Sitting of 9 May 1929

Preamble
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
Smethwick Corporation Bill,
Lords Amendment considered, pursuant to the Order of the House of 30th April, and agreed to.
Chester Corporation Bill,
Metropolitan Railway Bill,
Lords Amendments considered, pursuant to the Order of the House of 30th April, and agreed to.
Imperial Continental Gas Association Bill [Lords],
Ordered,
"That, in the case of Imperial Continental Gas Association Bill [Lords], Standing Orders 84, 214, 215, and 239 be suspended, and that the Bill be now taken into consideration provided amended prints shall hare been previously deposited."—[The Chairman of Ways and Means.]
Bill, as amended, considered accordingly.
Ordered,
"That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time."—[The Chairman of Ways and Means.]
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
  MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 12) BILL,
  "to confirm certain Provisional Orders of the Minister of Health relating to Bradford and Newbury," presented by Mr. Chamberlain; read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 120.]
ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS.

  BARKING HOSPITAL (SWEEPSTAKE).
  Mr. DAYasked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it is on his instructions that the Derby sweepstake organised in aid of the Barking Hospital fund has been stopped by the police?
  The SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Sir William Joynson-Hicks): My attention was called to the fact that tickets were being publicly sold, which clearly brought it within the provisions of the Lottery Act. I communicated with the promoters, and the promoters withdrew the lottery.
  Mr. DAY: Does the right hon. Gentleman think there is any difference between this principle and the principle of the Stock Exchange draw, where the tickets are sold to stockbrokers, who publicly sell them to any of their clients who want them?
  Sir W. JOYNSON-HICKS: Yes, I am quite satisfied that the cases are distinguishable. As I explained to the House a fortnight ago, the Stock Exchange draw was a privately conducted draw, and tickets were not sold to the general public, but in this case I have actually got a letter from the hon. secretary enclosing to a perfect stranger a book of tickets, asking him to sell them and offering him any more that he liked to sell. That makes it quite clearly a public lottery within the meaning of the Act, and I have no discretion in the matter.
  Mr. R. MORRISON: Does the right hon. Gentleman seriously say that he is not aware that at least the majority of the Stock Exchange sweepstake tickets are in the hands of the public?
  Sir W. JOYNSON-HICKS: That is not the point. The point is whether they are sold by the promoters to the general public, and the information in my possession is that they are sold by the promoters to members of their own body.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Does not the right hon. Gentleman see

  2305
  that it is very hard luck on the hospital committee, who may have spent a great deal of time and money in organising this, if, owing to neglect or ignorance, the tickets get into the wrong hands?
  Sir W. JOYNSON-HICKS: The hon. and gallant Gentleman must realise that as long as there are laws it is the duty of the Home Office and the police to see that those laws are respected. I have very great difficulty in distinguishing where the line is to be drawn, but I am quite satisfied that in this case the line is rightly drawn. The Stock Exchange is inside, and the other is clearly outside. There is no doubt about it.

  DISTRESSED AREAS (LORD MAYOR'S FUND).
  Mr. BATEYasked the President of the Board of Education the total amounts spent in relief of distress in Northumberland and Durham, separately, from the Lord Mayor's Fund?
  The PRESIDENT of the BOARD of EDUCATION (Lord Eustace Percy): The amounts spent from the Lord Mayor's Fund in Northumberland and Durham are £42,000 and £138,500 respectively.
  Mr. BATEY: Does the Noble Lord consider that £138,000 for Durham is an adequate share of the Lord Mayor's Fund, when it was raised for the purpose of relieving distress?
  Lord E. PERCY: That is not Durham's share of the Lord Mayor's Fund, but the amount that has been spent up to date.
  Mr. BATEY: When the Noble Lord says that is not Durham's share, what does he mean?
  Lord E. PERCY: Perhaps the hon. Member will ask his next question.
  Mr. BATEYasked the President of the Board of Education the total amount subscribed to the Lord Mayor's Fund; the amount spent in relieving distress; other sums spent, and for what purpose; and the balance now in the fund?
  Miss WILKINSONasked the President of the Board of Education what is the total amount expended by the Lord Mayor's miners' relief fund; how much
  2306
  is at present in the fund; and whether urgent cases of need are being relieved since the closing of the fund?
  Lord E. PERCY: The total amount subscribed to the Lord Mayor's Fund, including the amount voted by Parliament, is £1,734,300. The amount paid out of the fund is £733,000, leaving a balance of £1,001,300. The whole of the amount paid out, with the exception of relatively negligible sums spent on printing, etc., has been allocated for the purpose of relieving distress, which is not affected by the fact that collection for the fund has now closed. The salaries and expenses of the Civil servants lent by the Government to assist in the organisation are being met from the Grant-in-aid of Administration.
  Mr. BATEY: Can the Noble Lord tell us what it is proposed to do with the balance of £1,000,000 left in the Lord Mayor's Fund? With all the distress in the coalfields, is it not a disgrace that there should be so much money left in the fund?
  Lord E. PERCY: I should have thought, with the distress in the coalfields, it was a matter for congratulation that there is still £1,000,000 to spend in relief of that distress; and that money is being spent and will continue to be spent under the system of administration which has been set up by the joint committee of the Lord Mayor's Fund.
  Miss WILKINSON: Is the Noble Lord not aware that the public were asked to subscribe for an urgent and immediate need, and that no one imagines that that urgent and immediate need is over, and does he not think it would be better to spend that money in meeting that urgent need rather than have the whole thing carried over, in the way that the public is getting used to? Would it not be better to make a new appeal in the autumn and spend the money now in hand?
  Lord E. PERCY: The money is being spent as fast as the local committees think it can be spent in a desirable manner. It is not being controlled or in any way held up by any central body, no appeal from any local committee has ever been refused, and no less amount of money has ever been sent to any locality than the local committee asked.
  Mr. BATEY: Is the Noble Lord aware that in the county of Durham tradesmen cannot get their payments made out of this fund to supply boots?

  POOR LAW.

    RELIEF.
    Mr. BATEYasked the Minister of Health the total number of unemployed workmen and their dependants in England and Wales who received Poor Law relief during the year ending 31st March, 1929?
    The MINISTER of HEALTH (Mr. Chamberlain): The average number of men ordinarily engaged in some regular occupation in receipt of Poor Law relief during the year ended 31st March, 1929, in England and Wales was approximately 106,500. The average number of dependants relieved was approximately 300,700, including 207,100 children.

    WEST HAM.
    Mr. W. THORNEasked the Minister of Health the present salaries and emoluments of the three West Ham Poor Law commissioners; and the total amount paid under these items for the period from the commencement of taking office up to the financial year ending March, 1929?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: In answer to the first part of the hon. Member's question, the present salaries and emoluments of the three appointed guardians for the West Ham Union, inclusive of cost-of-living bonus and all expenses, are respectively £1,500, £976 7s., and £672 19s.; the answer to the second part of the question is £9,187 6s. 3d.
    Mr. THORNE: I take it that these amounts are outside the ordinary superannuation that they get as civil servants?
    Lieut.-Colonel JAMES: Is it not a fact that this money has proved an enormous economy to the general Exchequer?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: It has meant a saving of about £1,000,000 a year.
    Mr. THORNEasked the Minister of Health whether any conferences have been convened between the financial advisers to his Department and the West
    2308
    Ham borough treasurer in respect to financial adjustments of the outstanding debts and liabilities of the West Ham Board of Guardians?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The officers of my Department are not yet in a position to confer with the officials of the West Ham Borough Council.

  PUBLIC HEALTH.

    LONDON LOCK HOSPITAL.
    Mr. PETHICK-LAWRENCEasked the Minister of Health whether he has now any information to give the House as to the reforms proposed at the London Lock Hospital?
    Captain T. J. O'CONNORasked the Minister of Health whether, having regard to the damage already done to the careers of the three women dismissed from their posts at the London Lock Hospital, he will state whether the committee of inquiry has exonerated them?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: I am glad to be able to add to the statement which I made in the House on 30th April that a conference has, I understand, been held to-day between representatives of the governing body of the hospital and of the former ladies' committee. The object of the conference was to reach agreement both on proposals made by the Board for the future management of the hospital and on the action to be taken with respect to certain former members of the staff. I am not in a position to inform the House of the results of the conference, but I think hon. Members will learn with satisfaction that it has been held, and will regard the Board's action in seeking it as evidence of their desire to promote the harmonious and successful working of the hospital.

    MENTAL DEFICIENCY (REPORT).
    Mr. ROBERT MORRISONasked the Minister of Health whether he has now decided to publish the adult section of the Mental Deficiency Report; and when it will be available?
    Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: The answer is in the affirmative, and the Report will be published as soon as possible.

  HOUSING (TEWKESBURY LODGE ESTATE).
  Mr. SNELLasked the Minister of Health whether, in respect of the appeal against the decision of the London County Council to zone the Tewkesbury Lodge Estate in their South-Eastern town-planning scheme as a public open space, he will state on what grounds he has directed the Council to issue an interim development order to permit this land being developed as a building estate, seeing that he had previously in writing informed the Council that their decision to zone the land as a public open space was correct?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Before allowing this development to proceed, I afforded the London County Council an opportunity of entering into an agreement for the acquisition of the land on terms to be settled, if necessary, by arbitration. The County Council did not accept the opportunity, and, as the land was ripe for building development, and no claim for compensation could be made in respect of the prevention of its development pending the preparation and approval of the town-planning scheme, which is likely to occupy a long time, I did not feel justified in refusing to allow the development to proceed.
  Mr. SNELL: Has the chance of this estate now being an open space finally passed?
  Mr. CHAMBERLAIN: Yes, I think it has.

  GERMAN REPARATIONS.

    Mr. CHURCHILL'S STATEMENT.
    Colonel GRETTONasked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if a statement can be made in regard to the negotiations for settling the payments by Germany under the Treaty of Versailles; and if the Government will undertake not to agree to any arrangement which would entail further or increased charges upon British taxpayers?
    The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER (Mr. Churchill): I will reply to this question and to the question of which the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) has given Private Notice.
    Mr. THURTLE: Is that in order?
    Mr. CHURCHILL: I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman will read his question; my answer covers both questions.
    Mr. SPEAKER: If it will give the right hon. and gallant Gentleman any satisfaction, I have no objection to his reading it.
    Mr. THURTLE: On a point of Order, is it in order for questions which have not been put down in the ordinary way to be answered before questions which have been put down?
    Mr. SPEAKER: Strictly speaking, it would not be in order to do that, but, as hon. Members are aware, the right hon. Gentleman gave notice that a reply would be given to-day to a Private Notice Question which was put yesterday by the right hon. and gallant Member, so that it would be reasonable to give a little latitude.
    Colonel WEDGWOOD (by Private Notice)asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the terms of reference to the Reparations Committee cover alterations in the Spa percentages; and whether he has informed our representative on the Committee of the views of His Majesty's Government on these alterations?
    Mr. CHURCHILL: The Committee of Experts now sitting in Paris is composed of independent representatives of the various countries concerned. We have, of course, kept in touch with the British members throughout these protracted proceedings and have been impressed by their admirable grasp and comprehension of the whole position. We have not, however, at any time sent definite instructions to these gentlemen, nor do we propose to do so on this occasion. The Expert Committee must be left to reach their own conclusions. These conclusions, whatever they may be and whether agreed or not, in no way commit His Majesty's Government, which remains entirely free to review the whole position and to take their own decisions upon the work and recommendations of the Expert Committee. It is clear, therefore, that no urgency exists, and that it would be premature as well as inexpedient for His Majesty's

    2311
    Government to pronounce upon particular aspects, however important they may be, at the present juncture.
    However, Sir, in order to prevent misconception abroad and alarm at home, it is perhaps desirable that I should say that the kind of proposals which were foreshadowed in the newspapers of yesterday would, in our opinion, be in-acceptable, and that His Majesty's Government would in no circumstances entertain them.
    Colonel WEDGWOOD: May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will answer the question which I put as to whether the terms of reference to the Reparations Committee covered the question of the alteration of the Spa percentages? It will be within the memory of the House that when the right hon. Gentleman read the terms to the House, they did not cover any alteration in the allocation of the money. Secondly, there has been in the papers an estimate by the French that this alteration would cost this country £100,000,00 in capital. I gather from the right hon. Gentleman's answer that £100,000,000 is more than he can stand, and may I ask whether there is any guarantee from the Government at present that this country will not be committed by the experts' report—[HON. MEMBERS: "He said so!"]—that we shall not be committed to any gift from this country to the French Government and to the French tax-paper, even though it be a less sum than £100,000,000?
    Mr. CHURCHILL: I have read to the House an answer to the question of my right hon. and gallant Friend below the Gangway, and to the question of the right hon. and gallant entleman himself, which has been most carefully and gravely considered, and it is an answer, I think, of some importance. I do not desire in any way to add to that reply.
    Colonel WEDGWOOD: But surely we ought to know—
    HON. MEMBERS: Order!
    Mr. SPEAKER: I think that on a subject of this kind, we ought not to pursue the matter any further at Question Time.
    Mr. B. SMITH: Can the right hon. Gentleman say if and when tentative arrangements are made, the House will be—[Interruption.]
    Mr. SPEAKER: "If and when" is a bad preface to a supplementary question.

  GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS (P-CLASS CLERKS).
  Lieut.-Colonel Sir FREDERICK HALLasked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he can now make any announcement regarding the nature of the specific Treasury offer to the claim presented for an increase in pay of the P-class clerks?
  The FINANCIAL SECRETARY to the TREASURY (Mr. Arthur Michael Samuel): An agreement has now been concluded in this matter between His Majesty's Government and the representatives of the staffs concerned.
  Sir F. HALL: May I take this opportunity of thanking the hon. Gentleman for the attention that has been given, which I am sure will be appreciated in all parts of the House, and will he state whether the Report will be published?
  Mr. SAMUEL: The agreement goes into very considerable detail, and I shall, if my hon. and gallant Friend desires it, have pleasure in sending him a copy.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Will it be circulated?
  Mr. SAMUEL: If the hon. and gallant Gentleman would like a copy, I will send him one.
  Sir F. HALL: Would it not be better if the Report were published?
  Mr. SAMUEL: I will consider that.

  AGRICULTURE.

    LAND RECLAMATION (EAST RIDING).
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHYasked the Minister of Agriculture why he has declined to give any encouragement to the carefully-prepared proposals of the East Riding County Council for reclaiming a large area of the foreshore in the River Humber between Sunk Island and

    2313
    Spurn Point, comprising 9,000 acres, in view of the unemployment in the East Riding of Yorkshire both amongst the industrial and agricultural population and of the successful reclamation in this area in past years, as, for example, Sunk Island itself, with its rich agricultural land, which was reclaimed by Crown action?
    The MINISTER of AGRICULTURE (Mr. Guinness): I explained the position in reply to a similar question by the hon. and gallant Member on 11th February, and there is nothing that I can usefully add to the answer which I then gave.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that since that date, there has arisen considerable unemployment among agricultural workers in the East Riding, and that the matter is becoming very urgent; and will he consider very carefully the plans put before him by the county council, which have been prepared by their experts?
    Mr. GUINNESS: The county council can, of course, approach the Unemployment Grants Committee for assistance in this matter, but I can only repeat that our experts advise that there is very little of this land—not more than 250 acres—which is ripe for reclamation.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the local farmers who know the land, and local agriculturists, are convinced that there is a very valuable area to be reclaimed—an immense area?
    Mr. GUINNESS: It is a matter for experts and engineers. It is no use spending money on reclaiming a large area of land which could give no agricultural value. It is necessary, if you are to get any return from reclamation, to delimit those areas where herbage is beginning to grow, and where there is some prospect of agricultural return.
    Sir HARRY BRITTAIN: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the knowledge of his experts is as nothing compared with the knowledge of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy)?

    HEAVY HORSE BREEDING (GRANTS).
    Mr. SMITH-CARRINGTONasked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is yet in a position to announce the result of his consideration of the representations of the Shire Horse Society in regard to an increase in the scale of grants for heavy horse breeding?
    Mr. GUINNESS: In order to give further encouragement to farmers to breed heavy horses, the maximum direct grant payable by the Ministry to a heavy horse society will be increased next season from £40 to £60 a stallion, and societies will be authorised to raise their hiring fee to a maximum one of 400 guineas instead of 300 guineas, and to increase their service fee from three to four guineas.

