of prosperity. You see them in the valleys of the Moselle and the Rhine being shown the local sights and all taking an interest in what they see. This I think is largely due to their healthy condition. This is common knowledge to everybody who is interested in these matters and knows what is being done in Germany, and I only emphasise it because I cannot agree with the suggestion that we have nothing to learn from Germany. I think we have a great deal to learn from Germany in this particular direction.
Something has been said about not enough being done in this country to supply physical training to our own workpeople. There, again, I should like to differ entirely. I myself—your Lordships will forgive me speaking of myself—am connected with two very large industrial companies who employ between them something like 50,000 workpeople. We provide our workpeople, both men and women, with almost every kind of opportunity for recreation. We have large playing fields for games such as tennis, cricket, football and golf, and there is a corps of Territorials which we largely support. We find that the provision of these facilities makes an enormous difference to productive capacity. We lose far fewer working hours than we should do if we did not provide these facilities for recreation.
I should very much like to recommend to any of your Lordships who may desire to see it a film which has been recently produced by one of these companies called "Nutrition." It is being shown in London. I think the noble Lord, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, knows about it. It shows exactly those points which the noble Earl has brought out. It shows the different classes of the population and how underfed some are. It is a film which can be seen for nothing, so I am not advertising it. It puts in a concentrated form what needs to be remedied and suggests what ought to be done. I may say that there is added to

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it a shorter film of a lighter nature showing M. Boulestin cooking a very hot and very excellent dinner on certain sorts of cooking apparatus. It would probably interest the noble and gallant Field-Marshal who said we did not know how to cook. I should like to conclude by saying on behalf of the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Crewe) who cannot be in his place to-night, how greatly he is interested in the whole question. I should also like to remind your Lordships how great is the work that he has done as President of the London and Greater London Playing Fields Association which is affiliated with the National Playing Fields Association. That is one of the causes nearest to the heart of the noble Marquess among the very many activities to which he devotes himself.
LORD AMULREE: My Lords, I wish to take this opportunity of congratulating my noble friend opposite (the Earl of Listowel) on the speech he has made. So far as we are dealing with physical fitness I venture, if I may respectfully say so, to agree with my noble friend when he said that physical training, food and nutrition must go together. It seems to me impossible to expect any real physical training if that training has to be done on an empty stomach. Speaking of physical training and physical fitness, it is necessary that we should draw a clear distinction, as I think was done by the noble Lord, Lord Dawson, between physical training and physical recreation. We must distinguish between exercises for the purpose of promoting physical fitness on the one hand, and sports and games the object of which is recreation on the other hand. Broadly speaking we have at the present a national system for promoting physical fitness in our schools up to the age of fourteen. I am somewhat sceptical of its effectiveness. I think that the instructors aim far too much at smartness, and I do not think that the children really understand what they are doing, why they are doing it or how it is to be associated with the talks which they hear in class upon what is called hygiene and what would be much more intelligible if it were called health.
In a letter appearing in a recent issue of The Times, Professor Harris of Cambridge gives a caution against military smartness in the physical training of the young, and he observes that "sound
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physical education should connote something distinct from regimentation." I think the noble and gallant Field Marshal bore out that statement. I do net wish it to be understood that I am against smartness in the training of children, but what I am anxious to emphasise is that that part of the training should net be overdone. In regard to this part of the subject I think the time has now come when we should have an inspectorate of physical training parallel with the inspectorate of class teaching. I believe that the influence of such a body would be very great and its reports would give us something solid to go upon in our discussions.
I come next to recreational facilities, including sports and games. These apply to the old and the young. They differ enormously both in quality and quantity. One town, for example, may have two or three large business establishments each of which provides playing fields for its staff. Another town may have no large establishments but a number of small firms which naturally do nothing for their employees. I would urge a survey of recreational facilities, which should be provided either by the local authority or by private enterprise, so that We may know how far the expansion of these facilities is going hand in hand with the redistribution of our population which is now in progress. At present we can only guess at it. In this connection it would be important to determine whether our town-planning legislation has had any effect whatever on the provision of proper recreational facilities alongside the development of new housing estates by local authorities and by private enterprise. A survey such as I have suggested would show this.
The other side of the recreational problem is presented by the voluntary societies. Generally speaking, these bodies get hold of the young people but do not and cannot provide the playing fields which they need. What we want to know is how far these voluntary agencies overlap or how for they stimulate one another. For example, is the Boys' Brigade strong in areas where the Boy Scouts are also strong or does strength in one agency tend to imply weakness in other agencies whose work is closely parallel to it? Further, how far do these

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voluntary agencies, large and small, really cover the country? I am very greatly impressed with the need of preserving and extending all these voluntary agencies and I am equally impressed with the immense difficulty of fitting all our rich variety of voluntary agencies into a national system. Yet we managed to do something of this sort in our legislation for national health insurance, and we ought to try and do it again, realising that the national temperament dislikes too much bureaucratic uniformity. The need for a systematic and comprehensive survey is particularly great here. If it could be undertaken, either by the State or by some such body as the Council of Social Services it would enable us to see what is the position and whether any, and if so which, parts of the country are not covered by these organisations. With such a survey we should be in a position to act on the attractive suggestion made by one of the speakers at the recent National Labour Conference. This suggestion was that per capita grants should be made to the voluntary associations, subject, of course, to periodical inspection.
That brings me to nutrition. The noble Earl, Lord Listowel, quoted Sir John Orr. No doubt he speaks with great authority, but what troubles me about his statement that roughly half the population are underfed, is in the first place that it is a generalisation. What trouble's me further is to know what evidence he was acting upon, and how far was that evidence adequate? In what way, if at all, can it be supplemented? What agencies are available for collecting information of this kind, and how far is their work to be encouraged and made more effective? These are the sort of qustions one would like answered before accepting the statement which my noble friend relied upon, which is of an alarming nature. The official information provided by the cost-of-living figures is now practically of little value. The cost-of-living figures are in fact based upon a large number of working-class budgets collected some thirty years ago. The immense change in public taste during the interval makes a new basis essential. If a new inquiry is in progress, as I am told it is, or is about to be undertaken, what method has been adopted or is to be adopted to collect information on these topics?
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The noble Lord, Lord Horder, in a recent address in Edinburgh, emphasised the fact that "enough of the right food" is essential. If family budgets are again being taken as the basis, will particular attention be directed to the "right food"? This is really important, because many existing scales of wages and salaries are adjusted according to the cost-of-living figures. It is to be hoped that the new scheme will be well considered. An ill-considered scheme may have the effect of creating a good deal of industrial discontent. It appears to me, therefore, that to secure an effective scheme for the improvement of physical fitness in young people a good deal of spade work is necessary.
LORD BALFOUR OF BURLEIGH: My Lords, I think the noble Lord who moved this Motion must be very gratified with the debate which has resulted from it. There can be nobody, I think, who is not disturbed by the present condition of the physical fitness of the people. The noble Lord, Lord Amulree, is inclined to quarrel with the statistics of Sir John Orr. I do not think we need go further than the number of rejections for the military and naval forces, which I believe amount to well over 50 per cent. We need no more than the evidence of our own eyes as we go about, particularly in our towns, to be satisfied that there is need for a very great improvement.
I have listened with great attention to the debate this afternoon, and no one can have failed to be struck by the twin threads which have run right through it. We are agreed that the conditions call for drastic action, and we have had here this afternoon, broadly speaking, representatives of two schools of remedy. The noble Lord who moved the Motion emphasised rather the physical exercise side, whereas other speakers have dwelt on the nutrition side—or, as Lord Horder wishes us to say, the food side, and I think he is right. "Food" is much more expressive than "nutrition." There is only one point which I wish to make to your Lordships, and I venture to make it now, because I think it is important. First let me say how much I welcome what fell from the noble and gallant Field Marshal about the difference between drill and physical exercise. I was delighted to hear that, because I think that that remark, falling from