  FISHING INDUSTRY (BRIXHAM).
  Commander WILLIAMSasked the Minister of Agriculture if, as a result of the further consideration he has been able to give to the financial position of the fishing harbours in England and Wales, he is now in a position to make a more definite announcement in regard to Brixham?
  Mr. GUINNESS: After a preliminary survey of the charges actually made at the various ports used by the inshore craft and herring industry, I anticipate that it will be possible to grant to Brixham out of the funds which have recently been made available such a sum as will be sufficient, when the benefits from the de-rating scheme are taken into account, to obviate the necessity of making any additional charges under the new Order which the Brixham Council have obtained.
  Commander WILLIAMS: Can the right hon. Gentleman give any approximate figure?
  Mr. GUINNESS: I am afraid that I cannot say what it will amount to in money, but it is the intention to prevent any additional cost either to the fishermen or to the fish salesmen on account of the service of the loan.

  POST OFFICE.

    CASH-ON-DELIVERY SERVICE.
    Mr. DAYasked the Postmaster-General the number of cash-on-delivery

    2315
    parcels that have not been delivered at the first delivery for the six months ended to the last convenient date; and whether any sums of money are carried by the postmen for the purpose of giving change when delivering this particular type of parcel?
    The POSTMASTER-GENERAL (Sir W. Mitchell-Thomson): I regret that I have no separate figures to show the number of cash-on-delivery parcels that have not been delivered at the first delivery. The answer to the second part of the hon. Member's question is in the negative. No serious difficulty in the matter has arisen to my knowledge.
    Mr. DAY: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that where perishable goods are sent on the cash-on-delivery system, if the postman takes them away serious loss may be caused, and could he not arrange for postmen to have some little float of change?
    Sir W. MITCHELL-THOMSON: A postman, while he is not bound to give change, is told to give it if it is convenient and if he has the money wherewith to give it. No serious difficulty in the matter has arisen, as far as I know, but if any cases are brought to my notice I am always willing to consider them.

    EX-SERVICE MEN (APPOINTMENTS).
    Major McLEANasked the Postmaster-General how many ex-service men have been appointed to permanent or quasi-permanent positions in the Post Office during the last 4½ years; and how many of these were disabled ex-service men?
    Sir W. MITCHELL-THOMSON: The number of ex-service men appointed to permanent or quasi-permanent positions in the Post Office during the 4½ years, from 1st July, 1924, to 31st December, 1928, was 23,040, of whom 7,336 were disabled.

  UNEMPLOYMENT.

    OIL-MILLERS, HULL (SIGNING-ON DAYS).
    22. Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHYasked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that the signing-on days for out-of-work oil-millers at the Hull Employment Exchange have been Wednesday and Friday for many years, but have recently
    2316
    been altered to Tuesday and Thursday; that this change has had the effect of depriving these men of benefit for the first week, as the rule has been that they must sign three clear days by Thursday and they now have to wait a fortnight in many cases, thus causing hardship to these insured workers; and if he will cause adjustments to be made so that these men can draw their benefit when unemployed like other workpeople?
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of LABOUR (Mr. Betterton): I am having inquiries made, and will communicate with the hon. and gallant Member as soon as possible.
    Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: In any case, would the hon. Gentleman be good enough to see that the three clear days rule is modified in view of the hardship it is causing to many men?
    Mr. BETTERTON: As I have said, I will make full inquiries into the matter, and will let the hon. and gallant Member know.

    DEPENDANT'S ALLOWANCE.
    Mr. SHINWELL (for Mr. T. WILLIAMS)asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been drawn to the case of G. Dyson, Fryston Road, Airedale, whose wife has been denied dependant's allowance because she has a lady boarder; whether such a decision is universally applied; and what is the minimum payment of a boarder that is held to prevent such a person receiving dependant's allowance?
    Mr. BETTERTON: I am aware of the facts of this case. The governing decisions of the Umpire are Nos. U.D. 2789/28 and U.D. 2972/1928, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy.

    PROPOSALS (LIBERAL PARTY).
    Commander SOUTH BY (by Private Notice)asked the Prime Minister whether the proposals of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs with regard to unemployment have been submitted for examination by the Government Departments concerned; and, if so, whether he can make any statement as to the results of this examination?
    The PRIME MINISTER (Mr. Baldwin): It is a fact that, in accordance

    2317
    with ordinary practice, the proposals referred to, like others that have been put forward from time to time, were submitted to technical examination by the Government Departments concerned. Reports upon such examinations are always treated as confidential and are not published, since such publication would prejudice all proper administration, and accordingly it is not intended to publish these reports. I am, however, arranging for the publication of a White Paper containing reports upon the scheme submitted to the Government by the Ministers of the various Departments most affected. These reports are, of course, prepared in the light of the information they have received, but the entire responsibility for them rests with the Ministers concerned and with the Government.

  TRADE AND COMMERCE.

    DYESTUFFS IMPORTATION (LICENCES).
    Mr. CRAWFURDasked the President of the Board of Trade the number of applications received by his Department for licences to import dystuffs under the Dyestuffs Importation Regulations Act, 1920, for the years ending 31st December, 1921, to 1928, respectively; the number of such licences granted and the amounts involved; the cost of such licences to the applicants and the average time required

    PARTICULARS of applications received, and licences granted, under the Dyestuffs (Import Regulations) Act, 1920, for the importation of synthetic organic dyestuffs colours and colouring maters and of organic intermediate products used in the manufacture thereof.

    Year.

    Number of Applications Received.

    Number of Licences Granted.

    Quantities and Values licensed.

    Total amount of Licence fees charged.

    Percentages of Licences in Col. 2 Granted within seven days of receipt of application.

    lbs.

    £

    1.

    2.

    3.

    4.

    5.

    6.

    7.

    £

    s.

    d.

    1921

    …

    3,126

    Not available.

    2,677,505

    1,042,821

    3,231

    0

    7

    Not available.

    1922

    …

    6,447

    4,975

    3,234,893

    1,103,819

    3,341

    15

    0

    do.

    1923

    …

    6,079

    4,341

    3,691,440

    989,537

    3,248

    0

    0

    92

    1924

    …

    5,647

    4,332

    3,036,234

    770,943

    2,868

    2

    5

    91

    1925

    …

    6,376

    4,879

    3,399,054

    651,584

    2,270

    7

    6

    92

    1926

    …

    6,595

    5,778

    4,231,476

    943,007

    3,004

    10

    0

    95

    1927

    …

    7,467

    6,753

    4,990,356

    1,034,103

    3,440

    12

    6

    94

    1928

    …

    7,511

    7,051

    5,030,511

    1,074,113

    3,561

    15

    0

    97

    for the consideration and granting of the same; and why applications have been refused for the import of ink and other manufactured articles?
    The PRESIDENT of the BOARD of TRADE (Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister): As the reply to the first part of the question involves a large table of figures, perhaps the hon. Member will permit me to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT. With regard to the last part of the question, the Dyestuffs Advisory Licensing Committee does not recommend the issue of a licence for the importation of any products, including inks, that are synthetic organic dyestuffs, colours or colouring matters, when adequate supplies of satisfactory products are available from British makers.
    Mr. CRAWFURD: May I ask whether supplies are available at the same price, or approximately the same price, as foreign?
    Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: The Committee take all relevant matters into consideration.
    Mr. A. V. ALEXANDER: Can we be told now if it is intended to bring this licensing system to a close in 1931?
    Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: It is a little premature to ask or answer questions about 1931.
    Following is the table:

    MANUFACTURED GOODS (EXPORTS).
    Commander BELLAIRSasked the President of the Board of Trade whether in the case of any of the first 12 foreign manufacturing countries in the world, there are any to which we send a greater value or quantity of manufactured goods than they send to us; and, if so, will he give the names, using the statistics of 1927 or 1928?
    Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I would not be prepared to say which, precisely, are the first 12 foreign manufacturing countries. But among the foreign manufacturing countries to which we sent in 1927 articles wholly or mainly manufactured of a greater value than we received, are, Japan, the Netherlands, Austria, Spain, Norway, Poland and Denmark.

    ELECTRIC POWER COMPANY (LOAN FACILITIES).
    Mr. T. KENNEDY (by Private Notice)asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether the Shropshire, Worcestershire and Staffordshire Electric Power Company have been guaranteed a loan under the Trade Facilities Acts; if so, the amount guaranteed; whether he is aware of the proposed sale of this undertaking to an American syndicate; and whether in guaranteeing the loan any condition was laid down for the maintenance of British control over this company?
    Mr. SAMUEL: Guarantees under the Trade Facilities Acts amounting to £770,000 have been given in respect of loans raised by the Shropshire, Worcestershire and Staffordshire Electric Power Company. I have seen references in the Press to the effect that an offer has been made, apparently by foreign interests, to purchase the ordinary share capital of the company. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
    Mr. KENNEDY: Will the Government now make any representations to this company, in order to find out what has happened?
    Mr. SAMUEL: I do not think that that is necessary. The control of a company's management, or the nationality of its shareholders, was not within the purpose of the Trade Facilities Acts. The object of those Acts was to facilitate
    2320
    the raising of capital to be used for purchasing plant and machinery in Great Britain, with a view to employment being given in the production of such plant and machinery.
    Mr. KENNEDY: Are we to gather from the hon. Gentleman's answer that the Treasury draw no distinction at all between guarantees of loans under the Trade Facilities Acts to a foreign company and loans guaranteed to a British company?
    Mr. SAMUEL: Guarantees could be given, and were given under those Acts, to foreign Governments and foreign companies, provided that those foreign Governments or foreign companies spent the guaranteed loans on British goods.
    Mr. SHINWELL: Is it not the custom, when such guarantees are provided, for the Government to ascertain whether there is to be a measure of British control over the operations concerned, and should not the Government make inquiries in this particular instance?
    Mr. SAMUEL: No, Sir; the control of a company's management, or of the nationality of its shareholders, was not within the purpose of the Trade Facilities Acts.
    Sir H. BRITTAIN: Is not the outstanding result that there will be a large increase of employment of British labour?

  ENGLISH COMPANIES (AMERICAN SHAREHOLDERS).
  Mr. CRAWFURDasked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that a large number of shares in English companies or English holdings in other companies have been sold to America during the past year; if any account has been taken of the proceeds of such sales; and how far this would explain the so-called balance of trade?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I would refer the hon. Member to the article "The Balance of Trade," in the "Board of Trade Journal" of 28th February last, and, in particular, to the table which summarises the calculations and is headed "Balances of Income and Expenditure in the Transactions (Other than the Lending and Repayment of Capital) between

  2321
  the United Kingdom and All other Countries." It will be clear from this heading that such transactions as those to which the hon. Member refers are not included in the calculations as to balance of trade.
  Mr. CRAWFURD: Will the right hon. Gentleman send me a copy of the "Journal"?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I shall be delighted to do so, and I hope the hon. Member will become a subscriber.

  S.S. "BRITISH PRINCE" (CHINESE CREW).
  Mr. HAYESasked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the British steamer "British Prince," originally known as the "London Shipper," carrying crews of white seamen on previous voyages, on the 23rd day of April, 1929, engaged a crew of Chinese sailors, firemen and members of the catering department at Dock Street shipping office, London, thus displacing 33 white seamen; that all these Chinese seamen engaged gave their address as 42, Pennyfields, East, which is a Chinese common boarding house; that a number of the Chinese engaged originally sailed in Dutch vessels; whether the language test was strictly applied to the whole of the crew and, if so, by whom; and whether, having regard to the extent of unemployment among British seamen, he will inquire into this case?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: The steamship "British Prince" engaged a Chinese crew on 23rd April, for a voyage to Shanghai where the Chinese are to be discharged. The ship had previously been known as the "London Shipper" and had been employed in trade between this country and America carrying a European crew. I am informed that she is now to be employed in the Far Eastern trade for an indefinite period. The address given by the Chinese seamen was as stated in the question. Two of the Chinese stated that their previous employment was in a Dutch ship. The language test was applied to the crew by two Board of Trade Deputy Superintendents. Four of the crew, who had not been previously examined, were strictly tested.
  2322
  The remainder were in possession of certificates of discharge, bearing endorsements showing that they had previously passed, but were nevertheless re-examined. I am informed that the whole of the Chinese crew possessed a good knowledge of the English language.
  Mr. HAYES: May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman, in the course of his inquiries, ascertained whether the keeper of this boarding-house is licensed by the Board of Trade to supply these crews?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: No, Sir, I have not that information, but I will certainly make inquiries. I made careful inquiries into the items set out in the question, because I thought this was a matter of some importance. Very careful investigations were made by two superintendents. I will ask about the other matter.
  Mr. HAYES: Will the right hon. Gentleman also bear in mind that another four or five ships belonging to this line are about to come into dock and will probably be treated in the same way, and will he see that the white crews are not replaced?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: That is not quite the position. What was happening was this: This ship had been sailing between here and America and, of course, as long as she was doing that she sailed with a white crew. She is now being put into commission to sail entirely in Eastern waters, and she only took this Chinese crew for Shanghai to re-discharge them there. It is fair to say that had she taken out a British crew for that purpose the owners would have been bound under the law to repatriate them, I suppose at considerable cost.
  Mr. SHINWELL: Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether the wages paid to these Chinese seamen will be the same or lower than the wages stipulated by the National Maritime Board?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: There is, as I think the hon. Member will remember, a very important Section in the Aliens Act dealing with this point.
  Mr. B. SMITH: If the right hon. Gentleman discovers that the boarding-house in Pennyfields is an unlicensed place, will

  2323
  he promise the House that he will put into operation Clause 111 or 112—I am not sure which it is—of the Merchant Shipping Act? It is the anti-crimping Clause.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: The hon. Member may be perfectly certain that my Department will always carry out the provisions of the Act. He would not expect me to make any further statement.

  TRANSPORT.

    STREET PLAYGROUNDS (TRAFFIC REGULATIONS).
    Miss WILKINSONasked the Minister of Transport whether he will consider the advisability of closing certain streets in crowded areas to vehicular traffic during the Whitsun school holidays in order to allow young children where no parks are available in the vicinity to be able to play in the streets in safety?
    The MINISTER of TRANSPORT (Colonel Ashley): I am advised that it would require legislation to enable the hon. Member's suggestion to be put into force, and while the object she seeks to attain, namely, additional facilities for children to play, is one that has my sympathy, I am afraid that the practical difficulties of her proposal are too great.
    Miss WILKINSON: Will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman consult with his right hon. Friend the Home Secretary about asking chief constables in local areas to have this done? It really is a serious matter in some areas, where it is sometimes three miles to a park.
    Colonel ASHLEY: I am advised that we have no legal power to do it, but I will inquire.

    ROADS (EXPENDITURE).
    Mr. SAKLATVALAasked the Minister of Transport what has been the total expenditure during the last three years for which figures are available on the construction of new roads or on the widening and extension of old roads; how much of this expenditure was incurred in paying for property acquired for them; how much was incurred on payment of wages; and how much on purchase of materials?
    Colonel ASHLEY: A table showing the total highway expenditure by local authorities for each year from 1910–11 to the last year for which figures are available is published in the annual report on the administration of the Road Fund, but the returns are not made in a form that enables the expenditure to be allocated under the heads mentioned in the hon. Member's question.
    Mr. SAKLATVALA: In view of the fact that great schemes are projected for the benefit of labour, is it not highly necessary that the figures should be classified to show how much of the road relief fund goes to landlords?
    Colonel ASHLEY: I do not know that that will be possible, but I will inquire.

  SCOTLAND.