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him, must help to allay the apprehensions which are evident on the Front Bench opposite. The word was not used, but I know what is in the minds of the noble Lords of the Socialist Party: they think that the only reason for this campaign for better physical conditions is to create cannon fodder.
THE EARL OF LISTOWEL: I hesitate to interrupt the noble Lord, but I was very careful in the remarks that I made earlier to point out that I did not cast on the Government the aspersion of regarding the working class as nothing but cannon fodder. I should like to make that perfectly clear, if I might, because I am quite certain that the noble Lord did not wish to misrepresent me.
LORD BALFOUR OF BURLEIGH: The noble Earl did certainly guard himself very carefully, but I thought he was a little ungenerous. If I were in his position I should be glad to see the campaign for improvement whether it came under the threat of a national crisis or not. But do not let us waste time in debating that point. The point I want to make is that, as between these rival advocates of physical exercise and food, the balance really falls down heavily on the side of those who are advocating better feeding, and for this reason. The younger the individual the greater the importance of good feeding; the need for good feeding is there long before you can bring the children within reach either of the drill sergeant or of the physical training instructor. It goes back, of course, to before the birth of the child. The importance of the proper feeding of the expectant mother is no less great than the importance of the feeding of the children in the early years of their existence.
The knowledge which has become available on the subject of proper diet in the last few years is, of course, very great. The noble Lords belonging to the medical profession who are here of course know all about it, and I expect most of your Lordships know about it. Reading on the subject recently, it has come as a surprise to me to learn of some of the experiments which have been carried out. I hold in my hand a report, issued under the auspices of the Medical Research Council, which gives an account of an experiment carried out
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in a boarding-school where a pint of milk was given in addition to the ordinary diet over a considerable period. The existing diet was one which by itself satisfied the appetite of growing boys, but the addition to that diet of a pint of milk a day converted an average annual gain in weight of 3.85 lbs. per boy into one of 6.98 lbs., and an annual average increase in height from 1.84 ins. to 2.63 ins. That result was achieved simply by the addition of a pint of milk a day to what was regarded as a satisfactory diet. If that could happen on top of a diet which was satisfactory, obviously the addition of a pint of milk a day to a diet which was unsatisfactory would be more startling still.
It seems fantastic, when we consider that a greater production of milk would be a wonderful thing from the point of view of keeping people on the land and of helping agriculture, and at the same time that a greater consumption of milk by the population would be one of the test things that we could possibly have, to realise that we are unable to find the means of uniting that need with that supply. I do not think that the noble Earl who is going to respond for the Government will quarrel with me for bringing up the subject of milk. The advantage that the food advocates have over the physical exercise advocates, because of the importance of the early years, is what I really want to stress. I am not belittling the importance of physical exercises later on. I share the view that every sort of physical exercise and organised game is important, and I lope that the Government will push on with them.
Before I sit down, may I refer to one remark of the noble Lord, Lord Dawson? He mentioned the fact that, owing to our better social services, nature was now being prevented from eliminating the weaklings to a very great extent, and he emphasised that that circumstance perhaps produced a new problem. With very great respect to the noble Lord, that is surely not quite the whole picture. While the infant mortality rate is reduced—I speak with very great respect for the noble Lord—surely the rate of impaired health must be reduced also. Surely the noble Lord would not indicate that on balance the social services are having a deleterious effect, which I think

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would follow if the only result was the prevention of the elimination of the weaklings. Surely there must also be very good results in the maintenance of a good standard among those who would otherwise have become weaklings. I only mention the point because I think it is dangerous for any statement to go out from the noble Lord, with his great authority, which appears to indicate that the social services, instead of being beneficial, might in that way be productive of a harmful result.
LORD DAWSON OF PENN: I am afraid I did not make my meaning clear. What I said was that the diminution, for instance, of the infant death-rate, so far as it saved those who were not inherently unfit, brought benefit to the rest; but unfortunately we have no means of deciding between the inherently unfit and fit and therefore we very rightly proceed with our measures to save as many infants as we can. But we must realise that this problem exists, and that we do incidently preserve inherently unfit children who would otherwise have been eliminated.
THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (EARL DE LA WARR): My Lords, as the noble Lord, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, has said, the noble Lord who raised this question must indeed be feeling most gratified. I should think it is some time since your Lordships' House has had a debate in which so many real specialists have been able to contribute their point of view. A debate in which we have had the benefit of the combined advice of the noble Lord, Lord Dawson, and the noble Lord, Lord Holder, on questions of health is in itself an historic debate. It has given us an opportunity, incidentally, of hearing the noble Lord, Lord Horder, in his maiden speech. He said that he was going to be short: I can only say that he was just long enough to make us all feel quite sure that we are looking forward to the occasion when we shall hear him speak again.
Your Lordships will, I think, forgive me if I do not follow the speakers on every point. If this debate is distinguished for one thing more than another, it is that it has displayed the tremendous breadth of the subject with which we have had to deal. We have wandered from such questions as the
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sterilisation of the unfit to the effect of lipstick on a lady's charms, and it is very difficult to contend that any subject which has been raised is in any way irrelevant to the matter under discussion. It is therefore very remarkable that, although the debate has wandered so far from one aspect to another, yet, as the noble Lord, Lord Balfour, has already said, there has been a central theme of agreement the whole time. For instance, your Lordships were, I think, agreed on the essential point that there is a need for a drastic attack on the health problems of this country. I think, equally, that your Lordships were agreed that, while there is that very great need, yet we can congratulate ourselves on the fact that some progress has been made in the past, and that we have at least some sound foundations upon which to build. Finally, I think there was complete agreement on the point that if we are going to tackle this problem at all, and tackle it effectively, then any policy we bring forward must be a comprehensive policy; and that if we follow on the one hand only those who say there is nothing but the question of nutrition or on the other hand those who say there is nothing but the question of physical training of a particular character, then we are bound to have an incomplete policy. We have even at a later stage—I think the noble Lord would himself admit that we cannot debate them at this stage—to consider the fundamental points made by Lord Dawson of Penn. I think he would be the first to admit that we are a long way from action on any of those points, because a great deal more knowledge is required, but none the less they are fundamental questions affecting the future of our race, and will have to be considered by any Government which wishes to make a contribution to this problem.
I think there is one other point on which there is complete agreement, except perhaps by one of the speakers, and that is this: that really, looking at the way in which the Government have already tackled the problem, it is not fair to use the present situation of the health of the nation as a stick with which to beat the Government's back. I think the speech of the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, which had some extremely interesting and important material in it, did perhaps a little lose by his anxiety to make a political