    FISHERY HARBOURS (DEBTS).
    Mr. T. KENNEDYasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he can make any statement with regard to the financial position of certain of the northern harbours, and particularly with regard to Fraserburgh; if he is aware that this small harbour in indebted to the Loan Board £230,000, the Development Commissioners £15,000, and that there is another loan, hardly yet drawn on, of £31,250, both these later loans having been postponed to the Loan Board; that since 1925 the harbour commissioners have been trying to induce the Loan Board to agree to consolidate the outstanding balance of the loans and to grant a new loan at the average rate of interest on the existing loans, repayable by instalments over a period of 50 years; whether it is proposed to make provision for loans granted by the Loan Board as well as by the Development Commissioners; if he is aware that Fraserburgh's revenue from all fishing duties is about £15,000; and whether the matter is engaging his attention?
    The SECRETARY of STATE for SCOTLAND (Sir John Gilmour): I refer to the reply which I gave yesterday to an unstarred question by the hon. and gallant Member for Ayr Burghs (Lieut.-Colonel Moore) showing the amount of dues received at various fishery harbours in Scotland. In supplement of it I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT a table

    2325
    giving approximate figures of the Debts and Debt Charges. The figures given in the second part of the question are substantially correct, but the amount of the advances from the Development Fund is approximately £23,000. I understand that the Fraserburgh Harbour Commissioners have for some time been in communication with the Public Works Loan Commissioners on the subject of consolidation of existing loans. The proposals for remission or suspension of loans to which I referred in my statement in the House on 25th April apply only to the Development Fund. Loans by the Public Works

    DEBTS ON SCOTTISH FISHERY HARBOURS.

    Table prepared from information in the Accounts of the various Harbour Authorities.

    Harbour.

    Total Debt.

    Annual Debt Charges.

    Net Ordinary Revenue available for debt charges.

    £

    £

    £

    Peterhead

    …

    154,881

    9,163

    9,700

    Fraserburgh

    …

    308,517

    21,071

    10,084

    Wick

    …

    168,400

    10,661

    6,271

    Buckie

    …

    174,283

    9,839

    4,891

    Macduff

    …

    100,257

    4,931

    970

    Lerwick

    …

    43,839

    2,717

    3,463

    Stornoway

    …

    2,203

    958

    5,601

    Whitehall

    …

    Separate figures not available as undertaking owned by Orkney Harbours Commissioners. Combined figures for Whitehall, Kirkwall, Scapa, Holm and Kettletoft shown below.

    Orkney Harbours Commissioners

    …

    20,512

    2,846

    3,260

    Eyemouth

    …

    9,138

    994

    −134

    Anstruther

    …

    6,650

    926

    149

    St. Monance

    …

    2,000

    84

    135

    Stonehaven

    …

    28,784

    773

    85

    Cairnbulg

    …

    1,633

    136

    —

    Gardenstown

    …

    4,571

    134

    114

    Cullen

    …

    3,343

    283

    −189

    Portknockie

    …

    11,516

    751

    431

    Findochty

    …

    10,126

    453

    −3

    Nairn

    …

    9,818

    829

    −120

    Cromarty

    …

    4,053

    172

    141

    Brownies Taing

    …

    4,231

    162

    15

    Ullapool

    …

    4,341

    138

    27

    Girvan

    …

    18,359

    1,127

    322

    Notes.—(1) Annual debt charges include annual charges for principal and interest in respect of Government loans, interest and sinking fund on other secured debts, and interest on temporary loans (bank overdrafts, etc.) so far as ascertainable. In some cases figures have had to be estimated. No provision is included for repayment of capital of temporary loans or for meeting arrears of instalments of secured debts.
    (2) The Annual Accounts of the various Harbour Authorities from which this Table has been prepared are not compiled on a uniform basis nor for identical periods. Owing to these reasons and to incompleteness in the information and special circumstances in particular cases some of the figures must be regarded as approximations or estimates.

    RIVER AND LOCH FISHING.
    Mr. SHINWELLasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he
    Loan Board will only be remitted in a few cases in which they are regarded as irrecoverable. Fraserburgh is not so regarded, but I am informed that the Loans Commissioners are prepared to restrict for a period of years the amounts to be paid in respect of the debt due to the Board by the Fraserburgh Harbour Commissioners. The figure given in the fifth part of the question appears to be approximately correct. The position of Fraserburgh as regards loans from the Development Fund is engaging my attention in connection with other cases.
    Following is the table:
    proposes to deal with the request from anglers' clubs in Scotland to free the rivers and lochs for fishing and to impose

    2327
    a tax on rods to meet any expenditure incurred?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: I have received no request of the nature referred to.
    Mr. SHINWELL: Is the Secretary of State for Scotland aware that there are 15,000 persons in Scotland interested in this matter, and will he make inquiries in order to see what can be done? Do I understand that the right hon. Gentleman refuses to make inquiries?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: I have received no request.

    GLASGOW STOCK EXCHANGE SWEEPSTAKE.
    Mr. DAYasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he was consulted before notice was served on the promoters of the Glasgow Stock Exchange Derby sweepstake that it was illegal; and what instructions he issued?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. I have issued no instructions on the matter as it does not fall within my jurisdiction. The action taken by the responsible authority is, I understand, in accordance with the ordinary law and practice in Scotland.
    Mr. DAY: Is the Secretary of State not aware that this is practically the same sort of sweepstake as is being allowed in London, and if there is no difference in principle between them, will the right hon. Gentleman say why Scotland and the Glasgow Stock Exchange should be treated differently from the London Stock Exchange?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: I am advised that lotteries which includes sweepstakes are illegal both by common law and by Statute law. The Lord Advocate is the responsible authority for criminal prosecutions in Scotland.
    Mr. HAYES: Is there not some arrangement between His Majesty's inspectors in Scotland and the Home Office to harmonise the various arrangements under which this law relating to lotteries is operated?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: There is no arrangement such as the one suggested to alter the effect of the existing law.
    Mr. HAYES: Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the law operating in
    2328
    Scotland with reference to sweepstakes is identical with the law operating in England?
    Mr. DAY: Is the right hon. Gentleman the last authority in this matter? As the London Stock Exchange sweepstake is allowed, will he consider allowing the Glasgow sweepstake to proceed?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: No, Sir. I have already stated that I have no jurisdiction in the matter at all, and the question is one for the Law Officers of the Crown.

    WESTERN HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS (FREIGHT CHARGES AND FARES).
    Mr. BARCLAY-HARVEYasked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he has yet been able to make any arrangement for the reduction of freight charges and fares in the services operated by Messrs. John McCallum and Company and Messrs. Martin Orme and Company in the Western Highlands and Islands of Scotland?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: Yes, Sir. The Government recently concluded an arrangement with these firms by which they are required, in consideration of additional Exchequer payments at the rate of £2,500 per annum, to reduce freight charges and fares by such amounts as will on the average be equivalent to an aggregate reduction of at least 10 per cent. The arrangement is subject to certain conditions designed to ensure that the reductions are suitably applied and to safeguard the Exchequer. The firms concerned intimated their intention to put new rates into operation as from 1st May.
    Mr. SHINWELL: Can the Secretary of State for Scotland say whether the new freight charges are satisfactory from the standpoint of the merchants concerned?
    Sir J. GILMOUR: I understand that they have been well received.

  EMPIRE SETTLEMENT.
  Sir JOHN MARRIOTTasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs the total amount available for assisted emigration since the passing of the Empire Settlement Act; the amount

  2329
  actually expended; and the number of persons who have migrated under the Act?
  Captain WALLACE (Lord of the Treasury): I have been asked to reply to this question. If the statutory maximum of expenditure had been reached in each year since the passing of the Empire Settlement Act, the amount expended up to 31st March, 1929, would have been £19,876,993, which sum includes the amount of advances recovered. The actual expenditure authorised by Parliament during the period was £6,929,785, and the expenditure to 31st March, 1929, was £4,991,796. The total number of persons assisted under the Act to 31st March, 1929, was 308,168.

  COAL INDUSTRY (STATISTICS).
  Mr. SHINWELLasked the Secretary for Mines how many pits were working in January, 1925; how many in January of this year and the number of workpeople employed in the respective periods?
  The SECRETARY for MINES (Commodore Douglas King): At the end of January, 1925, 2,328 pits were working and 1,141,000 wage-earners were employed. The corresponding figures at the end of January, 1929, were 2,066 and 907,000.
  Mr. SHINWELL: Do those figures indicate that round about 500 pits have been closed since January, 1925?
  Commodore KING: That is a matter of arithmetic.
  Mr. BATEY: Are not the Government responsible?

  AVIATION (GLIDING EXPERIMENTS).
  Sir HARRY BRITTAINasked the Secretary of State for Air whether any experiments have recently been made in this country with engineless gliding planes; if so, have any useful results been recorded; and, if not, will he consider the advisability of giving official encouragement to experimental work with gliders?
  The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for AIR (Sir Philip Sassoon): As regards the first two parts of the question, I am not aware of any recent gliding experiments. As regards the last part, I am not sure what form of official encouragement my hon. Friend has in mind, but if he is thinking of financial assistance, I doubt very much whether it would be possible to find funds for this purpose without diverting them from other more essential services.

  INDIA (ARRESTS).
  Mr. KELLYasked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is now in a position to say when the 31 persons arrested in March on a charge of conspiring to deprive the King of the sovereignty of India and kept in prison since the arrests are likely to be brought up for trial; whether the delay is entirely due to delay in the preparation of the case against these men by the Government; and, if so, whether he will make a statement to the House respecting the factors causing the delay in the preparation of the case?
  The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for INDIA (Earl Winterton): The Government of India have reported that they hope to be able to start the case at the beginning of June. The hon. Member will appreciate the necessity in a case of this importance of a thorough preliminary investigation, and the material discovered in the searches at the time of the arrests was so voluminous that its examination has necessarily been a lengthy process. I can, however, assure the hon. Member that every effort is being made to bring the accused persons to trial as soon as possible.
  Mr. KELLY: Is the whole of the delay due to these preliminary investigations?
  Earl WINTERTON: I do not understand the question.
  Mr. KELLY: In the answer the right hon. Gentleman referred to the extensive investigations which took place before the trial. Are those investigations responsible for the delay?
  Earl WINTERTON: Certainly, and if the hon. Gentleman wants an assurance on that point he will find it in my reply.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: Will the Under-Secretary tell us if it is not the case that some of the charges relate to events which took place about four months before the arrests were made, and was there not enough time to collect all the evidence before those arrests were made?
  Earl WINTERTON: No, Sir.
  Mr. THURTLE: Will the right hon. Gentleman say if the Government had sufficient evidence in their possession at the time of the arrests to justify the charge against these men?
  Mr. SPEAKER: That is not in order.
  Mr. THURTLE: Surely it is in order, Mr. Speaker, to ask the Noble Lord whether at the time the Government made these arrests they had sufficient evidence to support the charge?
  Mr. SPEAKER: The question asks the reason for the delay, and the Noble Lord has answered that question.

  EGYPT (NILE WATERS AGREEMENT).
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHYasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can make any statement on the agreement which has been made between His Majesty's Government and the Egyptian Administration on the subject of the use and control of the Nile waters; and whether the proposed agreement will be submitted to the Egyptian Parliament?
  The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Mr. Godfrey Locker-Lampson): I am glad to be able to state that an agreement satisfactory to both parties has been reached between His Majesty's Government and the Egyptian Government with regard to the distribution of the Nile waters, and the text of the agreement has appeared in the Press. I feel sure that it will be generally recognised that this settlement cannot fail to facilitate development and promote prosperity both in Egypt and in the Sudan. I am not in a position to reply to the latter part of the question.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Does not the right hon. Gentleman consider it very necessary, in the case of an agreement of this sort, which affects the
  2332
  whole of the people of Egypt, that the elected representatives of the people should be consulted?
  Mr. LOCKER-LAMPSON: That is entirely a domestic matter for Egypt.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: In the meantime, would it not have been more decent to suggest that the Egyptian Parliament should be called together to ratify this very important agreement?

  "NORTH CHINA DAILY NEWS" (POSTAL FACILITIES).
  Mr. LOOKERasked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the fact that the Nanking Government has banned the "North China Daily News" the use of the Chinese post office; and whether, in view of the conditions under which China is a member of the International Postal Union, he will take immediate steps to make representations to the Chinese Government against this differential treatment of the mails?
  Mr. LOCKER-LAMPSON: Yes, Sir; this matter has been reported by His Majesty's Minister at Peking. In view of the saving for internal legislation contained in Article 6 of the Universal Postal Convention, and of the right of prohibition defined in Article 41 (1) (g), that instrument furnishes no ground for representations to the National Government, but Sir M. Lampson has instructed His Majesty's Consul-General at Nanking to take up the matter with the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

  HONG KONG (AEROPLANE ACCIDENT).
  Mr. THURTLEasked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether his attention has been drawn to the fatal accident at the Hong Kong aerodrome on the 28th April, 1929, when three Chinese subjects were killed by Lieutenant A. O. Watson, of His Majesty's Ship "Hermes," piloting one of a ceremonial escort of aeroplanes; and whether the British Government propose to offer compensation to the relatives of the victims?
  Sir P. SASSOON: I have been asked to reply. The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but only a telegraphic report of this most regrettable accident has as yet been received. Pending the receipt of detailed particulars, I am not in a position to give an answer to the second part of the question.
  Mr. THURTLE: Will the Admiralty take steps to see that this useless form of ceremonial is reduced to the very minimum?

  MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
  That they have agreed to—
  Finance Bill,
  Police Magistrates Superannuation (Amendment) Bill,
  Bastardy (Witness Process) Bill,
  Fire Brigade Pensions Bill,
  Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries (Amendment) Bill,
  Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 5) Bill,
  Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill,
  Doncaster Corporation (Trolley Vehicles) Provisional Order Bill,
  Southend-on-Sea Corporation (Trolley Vehicles) Provisional Order Bill,
  London and North Eastern Railway Order Confirmation Bill,
  Dysart Corporation Order Confirmation Bill, without Amendment.
  Doncaster Area Drainage Bill, with an Amendment.
  Reconstituted Cream Bill (now "Artificial Cream Bill"), with Amendments.
  Amendments to—
  Infant Life Preservation Bill [Lords],
  Grimsby Corporation (Dock, &c.) Bill [Lords],
  Iveagh Bequest (Kenwood) Bill [Lords],
  London County Council (General Powers) Bill [Lords],
  Manchester Corporation Bill [Lords],
  Tunbridge Wells Corporation Bill [Lords],
  Imperial Continental Gas Association Bill [Lords], without Amendment.
  That they communicate that they have come to the following Resolution, namely, "That the promoters of every Private or Provisional Order Confirmation Bill which shall have been introduced into this House in the present Session of Parliament, and which shall have passed this House and been sent to the House of Commons, or which shall be pending in this House, shall have leave to introduce the same in the next Session of Parliament, provided that notice of their intention to do so be lodged in the Private Bill Office not later than Noon on the last sitting day of the present Session, and provided that all fees due by them thereon, up to that period, be paid;
  That an alphabetical list of all such Bills, with a statement of the stages at which they shall have arrived, shall be prepared in the Private Bill Office, and prinked;
  That every such Bill which has originated in this House shall be deposited in the Private Bill Office not later than Three o'clock on or before the third day on which the House shall sit after the next meeting of Parliament for business other than judicial business, with a declaration annexed thereto, signed in the case of a Private Bill by the agent, and in the case of a Provisional Order Confirmation Bill by an officer of the department by which the Orders to be confirmed by such Bill are made, stating that the Bill is the same in every respect as the Bill at the last stage of the proceedings thereon in this House in the present Session, and where any sum of money has been deposited, as required by Standing Order No. 57, that such deposit has not been withdrawn, together with a certificate of that fact, from the proper officer of the court in which such money was deposited;
  That in case any such Bill brought from the House of Commons in the present Session, upon which the proceedings shall have been suspended in this House, shall be brought from the House of Commons in the next Session of Parliament, the agent for such Bill, or an officer of the department, as the case may be, shall deposit in the Private Bill Office after the Bill shall have passed the House of Commons and prior to the First Reading

  2335
  thereof in this House, a declaration stating that the Bill is the same, in every respect, as the Bill at the last stage of the proceedings thereon in this House in the present Session; and, where any sum of money has been deposited, that such deposit has not been withdrawn, together with a certificate of that fact from the proper officer;
  That the proceedings on such Bills shall be pro formâ only in regard to every stage through which the same shall have passed in the present Session; and that no new fees be charged in regard to such stages;
  That the Standing Orders by which the proceedings on Bills are regulated shall not apply to any Private or Provisional Order Confirmation Bill which shall have originated in this House or been brought up from the House of Commons in the present Session, in regard to any of the stages through which the same shall have passed;
  That every certificate from the Examiners of Standing Orders for Private Bills given in respect of any Private or Provisional Order Confirmation Bill originating in the House of Commons, upon which the proceedings shall have been suspended in that House in the present Session, shall be deemed to have been given in respect of such Bill, if the same shall be brought from the House of Commons in the next Session of Parliament, and any notices published and served, and any deposits made in respect of such Bill, in respect of the present Session shall be held to have been published, served, and made respectively for the Bill so brought from the House of Commons in the next Session of Parliament;
  That all petitions presented in this Session relating to any Private Bill shall, if necessary, be referred to the Committee on the Bill in the next Session;
  That no petitions shall be heard before the Committee on any Bill unless their petition shall have been presented within the time limited in the present Session, unless that time shall not have expired before it closes, in which case, in order to be heard, their petition shall be presented not later than the fourth day on which the House shall sit for business other than judicial business in the next Session."

ORDERS OF THE DAY.

  CONSOLIDATED FUND (APPROPRIATION) BILL.
  Order for Second Reading read.
  Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

  ROYAL MERCANTILE MARINE.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: I propose to raise, not at great length, a matter which I am sure will he of interest to the whole House, namely, the welfare and conditions of service of the officers and men of the Mercantile Marine, or, as I believe I am now correct in calling it, the Royal Mercantile Marine. In the last 10 years, Mr. Speaker, during which you and I have been in this House together, this matter has not often been raised, and yet there is no body of men and no industry of greater importance than this. Our Mercantile Marine is still the greatest in the world, and I believe it will be generally agreed that the nation owes a great debt of gratitude to those men of the Mercantile Marine who go down to the sea in our ships. £2,000,000,000 worth of food, oils, coal, raw materials and manufactured goods are carried in British ships every year to and from these shores, and hon. Gentlemen opposite, who are always roaring out about national defence, will, I am sure, be interested in anything affecting the welfare of the men who man these ships from the national defence point of view.
  It is our duty wherever we can to see that the conditions of service in this great Mercantile Marine are such that the best type of efficient man and lad is attracted to the Service, whether for service on the bridge as an officer, in the engine-room, or before the mast; but I am sorry to say that for many reasons there is a danger of the best type not being attracted in the future to the Mercantile Marine, or of those who are in it leaving at the first opportunity and taking up some other employment. One difficulty, of course, is that there is a great lack of training establishments and training ships, especially for lads of poor parents. It is extremely difficult in most
  2364
  parts of the country for a poor lad, whose parents cannot afford to pay fees to apprentice him, to enter the Mercantile Marine and, while there are excellent training facilities for future officers—the "Worcester," the "Conway" and the "Pangbourne" turn out splendid seamen—there are not nearly enough facilities for those who cannot afford the fees which those excellent training establishments are bound to charge.
  For many years the National Union of Seamen have been pressing the Board of Trade to provide greater facilities for the training of suitable youths for service at sea. I should like to know what the right hon. Gentleman has to say on that subject. We have, of course, certain training facilities. In Hull, we have Trinity House, which has turned out some of the finest seamen of this or or any other age, and there is an excellent technical college at Cardiff which also does splendid work in this direction. But far too few vacancies exist for the required number of young men and boys to be trained as seamen. I believe the "Port Jackson" training ship has been paid off, and, if that is so, there is not one seagoing training ship at present engaged in training officers or boys for the Mercantile Marine under sail or under steam. In view of our immense Mercantile Marine, our immense responsibilities, and our absolute dependence on the sea for our whole prosperity and life, that is an extraordinary state of affairs. So far this matter has been left almost entirely to private persons, to the benevolent public-spirited men who provide the money, for example, for commissioning the "Port Jackson" and the great benefactors who founded our establishment at Hull. I think the time has come when the Board of Trade should take a more active interest in the mutter.
  One excuse put forward for the employment of foreign seamen in such large numbers is that there are not sufficient trained British seamen. A question was put to-day with regard to the employment of Chinese. I believe there are at present 11,000 European foreigners in our ships and over 52,000 Asiatics, of whom I admit many are British subjects. Lascars are good seamen. They did splendid service in the War, and I make no kind of attack on them. They are, nevertheless, employed in very large numbers,

  2365
  and, I think, in certain trades which should be reserved for British seamen. The reason really is that the Lascar gets 30s. a month, and the white able seaman £9 a month. Furthermore, only very modest sums are extracted from the shipowners by the Government of India in workmen's compensation in case of an accident to Lascars. I believe the payments are not on Dearly so large a scale as for a white seaman, and therefore Lascars are employed in enormous numbers. With regard to the Chinese, there has been a great improvement from the British point of view. I believe the numbers have gone down from 14,000 to 2,000, but even that is a very great number. Of course they all claim to be British subjects. They all say they come from Hong Kong or Singapore. Although they cannot speak the local dialect of Hong Kong, they are always British subjects.
  I have nothing to say against the Chinese seaman. He is an excellent seaman, reliable, and that kind of thing, but we have enormous unemployment amongst British seamen, and the Board of Trade should discourage in every possible way the employment of foreigners on all British ships, especially on the home trade. I know it is a difficult question, and it cannot be done all at once, and it is necessary to employ a certain number of non-British seamen, but I see very few signs of activity by the right hon. Gentleman in a matter of such importance. While the Chinese have decreased, there has been an increase in employment of Arabs, and they all claim to come from either Aden or India. There are more Arab seamen employed in British ships claiming to come from Aden than the whole population of Aden, men, women and children. The answer that is made, that the Englishman cannot stand the climate, is absolute nonsense. As a matter of fact, an Englishman in good health can stand extremes of hot and cold better than the Asiatic. It is an extraordinary thing, but actual statistics show in favour of the British seaman in two cases of sickness to three for the Asiatic under similar conditions. I believe the number of Arabs, who are nearly all firemen, is about 9,000, of whom about 25 per cent. can show War service. I would not suggest that they should be debarred from employment, but I think
  2366
  some reservation should be made to prevent an increasing number of Arabs being employed in ships trading to British ports regularly. There are certain social results of an undesirable character from these Arabs being in large quantities in British ports. Cases have occurred at Cardiff which have been published in the papers, and it is a well-known trouble.
  I want now to touch on another matter altogether. I know the pay of the seamen and officers is outside the direct jurisdiction of the Board of Trade, and I am not pretending that the right hon. Gentleman should intervene in this matter directly, but in view of the low pay—I say it advisedly—the uncertainty of employment and the many disadvantages suffered by both seamen and officers, the Board of Trade, where it can, should see that their lot is made as humane and as healthy as possible. The Board of Trade cannot directly interfere at present with wages, but it can insist on proper accommodation, and it could do a great deal in regard to the hours of labour. The standard pay of an able seaman is £9 a month, a boatswain, a man who must have had years of service and must be experienced, £10 to £10 10s. a month, and a fireman, £9 10s. Some owners pay more, a few pay less. Now we come to officers. There are hundreds of officers serving as chief, second and third officers who have been holding their master's certificate for years. They have had an extensive professional training and years of service at very low pay as apprentices and junior officers. They pass a stiff examination for their certificates, and they have great responsibility and very hard work. When I mention the rates of pay, it must be remembered that the average employment on pay of the average officer in a British line is only round about seven months in the year. Any accident to a ship, the ship paid off or laid up, and he is off pay at once. The pay of a third mate is £11 10s. to about £12 10s. a month—a little more on certain lines. The pay of second mates, the majority of whom are qualified for their master's certificates, and most have them, is £14 10s. to £16 10s., and chief officers, £17 to £20 a month, with some rare cases up to £24. I know a case of a chief officer of a 7,500-ton cargo steamer who gets £19 a month.

  2367
  Imagine the lot of this man. He has to keep up an appearance, he has to meet passengers, and to be well-dressed. His wife has to keep up a certain appearance, and he has to pay for his own laundry and all sorts of other expenses. Such a man has tremendous responsibilities. So much is expected of him in case of disaster. He must stay at his post and he does. He has high professional attainments and has a commission in the Royal Naval Reserve. He performed valuable services in the War, and he received only £19 a month when at sea. He is a man of the highest character and attainment. He is not entitled to any pension or superannuation and the moment that his ship is paid off he is on the labour market. He has no security of tenure. Is it to be wondered at that many of our finest seamen amongst the officers of the Royal Mercantile Marine are seeking any kind of employment on shore in order to get out of it?
  What can the Board of Trade do here? The Board of Trade can do and should do—it should have done it long ago—what the officers, through their own organisation, have been asking for for years and what the majority of the best shipping lines are prepared to do, namely, introduce a general pension or superannuation scheme for the officers, and for the men too for that matter. The mortality and sickness among seamen is high. The seaman is very often past work at an earlier age than his brother on shore. As I have said, the majority of the good lines would welcome such a scheme. It would be contributory on the part of the officers, the shipping lines and His Majesty's Government. But so far the Board of Trade has been adamant. A regulation has been brought out by the Admiralty enabling lieutenant commanders to retire at 40 on a fair pension, but their brothers in the mercantile service still await some such scheme. The Board of Trade has funds which should have been applied to this purpose. I am informed that there is in the right hon. Gentleman's coffers, or has been—I do not know whether they have been raided—a very large sum, something like £1,000,000 from the old shipping fees which every officer had to pay on signing on and on being paid off. That was the custom years ago and very
  2368
  large sums were accumulated. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he can give any information about these sums. Who have had them? [An HON. MEMBER: "What are these sums?"] They are large sums of money accumulated from the old shipping fees. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will look into the matter and if he can give me information about them, not necessarily in this Debate, but later on, I shall be very much obliged to him. These funds would be a nucleus for such a scheme as I have mentioned.
  The PRESIDENT of the BOARD of TRADE (Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister): I can tell the hon. and gallant Gentleman at once. I am quite sure that I have no funds in the coffers.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Where have they gone? I did not say that the right hon. Gentleman has this money stored away about his person. I would very soon search him if I thought so. What has happened to the accumulated funds from the old shipping fees? Another way in which the Government can help very much is by the instructions which they give to their representatives at the Maritime Conventions called by the International Labour Office. There is to be a meeting in October of this year, and one of the matters to be discussed from the international point of view is superannuation schemes. If this can be done internationally, the great argument of the bad shipowners who stand in the way because they say they cannot face the competition of the Greeks or of the Portuguese—and there are not many great nations now which are not ahead of us in regard to the pay and conditions of the personnel of their mercantile fleets—will be cut away from them. If the representatives of His Majesty's Government on this Convention to be held in October are sympathetic, the other nations will certainly follow our lead. They follow us in all these matters. We always take the lead in any discussion of a nautical nature, and our prestige is very great. If the right hon. Gentleman's representatives would adopt a sympathetic attitude in this matter at the next meeting, I believe that something could be done internationally. It would be one of the greatest reforms for the benefit of that very fine body of officers and men. Up

  2369
  to now the discussions on this matter have been confined to officers but a superannuation scheme for men of the Mercantile Marine is badly needed. The right hon. Gentleman will say: "These questions are settled by the Maritime Board." But the findings of the Maritime Board are not statutory. They can be avoided, and in some cases, I am afraid, they have been avoided.
  I come to another question which is of very great importance not only to the men who man our ships but to those who send their goods in our ships and who travel in our ships. It is the question of overloading. There have been some recent cases—the "Eastway" and others—where the right hon. Gentleman has taken action. I am not making any complaint against what he does in this country. I believe that on the whole the inspection for the prevention of overloading is admirable in this country. I am not making any general attack on the Board of Trade officials, and I hope that the President of the Board of Trade will understand the position, but it is notorious that there is a great deal of overloading. I have been assured on this point by a great many officers at sea and by others who have left the sea. It is, I am afraid, far too common a practice. Here again it is the black sheep amongst the shipowners, and when they are black they are of the very deepest black.
  The suggestions that I wish to make to the right hon. Gentleman for dealing with this matter—and the evil is mostly in foreign ports where we have no control-are: First, the present regulations of the Board of Trade should be tightened and the penalty for infringement should be increased. Secondly, all deck officers, all bridge officers and all navigating officers should be responsible for the loading of the vessel. Thirdly, the Board of Trade should issue through the press, through the official log books and in the notices to mariners, a re-statement of their intention to prosecute any person who infringes these regulations, and that any person who causes such cases to be brought to the notice of the Board of Trade shall be protected from victimisation. There we have the crux of the whole thing. There is so much unemployment amongst officers of the Mercantile Marine—and I am assured by gentlemen of the highest integrity and character
  2370
  that this is what happens—that when the stevedores at a foreign port want to overload a ship the officers dare not complain. They are not openly victimised, but the next time the ship lays off, their billet is filled by another. It is very important that the Consuls at the foreign ports—they come under the right hon. Gentleman's jurisdiction through the Department of Overseas Trade—should be told to take more interest in official log books and in the tank sounding books. If there is a suspicion of overloading, His Majesty's Consuls abroad should have instructions to report to the Board of Trade in this country.
  4.0 p.m.
  Next I must deal with the question of accommodation. The statutory accommodation for seamen is still 120 cubic feet, which is far less than for the inmates of common lodging-houses, prisons, workhouses, etc. Many shipowners have, of course, exceeded that allowance and have provided very good accommodation for their seamen. During the War the standard ships had very good accommodation indeed. They had the cubicle system in the forecastle, and it was much appreciated by the men. We have gone back since then, and new ships are being built without the cubicle system. But quite a number of foreign countries have adopted the system. The accommodation in Norwegian, Swedish and Danish ships is better than that in ours, and Spanish and Belgian ships are ahead of us. The three Scandinavian countries are very fierce competitors of ours, but they can make their ships pay, while providing decent living accommodation for the men. It is high time that the Merchant Shipping Act was amended. It has not been amended since 1906, except by certain Orders in Council. I believe that the predecessor of the present President of the Board of Trade prepared a Bill, which has been lying since in the pigeonholes of the Board of Trade. It contained many improvements of the original Act. It is a great pity that the present President of the Board did not energise a little and bring forward that Bill or one of his own.
  The next item is with reference to the food scales. There is plenty of food supplied to the seaman to-day. No doubt the right hon. Gentleman will get up and say that things are far better

  2371
  than they were 100 years ago. That, no doubt, is true. In the same way the President of the Board of Education could say that education to-day is much better than that of a hundred years ago, and the statement would be greated with loud cheers. It is high time that things were made better than they were even in 1906. There is sufficient food supplied to seamen, but there is not enough variety. Now I come to what is of the greatest importance of all, and that is the health of the seamen. The President of the Board of Trade has at his disposal few, if any, qualified medical men. If the health of the seamen is to be properly looked after, this health duty must be placed on the shoulders of the Minister of Health, who has the necessary medical officers. This is anon-non-party question. All who have a knowledge of the facts will bear me out when I say how very desirable it is that properly qualified medical men should be at the disposal of the Government to give advice in these matters.
  Let me revert to the question of the men. I wonder whether the House will be surprised at the statement that I am about to make. Apart from the officers, the only person on a British liner or a cargo steamer who must have a certificate is the cook. You could send the "Mauretania" to sea to-day, under the right hon. Gentleman's regime, with two certificated officers on the bridge—only two—and no able seamen. All she would be obliged to have would be 10 efficient seamen—a very wide term. The cook would be the only other certificated person, according to the law. Hon. Members may say that it would not be done, but that is how the law stands. You can send the largest liner to sea to-day with two certificated officers only on the bridge, and the rest of the crew, apart from the engineers and the cook, could be farmers or soldiers or costermongers or lawyers. That is how the law stands. I mention this fact to show that the law certainly needs amending. I know that there have been certain Orders in Council to improve matters, but we do need a certificate for able seamen, after a proper examination, and the able seaman should be a recognised person, qualified as such. At present he gets qualified after three years' service
  2372
  at sea, I believe. Although many lines do insist on a very high standard amongst their seamen, that is how the law stands to-day. There was an Order in Council in 1911 fixing the men in the effective watch. That has been a slight improvement, but the Merchant Shipping Act is as I have stated—a most extraordinary state of affairs.
  Another matter in which the right hon. Gentleman can help is with regard to the hours of work. I believe it was the intention of the Peace Treaty that the 48-hours week should be applied to seamen. It is high time that the 48-hours week, with payment for overtime, was insisted upon, if possible by international agreement. If the officials or representatives of the right hon. Gentleman, or his successor, would give a lead in the matter at the next Convention, I believe we could get something done. There is competition now for British seamen. The Americans are going to make an attempt to build up a Mercantile Marine, and they are competing for British seamen. What do they offer? They offer 50 per cent. higher pay, better food and accommodation than is provided in British ships, and special facilities for naturalisation. If we are to continue to attract the best type of young Englishman and Scotsman and Welshman and Irishman into our Mercantile Marine, the conditions must be improved. We cannot expect a boy to leave a good home on shore, with the higher standard of living of the last 20 or 30 years, unless the conditions on a ship and the nature of the employment are such as to allow reasonable comfort.
  Secondly, there must be a career for the able, intelligent and industrious young lad who goes to sea. When his talents have earned him promotion he must be assured not only of the status that he has now, which is high, but must have reasonable remuneration, some security of employment, and, above all, in old age or failing health something to prevent him and his family falling into poverty. That is the least that we should offer to the right type of young Englishman. I am certain that a contented and an efficient service, manned by the flower of the race, as it should be, would in the long run not be an extravagance but a national economy, and from the point of view of the duty of this House to our