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point against the Government. I was particularly interested when he came to the point of putting forward his proposals. What are they? The first was an extension of the cheap milk scheme. Who was it who initiated the principle of the cheap milk scheme for children? He asked for an extension of the welfare centres. In the last year or so they have been extended to the number of over 300. He also might have asked for an increase of the ante-natal clinics. During the last year they have been increased by about 117. Then we have had the question of playing grounds and facilities for recreation. How many of your Lordships realise that during the last year over £2,500,000 has been spent on that object, and over £1,000,000, double the amount spent in the year before, has been spent on the provision of swimming pools and gymnasiums.
Figures which have already been quoted were given the other day by the Minister of Health in another place as to the general improvement of the health statistics of the country. We have, of course, to be prepared to make certain exceptions with regard to exceptional areas, but, taking the country as a whole, those figures, from whatever angle you look at them, whether you take tuberculosis or infantile mortality, give some basis for confidence in the future. I do not put forward this statement as to what we have done, or those figures as to improvement, in any spirit of complacency in respect of the past or as a reason for suggesting that anything like enough has been done. Indeed there would be no case whatever for the new Government health policy if that were so. I simply want to make that point in order that we should start quite clear and on the basis which I think Lord Dawson of Penn appealed for—namely, a basis devoid of any intention to make political capital, one way or another.
What is it, if we have this sound foundation, that is proposed to be new in the Government's health drive that was announced the other day by the Chancellor of the Exchequer? To begin with I must say to your Lordships that if this debate had occurred a little later it-would have been possible to have told you a great deal more definitely what the policy was, and much of what I say will have to be very much talking about a skeleton. What is new, I think, in this
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drive is that, while a great deal has been done in the past in this direction and in that direction, for the first time you are going to have a real central comprehensive drive, in all the fields of health at the same time, and that drive is to be of a very much more positive character. In the past—this is generalisation and therefore like all other generalisations to some extent lacks accuracy—on the whole I think we thought rather in terms of preventing harm being done than in the direction of developing positive good health. On what grounds are we now going to proceed?
First of all comes the fundamental question whether we are going to proceed on voluntary or compulsory lines. Lord Mount Temple, I think, was perfectly clear in his feelings. He is convinced that unless we are prepared to resort in some measure to compulsion we are not going to have an effective policy. That is not our view. It is our intention to mobilise voluntary effort, plus the local authorities, and help and encourage them to give facilities for greater health. It may be that legislation will be necessary for certain improvements of machinery. It may be that aid of a financial character will have to be considered, but the basis of the scheme will rest on the local authorities and the existing voluntary authorities. We are convinced that if only we can provide playing fields and swimming pools, and the right type of instructor, they will be used. And on the subject of nutrition we are convinced that if the right food is available and the right knowledge is available, immense strides can be made in that way. There need be no question of going into the people's homes and telling them what a benevolent Government intend them in future to consume.
What is this voluntary machinery, then, that we intend to develop? You have the Midwives Act, the maternity and infant welfare work—all that has to continue and to be developed. You have your nursery schools and your nursery classes, still in very small numbers—far too small numbers; and the Board of Education has already circularised authorities on that subject, urging that they should be increased. Then there is the question of the physical training of school children. The noble Lord, Lord Mount Temple, has spoken about the very slight amount of that training at the

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present moment. The increase of the physical training in the schools is a matter that will obviously have to be considered in the future policy. Already the local authorities have been circularised on this subject, and have been urged to appoint more instructors; and although it was only a few months ago that the circular went round, quite a number of additional instructors—twenty or thirty, I think—have already been taken on.
Then there is the question of school buildings. Certain school buildings with their playgrounds surrounding them make it quite impossible that there should be any effective physical exercise, particularly—as the noble Lord rightly stressed—out of doors. The whole idea now of school planning has been completely changed. Not only are all the new senior schools being encouraged to have their gymnasiums, but they are also being encouraged to have very much larger playgrounds. I can give the noble Lord an instance of a school for, I think, 1,000 children, which in 1921 had a playground of 1½ acres, whereas I know of one comparable school to-day that has a playground of no less than sixteen acres. There is also the question of all your bodies that are doing social work at the moment—your National Council of Social Service, the boys' and girls' clubs, some attached to central organisations, some not; the hostels movement which is providing for hikers, the Playing Fields Association, the Central Council of Recreative Training, and probably a great number of other bodies also. All their efforts have to be mobilised and assisted.
Then we come to the last question, that of food—I hesitate to use the word "nutrition" now. A very great deal of capital has been made, not in your Lordships' House but in another place and on the public platform, about this question of food and nutrition, and it has been made by people who have not the slightest right to make capital thereby. I once had the honour of serving in a Labour Government. Never once was it mentioned. The fact of the matter is that here is a comparatively new subject, comparatively new to the medical world, and completely new to the political world, and the first Government that has ever so much as discussed it, or used the word, is this
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National Government. It was we, it was Sir Kingsley Wood—not Mr. Arthur Greenwood—who set up the Nutrition Committee of the Ministry of Health; it was this Government for which I went out to Geneva to join in international discussions on the subject. It was the Marketing Supply Committee, set up by this Government, that enabled Sir John Orr to get the basis of the book that is so frequently being quoted against us. This Government at the present moment is undertaking a new budgetary survey of family budgets. The noble Lord, Lord Amulree, has drawn our attention to the fact that Sir John Orr's book was based on a comparatively small number of cases. Well, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Labour are at the present moment engaged in increasing our knowledge on that subject, while on the other side we have the Report of the Milk Reorganisation Commission, which we hope will very shortly be to hand, and which will enable us, we hope, to deal particularly with the question of milk, which must come first.
All these things are going on, and all these inquiries are at the present moment in the process of being made. They are obviously going to provide a great deal of material, and that material, before it can be welded into a real policy, will need a considerable amount of thinking out. But I can give to your Lordships this definite undertaking, that we recognise that no health policy can be effective unless it is comprehensive; and if it is to be comprehensive it will have to deal, further than we have already done in the milk in schools scheme, with the question of nutrition. Your Lordships must realise, having heard the few remarks which I have ventured to make, that we are really on the fringe of this subject. All I would wish to do is to make it clear that His Majesty's Government realise that there are immense fields that we have not begun to touch. We are only on the outskirts of a great number of fields which we have begun to touch.
It has been most useful to the Government that we should have had this debate, and that we should have all your Lordships' views and suggestions. I can only say that every one of them will be most carefully considered. If there are any matters which your Lordships may feel at