  2373
  seamen and from the point of view of our national defence, I invite the President of the Board of Trade to direct the attention of his advisers to the matter and to the other matters that I have mentioned.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I could not help feeling, when the hon. and gallant Gentleman was speaking, how different is the real picture of the mercantile marine, both of shipowners and of seamen, from the picture which he painted. The hon. and gallant Gentleman has travelled over a very wide field. I did not know what points he was going to raise, but I think I can deal with most of them. He painted the picture of a ship, one of our greatest liners, going to sea with two certificated officers on the bridge, and, apart from them, only the cook certificated, and he asked: "Why do you not legislate to prevent that sort of thing?" The whole of the Labour party might enter for the Grand National to-morrow. There is nothing in the British law to stop it. They probably would not win the race, and I do not know how many would get over the first fence. We do not think it necessary to pass legislation to prevent interesting spectacles like that taking place. In a great common-sense country and in a great service which has run itself for the last 100 years or more, things of that kind do not happen; you do not get great British liners going to sea manned by an entirely incompetent set of officers and men. On the contrary, what you do get is a magnificent ship going to sea with the most competent officers and the best set of men that sail the seas. You get that, not by Act of Parliament, but because we are a great maritime country, and because it is in our interest to send our ships to sea in the most efficient condition.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Of course I did not for a moment suggest that the things I mentioned would happen, but as the law stands they could happen. The right hon. Gentleman says that the Mercantile Marine has run itself for 100 years. Has he never read his own Merchant Shipping Act and other legislation on these points?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: A certain number of things in the Act are to-day very largely obsolete. They were passed at a time when a ship went to sea and
  2374
  was out of touch with this country for 12 months at a time. We do not legislate about everything in the whole world. We do not prescribe the ordinary conduct of people in their business, more than is strictly necessary. The object of legislation—until we have "Socialism in our time"—is not to prescribe exactly how everyone is to do his daily work, but either to give assistance or to exercise such restraint as may be needed. What is really the position? The position is that you have a very efficient body of shipowners and an amazingly efficient lot of seamen. No Debate of this kind would be complete without a reference to that grand old man who has just died, Mr. Havelock Wilson. No man ever did more for those whom he represented. He did more than anyone in his day for the whole of the British Mercantile Marine, not only for the men, but for the service as a whole. While he was a great fighter for everything that concerned the best interests of his men, he always conducted negotiations in a fair and conciliatory manner, with a real appreciation of what was the issue in the long run, realising that this great service had to compete with the Mercantile Marine of other countries.
  It is perfectly easy to say, "Why do you not lay down a large number of conditions under which everything will be absolutely perfect; in which the standard of every single ship comes up to the standard of comfort and convenience of the very highest type of vessel." It would be quite possible to do that, but what would be the result unless every other country in the world made similar regulations? At once it would put out of commission a large number of our ships and would put out of employment a very large number of men. Some years ago I went to Liverpool—I was invited to do so—and saw a large number of ships without warning of my visit. I visited all manner of vessels, from the latest liner, perfect in every detail, down to the worst tramp that one could see. The men on this particular tramp said to me: "The conditions on this particular ship are not very satisfactory, are they?" I said, "No. It would be perfectly easy within the law for me to make a regulation to-morrow morning—I do not think I should have to lay it before the House—which would put that ship out of commission, but would it be wise to do that?

  2375
  What would be the result? The ship would go out of commission and the trade would go to another flag." Is it not wiser to try to get the highest standard possible but to confine our regulations to what is necessary and reasonable, having regard to the standards which other countries adopt?
  I do not believe that anyone who occupied the position of President of the Board of Trade, faced with the responsibility, not of making general speeches but by his action assisting or restricting the activities of the British Mercantile Marine, would adopt the wholesale policy of regulations of the hundred and one kinds which the hon. and gallant Member has put forward. He asks: "Why do you not bring in the admirable Bill that has been left for you by your predecessor?" I have not seen it; it does not exist. I have considered different amendments of the law, some of which have been made in our administration, and we are considering amendments from time to time. The hon. and gallant Member is entirely wrong if he suggests that his chiefs when they were in office completely recast the law governing merchant shipping, and left behind them general proposals for amending the Merchant Shipping Acts. They were far too responsible administrators to do any such thing. No one will deny that the standard which we set in safety, comfort and convenience is higher than is set by any other mercantile country in the world.
  Mr. SHINWELL: What about Australia?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I do not think that is a very happy intervention. We must be guided by some consideration of what we can do in competition with the world—except that, where the question of safety is concerned, you have to act promptly. The mention of Australia really supports my thesis, because, though I do not want to say anything in any way disrespectful to Australia, the Australian shipping experience did not show a very large profit, and the whole of the Australian Commonwealth steamers have been sold.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: The Australian farmers are very sorry.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: The hon. and gallant Member's idea is, of course, that all business should be ran at a loss, but that cannot be done indefinitely. Let me deal briefly with the detailed points which he raised. With regard to training at sea, he said that strong representations had been made to my Department by the union. That is not so. I am told that no representations have been made to us in that matter, and for the very good reason that there is already a most admirable training ship, the Gravesend Sea School, which is run by the Shipping Federation and the National Union of Seamen. The hon. and gallant Member says that we ought to have a training ship, a sailing ship, which should go to sea. That would be a very expensive proposal, and I am not sure that the training that would be obtained would be of commensurate value. I am informed that the Gravesend Sea School provides more trained boys at the present time than there are places to fill. The hon. and gallant Member also dealt with foreign seamen. He knows the law in that matter, and the administration. The law is strict and the administration is strict. He admitted that there was a decrease in the number of foreign seamen, but he forgot to tell the House that it is not simply a question of dealing with aliens employed on British ships. The difficulty with which we are confronted is that there are certain "non-British" British subjects with whom we have to deal. He said that aliens are taken on because the shipowners get them for a lower wage. I am sure that that was an unintentional slip on his part, because the Aliens Act says that:
  "No alien shall be employed in any capacity on a British ship registered in the United Kingdom at a rate of pay less than the standard rate of pay for the time being current on British ships for his rating."
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: I was referring to Lascars.
  Mr. HAYES: That is the rate of wage laid down by the Maritime Board, but when the ship goes to the Far East and the Chinese sailors are discharged, they are re-employed at wages that run down from £12 a month to £2 10s. or £3. Therefore, it is cheaper for a shipping company to employ a Chinese sailor in

  2377
  London on a ship discharging in the Far East, rather than to take on British seamen.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: The hon. Member cannot expect me to legislate for the rate of wages paid in China. That is outside my jurisdiction. I cannot say that every ship which sails from a Chinese port is to pay a special rate of wage. I could, I suppose, bring in legislation to say that any ship which is on the British register or is British owned and sailing from an Eastern port to another Eastern port must always pay a certain rate of wages. What would be the result? That legislation would not be applicable to any other ship sailing out of that port, whether it happened to be an American ship, a German ship or a Dutch ship. One of two things would inevitably happen; either the British ship would go out of the trade altogether and we should lose the value of that shipping trade in that port, or the ship would be transferred to another flag.
  Mr. SHINWELL: On the question of Chinese seamen the right hon. Gentleman is labouring under a misapprehension. Take Chinese seamen engaged at British' ports on British ships which proceed to ports abroad, and after calling at intermediate ports come back to home ports. Surely, they come under the right hon. Gentleman's control in regard to wages.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: In that case the Chinese seamen would have to be paid the British wage.
  Mr. SHINWELL: They do not get it.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: As I understand the point raised by the hon. Member for Edgehill (Mr. Hayes)—he raised it at Question Time—it is that a Chinese crew is signed on a British ship and they get British wages in a British port, but that afterwards when that ship goes to a Chinese port and it continues to trade out in the East and does not come to this country, she can take on any crew she likes at any wages she likes. That is so, and every other ship sailing from that foreign port in that way is equally outside my jurisdiction. The only effect of passing legislation in this House to say that if that ship is a British ship the owner must pay the same wages that we compel people to pay in
  2378
  British ports, such wages as are agreed on by the National Maritime Board for British ships, would be that no foreign ship sailing from that port would be under such a regulation, and we should either lose the whole of that shipping business to the Americans, the Dutch, the Japanese or some other nation, or the British owner would transfer his ship to a foreign flag in order to avoid the restrictions and to keep the business going.
  The hon. and gallant Member asks why I do not establish a pensions scheme, and he accuses me of having concealed in some way a large sum of money or, rather, he suggested that I was stupid or negligent rather than ambitious in this matter. He hinted that there was a sum of £1,000,000 somewhere about in my coffers. I can assure him that if that were the case I should not leave £1,000,000 idle. The answer is that that sum does not exist. I am amazed that the hon. and gallant Member's memory goes back as far. I think there was a sum of money in 1898 or 1894, but neither the hon. and gallant Member nor I were in a position to govern its destination at that time. It was not as much as he thinks; it was a small sum, and I think it was applied towards assisting some pension scheme. At any rate, it was exhausted a long time before he or I came into this House. Therefore we have to start afresh, with the cupboard bare. My reply is, that you cannot select one particular industry and start a special pension scheme for it. If you start a pension scheme for the Mercantile Marine, obviously you would have to start a scheme for other industries. Seamen, in common with other citizens, have since we came into office derived the benefit of having the opportunity of getting their pensions earlier, and getting them without disqualification for thrift. Therefore, they are to that extent considerably advantaged under our administration as compared with the administration to which he contrasted ours. In addition to that, they have another fund at their disposal. There is a fund consisting of the contributions which British owners have to pay for Seamen who are domiciled abroad.
  Mr. SHINWELL: The Lascars.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: Yes, Lascars. In order that there might be no inducement to shipowners to take on Lascars rather than Englishmen they have to pay contributions equal to those paid under the National Health Insurance Fund, and these contributions are carried to a special insurance fund. Therefore, seamen enjoy the advantage of a fund which others do not. The question of hours and watches has been discussed by the Joint Industrial Council, the Maritime Board, an admirable organisation where all questions as to conditions of service are discussed very fully. It is composed of representatives of officers and men and representatives of the shipowners, and, obviously, the last thing this House would desire to do is to interfere in any free settlement of wages and wage conditions, and labour conditions, in a service where you have a Joint Industrial Council working so satisfactorily and so amicably as it does in this case. Before taking international action you must get agreement nationally, and in that respect a great deal has been done. In the matter of watches an agreement has been reached and will come into force in September next. I need not go into details, but it covers long voyages, voyages beyond the limits of Narvik to Corunna, and in ships above a certain tonnage the three-watch system is to be maintained. That is a satisfactory arrangement. It only shows how wise it is to leave this industry to look after its own affairs.
  But the Maritime Board, in view of the Conference at Geneva in October, are engaged in getting out a precise statement of the position to-day in the Mercantile Marine, and are discussing whether any changes are desirable. Is not that the proper way to proceed, to get the owners and the seamen to meet together and agree as to what agreement should be made and what attitude should be taken up? What we desire in the matter of conditions, as in other things, is to bring the world into line with our standards; then we may be able to proceed further together. That is the line we have consistently taken, and if the hon. and gallant Member will look at our record in this matter he will find that a series of conventions has been made in which advances have been made which will bring international standards more
  2380
  into line with the practice which has largely operated in this country, or at least in our better ships. I have dealt already with the question of accommodation, but I should say that the Regulations under which we are now working were made as lately as 1923, and they stood the test of nine months of a Socialist Administration. At the present moment we are collecting full reports as to the conditions on different ships, both at home and abroad, which we propose to submit to an inter-Departmental Committee of the Board of Trade and the Ministry of Health.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: That is the first hopeful sign we have had. May I ask whether the proposed alterations in the Regulations with regard to accommodation will apply to new ships?
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I have not said that we proposed to introduce new Regulations. We are getting reports as to the conditions on different ships, and we are proposing to submit these to the Joint Committee. I am not going further than that at present. In the matter of health, the statistics may be misleading. Anybody who dies at sea is returned as a sea casualty, and it will be quite improper to draw deductions from the figures as to the rate of mortality due to the incidence of sea service. In this matter we hope to get more detailed particulars. The hon. and gallant Member also referred to the question of food. I am perfectly certain that if there were any real complaints on the ground of insufficiency or unsatisfactory nature of the food, we should have heard of them. The National Union of Seamen have always been ready to put forward any claim, and particularly any reasonable claim, as to the insufficiency or unsatisfactory character of the food. If there had been any real complaints I am perfectly certain that they would have been brought forward. We have had hardly any complaints at all on that score, and the matter has hardly ever been raised at the Maritime Board meetings, where one hundred and one matters affecting seamen are being constantly considered. If there was any ground of complaint in this matter we should certainly have heard, the shipowners would have heard and the Maritime Board would have heard. And diseases due to under-nutrition

  2381
  or malnutrition are practically nonexistent in the British Mercantile Marine to-day.
  The question of the load line is undoubtedly most important. The difficulty is the enforcement of the law. British ships all over the world must comply with the load line. Foreign ships in this country must also comply with our provisions, but I am not quite certain that we can enforce the provisions with regard to the load line against foreign ships as efficiently as I would desire. I do not think it is easy to get a conviction. I do not want to argue the matter in detail now, because proposals will have to be made in this matter. The right line to take is this: At the present moment a committee is considering the question of the load line, and I want to see their final recommendations. The law requires amendment in this country in order to make it easier to enforce what is the intention of the law to-day as against foreign ships. I do not want to get into a long technical discussion as to what line the amendment should take. I have submitted to the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee a draft regulation providing that where a British ship sails from any port there shall be set out so that it may be easily visible what the load line is, and what the draught of the ship is when she leaves the quay. This, I think, is desirable, and the draft regulation is now in the hands of the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee.
  In order to deal with the question of the load line satisfactorily you will have to go a great deal further. You will have to get a recognition of the principle and practice of the load line adopted by all countries. We shall not put this matter right until we get that recognition. In America there is at present no load line regulation at all, and you will never get people to enforce on British ships in ports outside our jurisdiction provisions to which national ships in these ports are not subject at all. I do not think British Consuls can do more than they are doing. They cannot be on the watch all the time, and when a ship is loaded she must often clear at once in order to catch the tide without waiting till a Consul can come down and examine her. I have considered whether any special provisions of this kind are
  2382
  possible, but I am certain that they would interfere with trade. What I hope is this. The International Conference which is at present considering the question of safety of life at sea cannot deal with this matter as well; but when our inquiry into the load line is concluded I hope it will be possible to go forward with suggestions which will appeal to all the maritime communities of the world as being reasonable, and that then we might get universal agreement on load line provisions.
  It is only by international action that we can really get agreement as to what is a fair load line on British ships and foreign ships all over the world. That is really what we are aiming at, and we are taking practical steps to obtain it. All the Regulations which have been made by the Board of Trade for a number of years have been submitted to the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee, which represents all those who are interested in the industry, shipowners, underwriters, shipbuilders, officers, the national seamen's union and wireless operators, and the best guarantee I can give the House that the Regulations which we make are fair and meet the desires of those engaged in the industry is that before they come to this House for confirmation they are considered by a body so representative and so capable as the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee.
  Sir BURTON CHADWICK: Naturally, I am inclined to sympathise fully with all that has been said in favour of improving the conditions of the men of the British merchant service. I would like at the outset to associate myself with my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade in his remarks about that great man who died the other day, Mr. Havelock Wilson, who, undoubtedly, performed for the British seaman and the British nation a very great service. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) started well, and I was congratulating myself that, on one occasion at least during our period in this House, he and I would he able to agree. But he was soon drawn away from the region of fact into the region of fable, and I was sorry that he spoiled a very good case, owing possibly to his anxiety in reference to the next few weeks.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Speak for yourself.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: The hon. and gallant Member opened with a reference to the subject of training, and with what he said I was in entire sympathy. I speak on this subject with a good deal of experience and in such circumstances men are tempted to speak from the experience which they have had, rather than from the conditions of the day in which they are living. If I were to speak only from my experience of the conditions of life, in the Mercantile Marine in those days, and the conditions of life to-day, I would be inclined to say that the British seaman of to-day is in a condition of absolute luxury. But it would not do to argue in that way, and, in the matter of training, I believe it would be a most excellent thing for the British Mercantile Marine if more attention could be paid to the training of lower deck boys. The boy who is going to become an officer has most excellent and, I think, ample training facilities in the establishments which have been mentioned; but with regard to the lower deck boy, there is perhaps not quite sufficient opportunity. The right hon. Gentleman has mentioned the combined effort at Gravesend on the part of the Shipping Federation and the National Union of Seamen in which I think the Board of Trade and the Board of Education have a supervisory interest. That is a most admirable establishment, and its great virtue is that the boys are sent into the service by a selective process.
  When I went to sea the Mercantile Marine was regarded as the last hope of a boy. It was assumed that he could do no good or that his parents could do no good with him if he was sent into the Mercantile Marine. [Laughter.] Yes, but there was a motive behind it. It was said, "Send him to sea and make a man of him"—and they sent him to sea and it made a man of him. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] But I would like to see the day when no boy could be engaged in a merchant ship unless he passed through some establishment which gave him a preliminary training, which, above all, applied a selective process in getting suitable boys for the service, and which followed up the boy afterwards to see how his career was working out. That is one of the most valuable functions
  2384
  of this establishment at Gravesend. The training there is intensive and I understand that they turn out a partially trained seaman in a period of something like four months. I do not say that the boy comes out a perfect seaman, but he is prepared for the sea, and that is the great thing about it.
  The hon. and gallant Member also spoke about overloading, and suggested that there was a tendency on the part of British shipowners deliberately to overload their ships or, at any rate, that cases of that kind occurred with too great frequency. That suggestion I absolutely deny. British shipowners as a community are in no sense guilty of deliberately overloading ships, or of overloading ships with any frequency. Here and there one may find a case of a ship being overloaded, but the overloading of a ship by an inch or two is a fault easily fallen into, even by the most careful and punctilious of men. I can assure the hon. and gallant Member that to go round a ship in a choppy sea and to try to decide whether it is two inches above or below the mark—which means possibly a margin of 100 tons of cargo—is a matter of the greatest difficulty. But I do not believe there are any cases, or, if any, more than a few very exceptional cases in which a British shipowner would lend himself knowingly to the deliberate overloading of a ship under his management. I should like it to be known that I express my very strong condemnation of any suggestion of the kind.
  Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: I meant to make it clear that I was making no general charge, but there are black sheep, and the hon. Gentleman will admit that it is most unfair to the decent shipowners that the regulations should be evaded.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: There are black sheep in every walk of life. I am able to speak on this matter with an experience which is I think unique inside or outside this House. I do not know of another man who can view this matter from the standpoints of a seaman a shipowner, and an ex-Minister of the Board of Trade. Of course, there are black sheep everywhere and if the hon. and gallant Gentleman knew as much of this matter as I do, he would be aware of cases where, against the interests of the

  2385
  shipowner, other people have been guilty of overloading ships for what they could make out of it. I know of cases where it was not the shipowner but other people—I will not say who they were—who had an interest in the business of running, loading and discharging the ship. I entirely agree with him in saying, "Enforce the overloading conditions punctiliously," but I am against him in saddling any particular branch of the shipping industry with the guilt—and it is a terrible guilt—of deliberately making ships un-seaworthy, because that is what it means. I resist that suggestion most strongly.
  The hon. and gallant Gentleman also spoke of wages, but as my right hon. Friend has pointed out the Board of Trade have nothing to do with wages. This is a great commercial service, and I, myself, am anxious to see the men living under the best conditions and in the best way. The hon. and gallant Member spoke of accommodation and food. A lot of grandmotherly nonsense is talked about all these things. Of course, I must not draw too much on my own experience in considering this matter, but I remember when, during our voyages, we were housed and fed like Esquimaux, and paid a wage at which a corner loafer of to-day would jeer. The men to-day are not so badly paid, and I think that the shipowner of to-day pays the greatest care to the food which the men have and the variety in which they get it. As to the remarks of the hon. and gallant Member about the Merchant Shipping Act and the regulations which govern the number of executive certificated officers on a vessel, I may mention that I sailed recently from New York in the "Mauretania" and found that, although she is 22 years old, she still does 26½ knots and still holds the blue riband of the Atlantic. I do not think the hon. and gallant Member need worry about the manning or management of ships like that, nor need he ask my right hon. Friend to alter the Merchant Shipping Act, because no Merchant Shipping Act could do what the Cunard Company or any of our great companies do in the running of these ships.
  British ships. British shipowners and British seamen still hold their own in the world, and I am inclined to say, "Not too much legislation." Let the Service look after itself as it is doing.
  2386
  The British Mercantile Marine has taken a different place in the nation to-day, because, fortunately, the scales have fallen from the eyes of the British people since the War, and I think it is all to the good. The British merchant service officer has a different place in the life of the nation to-day. That is what will bring about recovery. It cannot be achieved by amending the Merchant Shipping Act and making regulations to meet conditions which may never arise. I support what the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull said in regard to training. I hope training facilities will be extended, but, as to his other remarks, I think he has exaggerated, and has thereby rather spoiled what promised to be a very good case.
  5.0 p.m.
  Mr. SHINWELL: There will be general agreement that the contributions of the hon. Member for Wallasey (Sir B. Chadwick) are so breezy, and reminiscent of the sea that we would welcome them more frequently, but I am bound to confess that I cannot accept all his observations regarding conditions in the Mercantile Marine. It is not inappropriate that we should be considering these matters on almost the last day of this Parliament, because the Mercantile Marine is the Cinderella of our Services, and receives little consideration at the hands of the Legislature. I recall but few occasions on which matters affecting the Mercantile Marine have come within the purview of our deliberations, and I think it a great pity, because the Service is of such great importance in our national and economic life, and employs so many people that it deserves more consideration.
  I shall not be controversial in what I have to say. It appears to me that little can be done by this Government, and one can only indicate what might be accomplished at a later stage. Before embarking on that voyage, may I say something apropos of the right hon. Gentleman's observations on the general position of the Mercantile Marine. One might be disposed to agree that it is unwise to have constant legislative interference with legislation in industrial services. But it must be remembered that the Mercantile Marine is governed by regulation from stem to stern—if I may put it in that way. Those Regulations

  2387
  come within the powers of the Board of Trade and relate to displacement, tonnage, carrying capacity, the number of men, accommodation, food, and, indeed, all matters affecting the navigation and conduct of a vessel. That being so, it is difficult to draw the line at which legislation and regulation should stop, and that situation must present a dilemma to the right hon. Gentleman and his Department many a time. There is the necessity for interference, and yet the desire not to interfere too frequently. We can appreciate that difficulty, but when it comes to a question which affects the safety of life at sea, then clearly there is a national obligation which cannot be set aside.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I said so. I said that where it was a question of safety, as against what I might call a question of convenience, we must act.
  Mr. SHINWELL: I expected that the right hon. Gentleman would appreciate that point, and I think there is general agreement upon it. But I want to go a step further. Just as there ought to be agreement on the need for regulations, in matters affecting the safety of life at sea, so there ought to be agreement on the need for regulations concerning the safety of merchandise. The hon. Member for Wallasey, who is a shipowner with wide commercial experience, would, I am sure, accept that view. It is important that we should not have to jettison cargo, and that the load of the ship should not have to be lightened in weather such as is sometimes experienced at sea. Therefore my submission is that, whether it is in respect of personnel, or of cargo, we ought to have the requisite regulations efficiently applied, so as to protect both men and merchandise.
  The question arises of what ought to be done. I speak not as a seaman, but as one who for 16 years came into close contact with the shipping service and particularly with the seamen. I no longer have any connection with that service, but my experience has led me to certain conclusions. I entirely accept the view that it is impossible to impute blame to the shipowners in respect of overloading. There may be cases in which a shipowner has allowed a ship to be some-what
  2388
  overloaded, and I am reminded that there was a case in which a shipowner was sent to prison. But if one shipowner out of many hundreds is sent to prison for such an offence, it does not appear to be any more grave than the fact that one director of a public company has been sent to prison for falsification of accounts, and it is not sufficient to justify one in condemning the whole system. That is not our case. Our case is that you cannot impute blame to the shipowners generally, nor to the stevedores and others responsible for the loading of the vessels. What must be done is to enforce the regulations by a rigid method of inspection.
  Let us say that cases of overloading occur, inadvertently, and I think that is putting it very fairly. What is to be done? It endangers the life of the crew, it endangers the cargo, it endangers commercial interests. Surely, in those circumstances, we ought not to boggle at any price we may be called upon to pay for the purpose of ensuring the efficient inspection of ships before they leave port. As the right hon. Gentleman said, we cannot expect Consuls in foreign ports to deal with these matters because they are overburdened as it is, but it might be possible to have some method of inspection—I am not prepared to go into the details of the arrangements—whereby there could be a close scrutiny of ships proceeding from foreign ports. I think there would be no difficulty in applying such a scheme to this country. To begin with there are too few inspectors. I understand that shipowners do not desire any more inspections than they deem necessary, but inspection is now general in industry, and we ought not to refuse to apply to shipping, what we apply to railways, and many other national services.
  Mr. WARDLAW-MILNE: Do I understand that the hon. Member wants British inspectors appointed to inspect foreign ships in foreign ports?
  Mr. SHINWELL: It is a great pity that the hon. Gentleman was not present when his right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade spoke.
  Mr. WARDLAW-MILNE: I was present for part of the time.
  Mr. SHINWELL: Possibly the hon. Member may have missed this point. The point is very simple. It is first, in relation to ships leaving home ports, whether there is any means of avoiding the overloading, and that requires sufficient inspection.
  Mr. WARDLAW-MILNE: That, we have.
  Mr. SHINWELL: I do not mean that the present inspectors do not do their duty. I suggest that the fact that you have not got sufficient inspectors means that ships may go out occasionally overloaded.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: Out of British ports? Nonsense!
  Mr. SHINWELL: As regards foreign ships, I think that cannot be dealt with unless you have some kind of international arrangement, but, as regards British ships leaving foreign ports, since they come under British regulations we can adopt a method of inspection which would ensure that these ships should not leave foreign ports without observing the regulations. As to the question of whether or not ships are overloaded, the hon. Gentleman speaks with great experience, but it is possible that his experience in this connection is limited and that he has not got the experience of going down to the docks daily and of knowing what is going on. I suppose he has the experience of the average shipowner, who receives his reports and occasionally goes down to the dock, perhaps once a month or once a week, and is there ushered on board a vessel which has everything prepared for him. He has his lunch, is introduced to the various officers on board, and then departs, or, in the case of a tramp owner, he walks down to the boat, has a word with the captain, finds all is going well, and disappears. That is not sufficient, and I suppose that that is the hon. Gentleman's experience, except when he is going to sea.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: I have also had experience of the man who is loading the ship, and of moving about for years among the very men who have the practical supervision of the loading of the ships.
  Mr. SHINWELL: I accept the hon. Gentleman's word at once, that he has done that work and that his experience is
  2390
  wider than I thought, but I submit that there must have been cases that have come within his experience where overloading has occurred. I am certain that that has happened, and I say that now we hear from seamen, or I used to hear, constantly of cases of overloading. Now let us take the case of the officers. They are in a very unfortunate position. An officer has to keep his position on board a vessel. He knows there are many unemployed officers in the country, and that if he loses one job, he cannot get another very rapidly. The Imperial Merchant Service Guild is doing all it can to find vacancies for its unemployed officers. Supposing an officer knows that there is some overloading taking place, and he reports it, what happens? He is not certain what his position is likely to be.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: There is not the slightest foundation for that. It is absolute bunkum!
  Mr. SHINWELL: We need not have any difficulty about this matter. I am stating what is my own experience, but take the case of the "Vestris" inquiry.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: On a point of Order. Is not the "Vestris" inquiry a matter that is sub judice at the moment, and is it not, therefore, out of order?
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER (Mr. James Hope): I am not certain whether the President of the Board of Trade could give the House information on that point, as to whether the inquiry is technically a judicial inquiry, but even if it is not, it would be entirely against the spirit of this House to discuss matters which are being inquired into while the inquiry is still on.
  Sir P. CUNLIFFE-LISTER: I should say that it certainly fell within the scope of a judicial inquiry under the rules of Order. It is an inquiry set up by the Board of Trade as a judicial inquiry under the Merchant Shipping Act, with a King's counsel presiding, and with statutory assessors appointed to sit with him, and with Law Officers appearing.
  Mr. SHINWELL: If the hon. Gentleman opposite had waited, I would myself have indicated that I must avoid such controversial matters. My only point was this, that it appears that, according to the evidence, some of the officers were

  2391
  reluctant to make reports in respect of overloading before the ship left.
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: That is obviously out of order.
  Mr. SHINWELL: In any event, I think there will be general agreement that no harm could result in respect to the overloading of the vessels concerned if there existed a more rigid and more efficient method of inspection; and that method of inspection can only come about as a result of the appointment of more inspectors. There are one or two other matters with which I want to deal. I say quite frankly that the point which concerns me most, as I believe it concerns seamen most, is that of the constant encroachment of Indian seamen on our vessels. Some 52,000 Lascars are now employed in British ships, and that is more than a third of the total complement of the British Mercantile Marine. It is a very serious state of affairs. I shall be told that these Lascars are employed under the control of the Indian Government and that they are employed because they are most suitable for the trade for which these vessels are utilised, but my contention is that British seamen have in the past been employed on the Clan Line, on the City Line, and on the various other lines now trading between this country and India, and have been found quite suitable. There can be no doubt about that. It has never been disputed.
  No British officer, in my experience, sailing on any of the vessels from this country to India and back again has ever stated that British sailors and British firemen were not suitable to proceed on those voyages. There has been controversy as to how British seamen conducted themselves in the Red Sea because of the extreme heat. We have had that controversy in mercantile marine circles for years and years, and it has never been settled. They still discuss it in the forecastle, and in the "glory hole," and in the saloon bars of the ports of the United Kingdom, but it has never been settled, and British seamen are just as competent and efficient for the purpose of these voyages as the Lascars are.
  Mr. WARDLAW-MILNE: Is there any reason why Lascars, who are British subjects, should not have employment?
  Mr. SHINWELL: There was a time when a few Lascars were employed, but now there are 52,000 of them employed, to the exclusion of many British seamen, as a result of which many of those British seamen are now unemployed. I do not object, and we on these benches offer no objection at all, to the employment of Indian seamen, and I go further. I offer no objection to the employment of Chinese seamen or other foreign seamen, but I say that, if you are going to employ seamen who are not British, in the sense that they do not belong to this country, you ought to pay these men from abroad the same wages as the British National Maritime Board lays down for the payment of British seamen. At present you give 30s. a month in the case of Lascar seamen and £9 or £9 10s. for British seamen. Is not that a temptation? I confess that if I were a shipowner, I should be tempted myself—it is not unnatural—and the very fact that this remarkable increase has taken place proves to me that British shipowners are availing themselves of the opportunity thus afforded.
  I should like to see something done, not to exclude Lascars altogether, but to bring the pay of Lascar seamen up to the level of that of British seamen, to equalise the conditions, so far as is practicable. I admit that there is some difficulty. I am not so foolish as to pretend that you can put Lascar seamen in the same position as British seamen, but, so far as it is practicable, something should be done to equalise the conditions. There was one point in the right hon. Gentleman's speech that I could not understand. He said that he had no control over Lascar seamen in this country, but I do not think he could have meant that. Lascar seamen, when they contract for a voyage in India, come under the control of the Indian Government, it is true, but on this side, when they renew engagements, and during the time they are in this country, not on board but ashore, they come under the control of the right hon. Gentleman's Department in respect of their conditions in the sailors' homes and all that sort of thing; and I think he might exercise a larger measure of supervision in respect of their employment, and thus help British seamen, who badly need help.
  Just a word about the officers. I have great sympathy for the officers in the