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a later stage have not been dealt with in my speech, or which you feel are not likely to be dealt with in the Government's policy, I can only ask your Lordships to let us know what your suggestions are, because no one realises more than we do that we are dealing with a great subject, capable of immense experiment. Finally, I can give your Lordships a firm assurance that so far as we have gone—and I hope quite soon we shall be able to give you a much more definite picture of policy—we intend to drive forward with all the force and imagination at our command.
LORD MOUNT TEMPLE: My Lords, in rising to ask leave to withdraw my Motion, perhaps the noble Earl who has just spoken will allow me to thank him most sincerely for his speech. I think I speak for every noble Lord here when I say we are really gratified and pleased to learn that the Government mean business, that they really intend not only to speed up the present social services, including the supply of food at schools and similar activities, but that they are really going to tackle the physical improvement of the youth of this country over fourteen and fifteen years old. The noble Earl said—I was delighted to hear it—that what they proposed to do would be done on a voluntary basis. More power to their elbow, as the Irishman said. In other parts of the world voluntary efforts have been tried and they have failed. In Germany they tried for six years on a voluntary basis, and they had to come down to an obligatory one. Therefore, if the noble Earl succeeds, all the more credit to him. I thank the noble Earl for what he has said and ask leave to withdraw my Motion.
Motion for Papers, by leave, withdrawn.

COMMITTEE OF SELECTION.
VISCOUNT MERSEY: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend the Chairman of Committees, I beg to move that the Committee of Selection be appointed.
Moved, That the following Lords, namely:

M. Salisbury,

M. Bath,

M. Crewe,

E. Lucan,

E. Vane (M. Londonderry),

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E. Plymouth,

V. Mersey,

L. Strabolgi,

L. Wemyss (E. Wemyss),

L. Newton,

L. Stanmore,

L. Strathcona and Mount Royal,

L. Redesdale,

L. Marley,

L. Ponsonby of Shulbrede,

L. Snell,

with the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Privy Seal and the Chairman of Committees, be appointed a Committee to select and propose to the House the names of the five Lords to form a Select Committee for the consideration of each opposed Private Bill.—(Viscount Mersey.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
Standing Orders Committee appointed: The Lords following, with the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Privy Seal and the Chairman, of Committees, were named of the Committee:

M. Bath,

M. Bristol,

M. Crewe,

E. Leven and Melville,

E. Stanhope,

E. Malmesbury,

E. Lucan,

E. Vane (M. Londonderry),

E. Eldon,

E. Strafford,

V. Mersey,

V. Ullswater,

L. Clinton,

L. Fairfax of Cameron,

L. Ellenborough,

L. Wemyss (E. Wemyss),

L. Wigan (E. Crawford),

L. Clanwilliam (E. Clanwilliam),

L. Templemore,

L. Hylton,

L. Newton,

L. Stanmore,

L. Loch,

L. Redesdale,

L. Rathcreedan,

L. Askwith,

L. Carnock,

L. Clwyd,

L. Swinfen,

L. Meston,

L. Marks,

L. Marley,

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L. Ponsonby of Shulbrede,

L. Dickinson,

L. Snell,

L. Rhayader,

L. Rankeillour,

L. Milne.

All Petitions relating to the Standing Orders which shall be presented during the present Session referred to the Committee unless otherwise ordered.