  2393
  mercantile marine. They have to undergo very expensive and very long examinations, after which they are lucky if they get employment at £10, £12, or £20 a month. How few of them ever rise to the position of commander of a vessel, and even when they do the pay is not so lucrative as one would suppose. I have met British engineers, second, third, and chief engineers, and the mates of vessels who, even when in employment, were having a hard struggle to make both ends meet, but when unemployed the position is a thousand times worse. You have on the streets to-day a large army of British mercantile marine officers who are unemployed, for whom the employers are offering no vacancies at all, and something has to be done for these men. If they are going to be placed in the position of having to undergo these costly and long examinations, they ought to be protected, and I venture to say to the hon. Gentleman opposite that, unless we are very careful, we shall find in the course of time a very great shortage of mercantile marine officers, because men are not going to undergo these examinations unless they are assured of some regular employment afterwards.
  I entirely agree that there has been a great advance in respect of both food and accommodation in British ships, but the advance has been a slow one. I recall that during the War we were requested by the Government of the day to inspect the accommodation on the standard ships then being built. We made suggestions at the time, which were adopted, and the accommodation of those standard ships was, in my judgment, very good. But many of the shipowners have departed from the standard which was set during the War, and there are any number of vessels sailing from this country on which the accommodation—I say it without qualification—is scandalous. The right hon. Gentleman himself, I think, admitted that he saw some vessels in Liverpool that were very bad. It may be that if you say to the shipowners concerned, "You have got to change your accommodation and to reconstruct it," it might mean laying up the ships for a while, but you can escape from that difficulty quite easily. While the annual survey is proceeding, the accommodation for the crew could be reconstructed without any difficulty, and I hope something will be done in that
  2394
  connection. As regards food, I would like to say to the hon. Gentleman opposite that, while it is true that there has been a great change, he ought to hear what seamen have to say about the food on certain of the tramp vessels.
  Sir B. CHADWICK: Foreign seamen?
  Mr. SHINWELL: No, British seamen, and "shellbacks" too. I know they are always grousing, but there is substance in their grousing when it comes to the food on some tramp vessels, though not on all. As regards liner vessels, in the main the food is excellent, although there have been occasions when it has not been altogether satisfactory even there, and I think there should be some change in that regard. My last observation is this: The right hon. Gentleman said the Government have been responsible for a steady advance since the days of the last Administration. I would like to say to him, however, that the last Administration explored this matter very closely and consulted with the Shipping Federation, the ship-owning interests, and the seamen, in respect of all the matters raised to-day, and then it went out. The right hon. Gentleman appeared, and for four and a-half years he has been exploring the matter. What has happened? Very little advance has been made in that time in respect of the load-line regulations, of crews' quarters, of food, of the manning of vessels, and, in particular, of the exclusion of foreign seamen, who are jeopardising the position of British seamen in this country. Much more might have been done, and all that we can hope is that in due course, whatever Government may come in—I am raising no electioneering issue—it will have at least the wisdom, while embarking on great national adventures in respect of the coal industry, the cotton industry, and other industries, to give some little time to the consideration of issues that affect the men in the mercantile marine.
  Sir MARTIN CONWAY: I desire to use this last opportunity which is afforded in the present Parliament to call attention to a matter in which I am sure I shall have the sympathy of every Member of every party in this House. There appeared in the Press a few days ago a letter signed by the Prime Minister and by the two ex-Prime Ministers the

  2395
  Leaders of the two Oppositions, who united to call the attention of the public to a great danger which overhangs this country, and that is the destruction of the beauties of rural England. I am old enough to remember the time when the bicycle was introduced. I was one of the first bicyclists, I think, who ventured forth upon the roads of this country to make some sort of exploration of its natural beauties, and I well remember the rural England of 40 or 50 years ago. I have seen the change which has come over it since the arrival of the motor car, a change which was at first gradual, but which has been going ahead from year to year with ever greater velocity.
  At first, the stream of cars, somewhat exiguous in quantity, penetrated the old villages and began to affect them injuriously, but the introduction of great arterial roads has, as a matter of fact, saved from destruction quite a number of villages and small towns, which are now by-passed and, therefore, no longer endangered by a stream of traffic passing through them. But the great new arterial roads which are penetrating the country in all directions, which, we are told, are to be enormously increased in numbers, are having a contrary effect. They plunge in many cases through virgin, or at all events previously unspoiled, districts, they cut down a great number of trees—a great many more than are necessary, I think—they open up fields and woods and lands which have previously been isolated, and they lead not merely to the passage through what was previously simple and suitable country of great streams of cars, but they lead, and naturally lead, to the introduction of a number of buildings, shacks and other erections, intended to serve the stream of cars which comes along.
  We are saluted now at every point by groups of petrol pumps, by tea houses, Borne of them pretty, most of them hideous, by garages and by all kinds of erections which are scattered all over the country in the neighbourhood of the roads; and, further, by an enormous increase in the number of cottages, bungalows and houses which are, unfortunately, very often strewn in a long series alongside the new roads. The development of houses along the sides of arterial
  2396
  roads is one of the most obnoxious signs of the present times, for these long rows of houses flanking the roads shut out the country on both sides, and prolong for a good distance the feeling and spirit of the towns. This damage which is being done to our countryside is no mere matter of sentiment. It is a regret to us not merely on the ground of sentiment, but for a purely practical and even commercial reason. England is a country, which, by the nature of its history and geographical position, is a centre of pilgrimage, and will more and more as the centuries go by become a centre of pilgrimage by visitors from all parts of the world. The motherland of the English-speaking peoples, it is the home of great art and wonderful buildings of which the historical interest is immeasurable. Visitors come, and we desire to see them come in ever greater number from all parts of the world, to enjoy the beauties and the interest of the country.
  The beauty of England is one of its great assets. It is a great commercial asset, though I regret to put on so low a ground an argument in favour of its maintenance. The beauty of England is a thing well worth saving from the point of view of mere practical interest, and it is a quality of this country which is rapidly being diminished. There is no necessity to diminish the beauty of a country because of the development of industry. Stockholm is a beautiful town on the margin of many channels of the sea and rises out of the midst of woods. It has manufactures and industries of all kinds, and it is a prosperous city; but there is not a single disfiguring feature, as far as I know, in the surroundings of Stockholm as the result of modern developments. You see, planted by the side of the channels of the sea, factories which are like roads penetrating the country, but you never anywhere see such a thing as a displayed name advertising the factory. There may be a small name printed in letters an inch high on a door, but in looking from a distance at any of these places, you see no advertising signs, nothing disfiguring on the buildings and no advertising surrounding them. Nor is there a single displayed advertisement, as far as I know, all over the country.

  2397
  When Sir Herbert Samuel was appointed High Commissioner in Palestine, the first regulation that he made was that there was to be no displayed advertisements at all in Palestine; no posters were allowed anywhere except on certain regulated spots. That regulation was no nuisance to anybody, because it was the same for all. If we were to have in England any such regulation, what an improvement it would mean in the aspect of our country! The tyranny of the advertiser is upon us all. I do not know why it should be so, why we should be willing to submit to the tyranny of advertisements, which are one of the great disfiguring features of our land. Why should we, passing along a road, be obliged to suffer the indignity of having forced upon us the sight of hideous hoardings put up in the interests of some manufacture?
  Mr. MONTAGUE: Or some political party.
  Sir M. CONWAY: Any kind of hoarding is equally objectionable, and any regulation must be the same for all. The road which I most frequently follow is the one that leads from London to the centre of Kent. That used to be a perfectly beautiful road all the way along, commanding beautiful views; it went through pretty villages, went over hills and down valleys, and was charming. Now, from the time that I leave London to the time that I reach Maidstone, I pass one hideous thing alter another. There is a hoarding here and a hoarding there; every tea-house has a hoarding half-a-mile away telling you that it is coming; every petrol pump claims you not only by its own presence, but half-a-mile away it tells you where it is going to be. Hoardings recommend you to winter here and to summer somewhere else, and there are advertisements for every kind of foreign resort. There are garages and sheds of every sort and kind of hideosity, and on every building there is some vast placard summoning the passer-by to spend money on something. When you reach Maidstone, there finally culminates the ugliest advertisement in England, a hideous thing, 30 feet high, illuminated with electric light at night, and covered with placards and posters of an appalling vividness and so ugly that I am glad to say the first
  2398
  gale that came blew it down. The owner has put it up again with a steel framework, so that I am afraid it will stay there.
  These are the things that make life hideous along the roads of this country, and if all that has happened has occurred in the last few years, what will happen 50 or 100 years hence unless some interference takes place on behalf of those friends of peace and beauty, which we all profess to be? I trust that something may be done. I cannot say whether the powers which the Ministry of Health or the Ministry of Transport already possess are sufficient to remove or minimise the danger to which the country is subject. I trust that these Ministries will—perhaps they do—exercise all the powers that they possess, and perhaps in the Parliament that is to follow, further powers will be given. We cannot now discuss legislation that might be introduced to control this evil, but whatever may come in future, the great thing we need to do is to arouse public opinion to a wholesome restraint in this matter. I never buy a thing which I see advertised. If I see a thing advertised, it is quite enough for me to refuse to buy it. Unfortunately, this is not a subject which is taught in the elementary schools as it should be; it would be a healthy thing to introduce. Public opinion must be roused and stimulated in this matter, for when the public understand the mischief that is being wrought to its sensibilities and commercial interests by the degradation of our countryside, the evil, perhaps, will be diminished and ultimately abolished.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: I do not propose to weary the House with any details of the beauties of the land or the dangers of the sea. I note that the House appears to be determined to let this opportunity pass in dulness and in apathy rather than to make correct use of it. I wish to point out that the monetary contributions which have been made now and during the last four years are not only responsible for the unsatisfactory condition of the country, but are even calculated to perpetuate that condition. We have made provision for unemployment benefit and for various other purposes, which are all tending, not towards relieving unemployment, but towards making it the permanent feature of the

  2399
  policy of this country. We have seen that the chance that used once to come in the conflict of parties is also gradually disappearing. I come from North Batter-sea, and I read the other day the speech of my colleague the victor of South Battersea, wherein he publicly declared that the Prime Minister's scheme for reorganisation had the full approval of the Labour party, but that it was stolen by the Prime Minister from the Socialist programme. I leave it to the Home Secretary to say whether it was stolen or not; I am only satisfied that the schemes are identical. Further, my colleague openly suggested, and I think he was fair in suggesting, that it is a pity that the three older parties should continue to disagree instead of uniting and co-operating for the benefit of the nation.
  Judging from the monetary provisions, and from the criticisms and counter-suggestions that are emanating from the three older parties, it seems to me that we are approaching something like the situation before the War which produced the War Coalition; and that unemployment will be accepted as a national calamity, instead of the result of the selfishness of one class against another class, and that we were approaching the time when we might have a sort of coalition between the older parties in order to put our house in order. All the parties seem to be agreed that the ownership of land and of industry will remain in private hands, and with that ownership goes the rights of the owners to shut up valuable and useful industrial plant whenever they wish to do so.
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: It would require legislation to prevent them from doing so and to force them to keep works open. This is an occasion when anything can be discussed which could have been discussed on the Estimates, and the hon. Member can refer to anything that he regards as waste in the course of administration, but he cannot discuss questions of future policy which would require legislation.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: I am not proposing that legislation should be passed. I am only saying that all the three older parties are agreed that no such legislation shall be passed.
  Mr. MONTAGUE: No.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: Then we have the various relief schemes put forward in this Budgetary scheme, or put forward as counter-schemes. As I tried to get out at Question Time to-day, even under these relief schemes, when worked under the system of private ownership of land and property, the money goes primarily towards the purchase of land and materials, and the purchase of rotten houses which need to be demolished and are not required, and the working class get very little out of it. There is the case of the coal industry. The Government try to bolster up that one industry—not all industries, but one industry—by a subsidy of £25,000,000, and they failed miserably. That industry has gone from bad to worse, and the unemployment in it has increased enormously. The same Government now wish to throw dust in the eyes of the public by their de-rating scheme.
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: I must point out to the hon. Member that that was a matter of legislation, and that he cannot now discuss legislation.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: I am not discussing the de-rating legislation. I am pointing out that the Government have now made provision of £30,000,000 or £40,000,000 subsidy not for one industry only but for all industries.
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: That has been done by legislation and it cannot be discussed now. The time for discussing that was on the Third Reading of the Local Government Bill.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: May I not refer to the monetary provision made in order to meet the expenses of the de-rating scheme?
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: The hon. Member can raise any point he has in connection with the steps taken to carry out that scheme, any point about the duties of the Minister of Health in regard to it and how far he has discharged them, and that would be in order; but to discuss the policy or the provisions of the Act, which the House has passed, would not be in order.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: I submit to your ruling on that point, but I again say that we are making a monetary provision which maintains all the old evils of the

  2401
  old world and even makes the conditions worse, and this House ought to vote national money for the benefit and the happiness of the nation and not for destruction. The bulk of the money we have voted in this House is for the destruction of the happiness of the people of the working class. Not one pound spent under unemployment schemes and benefit schemes goes to lessen unemployment. Not only that, but the House has made monetary provision to maintain the Empire possessions of this country. The maintenance of the possessions of the Empire in India, China and Africa is the undoing of the standard of labour not only for the British people but for European and Western peoples also. The question of the employment of Lascars as sailors, which was raised this afternoon by one of my hon. Friends, is not a question of employing a particular species of human beings but a question of employing one set of human beings against another set of human beings at a disgracefully low standard of wages. Every farthing voted to maintain the Empire is voted for the positive destruction of the standard of wages and living of the working class of the Imperial country. The Labour party policy in this respect is on all fours and perfectly identical with that of the present Conservative Government. We say that all the money collected from the taxpayers and spent in maintaining the Empire is provision made for undermining the standard of life and of employment of the workers in this country, and unless all these provisions are cancelled and withdrawn, unless the maintenance of the Empire is given up, there is absolutely not the slightest hope or chance of improving the condition of unemployment, nor is there any such hope under the right of private ownership of industries and of land.
  We have made one provision of £350,000,000 which ought never to have been made. It is the wrong use of money, it is a bad use of good money, it is a false use of good money, it; is money given as a premium upon blood profits and for carrying on and encouraging future wars. There is also not the slightest doubt that the entire provision made for the Army, Navy and the Air
  2402
  Force in the present Budget is not made merely as an idle pastime or an idle sport, but that this country is definitely arranging and planning a war; we are carrying on the necessary preparations of war. It that were not so it would be impossible that this country, when times are so bad and when the people themselves require so many of the necessities of life, should waste £100,000,000 in planning murder of the Indians and the Afghans and the Russians and the Chinese. That is the deliberate purpose with which these preparations are kept up.
  Several times we have been told that those who think with me would put the finances of this country on the same basis as those of the Soviet Government in Russia, but I would point out that while we here, with our national finances on their present crazy basis, are talking about raising loans and pottering about with relief schemes of road making, fisheries and afforestation, the Soviet Government, who have put their finances on a sound basis, making the people's own earnings the property of the people, have succeeded in spending during the last five years £2,500,000,000 on developing legitimate industries in which skilled workers find a legitimate and honourable living, and the schemes over the next five years provide for an expenditure of another £6,000,000,000. That has not been achieved by hunting about for tea taxes and petrol faxes, but has been accomplished out of the legitimate earnings of the nation. As the wealth is being produced it is being reinvested. At the same time, a great effort is being made to renounce the Imperialism of the old type of Russians, and as a result we see that Russia is the only country which is prepared to abolish armaments altogether. If their suggestion were followed here it would save this country at least £100,000,000 a year, which could be well spent in building up the bodies of the children of the country instead of on preparations for destroying the lives and the limbs and the rights of the peoples of other countries.
  The sole reason for the whole expenditure on armaments is to be found in the preparations made for holding our Empire in other people's countries. That policy is opposed to every moral