SPECIAL ORDERS COMMITTEE.
VISCOUNT MERSEY: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend the Chairman of Committees, I beg to move that the Special Orders Committee be appointed in the terms of the Motion which stands in his name.
Moved, That a Select Committee be appointed to consider all Special Orders of the present Session; and that the Lords following, with the Lord Privy Seal and the Chairman of Committees, be named of the Committee:

D. Norfolk,

M. Salisbury,

M. Bath,

M. Crewe,

E. Lucan,

E. Strafford,

E. Plymouth,

E. Iveagh,

E. Peel,

V. Hereford,

V. Mersey,

L. Strabolgi,

L. Wemyss (E. Wemyss),

L. Templemore,

L. Hare (E. Listowel),

L. Lamington,

L. Stanmore,

L. Redesdale,

L. Askwith,

I. Meston,

L. Marks,

L. Marley,

L. Ponsonby of Shulbrede,

L. Snell.

—(Viscount Mersey.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS OFFICES.
VISCOUNT MERSEY: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend the Chairman of Committees, I beg to move that the House of Lords Offices Committee be appointed.
Moved, That a Select Committee on the House of Lords Offices be appointed, and that the Lords following, with the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Privy Seal and the Chairman of Committees, be named of the Committee:

D. Norfolk,

M. Salisbury,

M. Bath,

M. Cholmondeley,

M. Crewe,

E. Shaftesbury,

E. Stanhope,

E. Ilchester,

E. Lucan,

E. Bradford.

E. Vane (M. Londonderry),

E. Granville,

E. Strafford.

E. Cromer,

E. Plymouth,

E. Iveagh,

E. Midleton,

E. Peel,

V. Hutchinson (E. Donoughmore),

V. Allendale,

V. Mersey,

V. FitzAlan of Derwent,

V. Ullswater,

V. Snowden,

L. Wemyss (E. Wemyss),

L. Wigan (E. Crawford),

L. Templemore,

L. Hylton,

L. Lamington,

L. Newton,

L. Stanmore,

L. Redesdale,

L. Colebrooke,

L. Islington,

L. Ernle,

L. Meston,

L. Jessel,

L. Atkin,

L. Amulree,

L. Marks,

L. Marley,

L. Ponsonby of Shulbrede,

L. Macmillan,

L. Snell.

—(Viscount Mersey.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.
Leave given to the Committee to report from time to time.

INDIA AND BURMA ORDERS COMMITTEE.
VISCOUNT MERSEY: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend the Chairman of Committees, I beg to move that the India and Burma Orders Committee be appointed.
Moved, That a Select Committee be appointed to consider all drafts of Orders laid before Parliament under Section 309 of the Government of India Act, 1935, or Section 157 of the Government of Burma Act, 1935, in the present Session; and that the Lords following, with the Chairman of Committees, be named of the Committee:

M. Zetland,

V. Goschen,

L. Strabolgi,

L. Ker (M. Lothian),

L. Stanmore,

L. Rankeillour.

—(Viscount Mersey.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

AGRICULTURE (DAMAGE BY RABBITS).
VISCOUNT MERSEY: My Lords, on behalf of my noble friend Lord Merthyr, I beg to move the appointment of a Select Committee in accordance with the terms of the Motion passed by your Lordships last week.
Moved, That the Lords following be named of the Select Committee to consider whether any measures, and if so what, ought to be taken for better protection of Agriculture and the land against the ravages of rabbits, and to what extent, if any, the prohibition of the use of gin traps would affect the attainment of the object aforesaid:

E. Ancaster,

L. Methuen,

V. Gough,

L. Mamhead.

V. Mersey,

—(Viscount Mersey.)
On Question, Motion agreed to: The Committee to appoint their own Chairman.
House adjourned at three minutes past seven o'clock.