  2403
  principle; it is abominable and disgusting, according to any genuine Socialist principles, that one nation should claim to control the lives and liberties of other people. There is no more abominable policy of confiscation, wholesale murder and wholesale robbery, than that of an Imperialism under which one nation confiscates the land, the lives and the liberty of the people of other nations. We are engaging in it and pledging ourselves about it. With the approach of the General Election we find all the three parties standing shoulder to shoulder and saying they are going to keep up Imperialism. [Laughter.] The Labour party laugh. They are afraid to confiscate the property of the rich people of this country for the benefit of the working class, but—
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: That will also require legislation.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: I think there are shorter cuts than legislation for doing that.
  Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER: I do not think it would he proper to mention them at all.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: Perhaps so, in the present atmosphere, and I think that even when I come back with my reinforcements it will not be very proper then. [HON. MEMBERS: "How many?"] Thirty. If that is condemned as confiscation, I suggest that every farthing voted for maintaining the confiscation of the lives, property and land of people in other countries outside Britain is really a far worse type of confiscation. People who have real qualms of conscience about confiscation should not confiscate wholesale the countries of other people.
  Mr. MONTAGUE: Georgia, for instance.
  6.0 p.m.
  Mr. SAKLATVALA: All the provision we have made, £350,000,000 for the so-called War Debt, £100,000,000 for armaments, and all the money we have voted in the past, ought never to have been so voted. The voting of this money was necessary because of the vice which is in the backbone of this nation of going and
  2404
  murdering other nations and acquiring empire in other people's countries. Now it is coming home to the people of this country that this £450,000,000, which would have done enormous good for the aged and the young children, is being drawn from that useful work and is being used for the murderous work of robbing and pillaging the people of other lands. That sort of provision by the Government makes it necessary for neighbouring nations to make similar wasteful provision in regard to armaments, not for protecting human life, but in order to destroy it. While I am willing to obey your ruling now, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, the time will come when the workers will refuse to believe all these hypnotising political speches, and they will realise that Toryism is Toryism, whether it is quoted from the Bible or from the Socialists' pamphlets. I firmly believe that during my lifetime the workers of this country will make up their minds that what is required now is not a Budget like the one we have been considering, or a Government like the present Government, but a revolutionary workers' Government which will not tolerate the kind of murderous expenditure aimed at wasting human life instead of building it up.
  The MINISTER of TRANSPORT (Colonel Ashley): I should like to say a few words in reply to the excellent speech of the hon. Member for the English Universities (Sir M. Conway). The hon. Member raised the important question whether anything has been done to preserve the amenities of the countryside. I think his speech was unduly pessimistic. He said nothing about the considerable amount of useful work, in this direction, which has been done by legislation and precept to improve the condition of the countryside. We have many institutions, such as the Society for the Preservation of Rural England, which are educating the public in these matters. This House has not been unmindful of the importance of this question. We have passed two Advertisement Regulation Acts, which have given widespread powers to county councils and local authorities for the regulation of this question. The hon. Member for the English Universities said that advertisements were not being regulated or removed, and that the blot on the countryside

  2405
  was as bad now as three or four years ago. I entirely dissent from that view. I go about the country a great deal, and I have observed a great diminution in the advertisements on our roads and railways; and when the five years time limit, which is allowed under the Acts I have referred to, expires, I am sure there will be a much greater diminution in that undesirable class of advertisements.
  As regards hideous bungalows, no doubt some of them are hideous, but it would be a drastic step in these days, to add any considerable cost to the housing of the people, and legislation in that direction would, I am sure, have to be very carefully considered if its effect would be to impose any serious extra charge upon the buildings. I would remind the hon. Member for the English Universities that under the Town Planning Act there are model Clauses which can be adapted with the consent of the Minister of Health, giving the local authorities very considerable power of regulation as to the form of the houses and their general appearance. If those powers are applied for by the local authorities, and if the authorities are stimulated in the right direction by the societies which take such an interest in these questions, I am sure that bungalows will be less hideous in the future than some of those existing at the present time.
  The hon. Member for the English Universities said very unkind things about the new arterial roads. I admit that the new arterial road is not "a thing of beauty," although it may be "a joy for ever" to the motorists. We are doing all we can by planting trees along these roads. I am the President of the Roads Beautifying Association, and that Association has been the means of planting arterial roads with trees and shrubs. This work will tend to lessen their ugliness. In my own County of Hampshire, the county council have taken the greatest care in their road reconstruction to leave the old trees on the roadside where it has been at all possible, and very often a path on the far side of the trees has been made, so that people can get away from the danger of the traffic and the ugliness of the road. When you go down the road from Camberley to Winchester, you will see a lot of fine trees
  2406
  which have you left in order to beautify the road.
  There is one matter to which I claim that the Government have given very considerable attention, and that is the preservation of old bridges. I think the old bridges form one of the finest ornaments of the countryside. In the past it used to be the policy of the local authorities to scrap those bridges and replace them by hideous structures. Some time ago I issued a Circular to all local authorities inviting them to reconstruct their old bridges instead of pulling them down. It has been found cheaper in most cases to reconstruct the old bridges and to use the old stones on the outside than to have new structures altogether. I hope my hon. Friends will realise that the Ministry of Transport has not been unmindful of the duties placed upon it, and I am very pleased that this important subject has been raised this afternoon.
  Sir ALFRED HOPKINSON: The present is a very opportune time for calling attention to what is, perhaps, the most important question which can arise within the next year or two, a question which is usually considered a very dull subject, namely, education. Only yesterday we had a very important announcement, in the shape of a document issued by the Board of Education, which covers a very wide field indeed. I am very glad that that document has been published, not so much because it will have any effect upon party questions, but because it will give us the opportunity of considering, in regard to education, what is best for the welfare of the nation. To attempt to go through that document clause by clause would take too long, but I think that before criticising it, hon. Members should take the opportunity of studying it very carefully. For these reasons I do not propose to say anything about the various clauses of that document. Whatever may have been the case in the past, education is not now considered a mere side issue, but the Education Department is now a Department to which two Ministers devote their time and attention and earnest thought. I hope that that state of things will continue in the new Parliament. It is due to the Ministers to say that the record of achievement set forth in the document referred to shows that it is one

  2407
  that requires our most earnest and serious consideration.
  The reason why I am saying a few words on this occasion—and they will be the last words I shall speak here—is that I feel so intensely in earnest upon a subject to which I have devoted a considerable portion of my life, and which I care more about than any other subject, and that is the welfare of the children. I am going to raise three or four points on which I think we ought to go directly counter to the usual educational opinion. I shall suggest two or three things which I think ought to be avoided. They are what I call educational heresies, and I ask those who will have to deal with these questions in the future to avoid these heresies so far as they can. The first of these educational heresies is one which we hear repeated again and again. It is that the more we spend on education, the better. I am not quite sure that the converse is not nearer the truth, and that the efficiency of education depends inversely on the amount you spend upon it.
  Let us look at the actual facts. The first thing we have to do in educational history is to look round and see where in the whole history of the world you find the best educated people that have ever lived. This could be said of the Scottish people many years ago, because in Scotland the young men made many sacrifices in order to obtain a university education. At one time Scottish people were the best educated in the world. The Scottish people went all over the world and demonstrated their success in every walk of life. What is more important, the Scottish people could understand good literature, to whatever class they belonged. You may go into the poorest homes in Scotland and you will find the best literature, and if you converse with the Scotsmen on the border you will find that they know all about the history of their country. That is the kind of thing that makes the educated man, and the Scotsman was usually a highly educated man. Let it be remembered, therefore, that it is quite possible to have highly educated men at practically no cost to the State.
  If I were asked what is the very best educational movement that we know of within recent memory, I should say with-out
  2408
  hesitation that it is the Boy Scout Movement. That gives the finest education that you can have, it extends all over the world, and it costs the State practically nothing. The first thing that a Boy Scout learns is service. The second is observation, and he also learns the love of his own country. These boys, when they go out into the country—which I hope we shall preserve against all the horrible things that are overcrowding it at present—take care that they do not destroy bird life or flower life, while, if they camp anywhere, they do so in a manner which makes the landowner where they camp recognise that these boys care about the beauties of the countryside. One of the pleasantest days that I can look back upon as teaching more than the lectures that I have given—and I have given an unconscionable number in my time—was a day spent with Boy Scouts on Welsh hills, where they and I learnt as much as we possibly could, and it did not cost anyone a penny piece except to kind friends who helped the Boy Scouts, and, indeed, I am not sure that they did not pay out of their own pockets for what they required.
  The next subject to which I should like to refer is one in which, perhaps, hon. Members on the other side may be surprised to find interest taken by one of those people who are supposed to live in out-of-the-way academic groves, or whatever they may be called. The Workers' Educational Association was started largely, if not entirely, by private effort, and at no cost to the State, though I know that certain subsidies are given to it now. Indeed, when you really want money to be properly applied to educational purposes, the best way is to get voluntary effort first and then help it when you find that help is really necessary and that the money can be properly applied. The Workers' Educational Association, due largely to the efforts of Dr. Mansbridge and his friends, is one of the things that we who care about education value most of all. Our idea in supporting the Workers' Educational Association is that men who by economic necessity have to devote their time and thought to earning their daily bread, it may be by mechanical and dull work from

  2409
  day to day, should share the inheritance of an intellectual life, whether it be literary or scientific; and experience shows how well they do. I have learned much about bird life in the country from a working barber, and, although I thought I knew the Yorkshire dales well, I found that a chimney sweep who did me the honour to accompany me on an excursion knew more about them than I did. It is that inheritance that I want to see shared to the fullest extent, and it costs the nation practically nothing.
  I would like to protest as strongly as I can, in regard to education and in all walks of life, against the detestable doctrine that, if you offer more money, you can get a better teacher. You do not. One sees it stated in the Press daily, and in the speeches of distinguished people, that, if you pay more, you will get better teachers. Heavens, what nonsense it is! Just fancy offering a prize of, say, £100,000 for the best new poem in the style of the 23rd Psalm. All the waste paper baskets and all the rubbish that you see after a Bank Holiday on Beachy Head would not be in it compared with the tons of rubbish that would be forthcoming on such an offer. One of the things that we all care for and regard as the summit of beauty in literature, something which will exist for all time, was composed without a penny of cost to anyone by a shepherd boy on the hillside. Let us get rid, root and branch, of the idea that you can get a better article by paying for it. Milton got £5 for "Paradise Lost." Some of those people who try to measure the benefit of educational work and the position of the teacher in terms of money, if they had wanted to get a man, to be a good Evangelist, would have gone to the man at the receipt of custom and called, "Come, and I will offer you a higher commission." Really, there is hardly any need to labour the matter, but I could give example after example to show that the mere expenditure of money is the worst criterion of efficiency in education.
  On the other hand, I do not say that you should starve education. While the first principle should be not to make a criterion of money, whether it be dispensed by the State or by private individuals, it is vital that you should not starve the teacher in such a way that his
  2410
  thoughts, instead of being on his work, are on his butcher's bill or what will be the position of his family if he dies. Again, while it is necessary to spend money on schools, merely to dump down money wholesale upon educational institutions is harmful. If I wanted to destroy higher education, and all the benefits which come from those Universities, eight of which I have the honour to represent in this House, I would give them. £5,000,000 a piece and tell them to spend it immediately. On the other hand, it is useless and wrong not to recognise that, in these days, an equipment which would have been very good 30 or 40 years ago is impossibly inadequate now. The amount of accumulated knowledge, especially in science, makes it absolutely necessary to have much greater grants than were possible then. Look at the apparatus with which Joule made his great discoveries. It cost hardly anything. But you cannot do with such apparatus now, and must spend more money in that direction. Do not, however, make expenditure the measure of efficiency.
  I am sure that anyone who has followed the history of education would be able to find endless illustrations in proof of what I have said. One has just flashed across my mind. In one of the Universities it was thought that proper provision was not being made for natural science, and, accordingly, they got a man of very great eminence and gave him as much money as he wanted for his laboratory. He was an extremely able man, a first-class lecturer and experimenter; but the result was that, instead of going on as he did when he was without money, he came to spending all his time seeing that the elaborate apparatus with which he had been furnished was properly kept, and did not get damaged by too much use.
  The next educational heresy that I want to mention is too much system and regulation. It has also been referred to in the charming speech that we have heard from my hon. Friend the Member for Wallasey (Sir B. Chadwick). We can have too much legislation and regulation in education, either from Whitehall or from county councils or from other quarters. The teacher ought to have freedom, and we ought to be very cautious about stipulating that we will only have

  2411
  the "highly qualified" teacher. I speak from some experience in this matter. By far the best teacher that I ever knew, a teacher who made a mark that will never be eliminated, was a teacher who could not possibly have taken a degree in any university; and the worst teacher that I think I have ever known was one who had great educational theories, and discoursed upon them to his pupils instead of teaching them the subject he was supposed to be teaching.
  It is vital to remember that, in making grants, especially for universities, regulations should not be carried too far. I would rather see the Universities half starved than lose their freedom. I am bound to say that, although at one time there was a threat of danger that the universities in accepting grants would lose their freedom in regard to research, the Board of Education in more recent years has been ready to recognise the vital principle that, in regard to the expenditure of money, including grants, the universities should have absolute and complete freedom as to how exactly they would do it, provided always that, if it were afterwards found that they had made fools of themselves, say by erecting unless buildings, the grants should be withdrawn. There should also be freedom for the teachers in different kinds of schools. A local authority which says that all its schools shall be of the same type is doing an injury to education. Masters may have their own way of teaching. I remember one such teacher saying to me, "Your university regulations are worrying me. I am going to teach my subject in my own way, even though it may shock you." I said to him, "That is the happiest thing I have heard since I came within these walls." A teacher who knows exactly what he wants to do should be free to do it, without even caring about university regulations, still less about Whitehall regulations or regulations of any kind.
  Another heresy is that of keeping the period of education—I mean of education which is not self-education, but directed, and especially compulsory, education—too long. There is a superstition now in many quarters that you can keep a girl or boy at school till the age of 19, under school discipline. I do not think that that is economically possible for the
  2412
  middle classes, and I do not think it is desirable. It is far better that boys and girls should learn to stand on their own feet and be brought out of that kind of discipline; and I know that the very best results have been attained in the case of pupils who were sent to college, where they were free from school discipline, at the age even of 15. I very much dread any idea of compulsion after a very early age. The next heresy to which I should like to call attention is one that is now too common in education—self-expression, self-development—do exactly what you like. That is the very worst thing possible to teach. I believe that the right definition of primary education, which is accepted by those who know most about education, is, "Learn to do what you do not like." If it is secondary school work, it is no use fiddling about cutting out paper and calling it geometry. What we want is good training of the mind by doing what is difficult. A very good definition of secondary education—I have said it before, and I shall repeat it as long as I have a voice to repeat anything, which may not be very long—is to look bright and cheerful when you are doing what you do not like.
  There is one other point I cannot refrain from mentioning, and here I am going to deal with a subject from which one rather shrinks. I think my experience goes back probably longer than that of anyone present, and, if I were to be asked, I should say the age at which the human mind is most susceptible to impressions, and when the impression made most permanent, is about the age of six. Things that happen then take hold of the mind. This leads me to my last point. If we are to have the country recovering from its troubles and making a real development which is worth having we must have a religious basis for our education. I say that without fear of contradiction. Who would object? It is not the earnest man. It is not the agnostic. People love their children to have beautiful stories told them. Only yesterday or the day before, the Archbishop of York told how someone said to him "I wonder what this Cowper-Templeism is. I think it is the product of something that was written by your father with the concurrence of some gentleman or other named Cowper." Cowper-Templeism has been called a "moral

  2413
  monster." What is it? On that point we may say we will judge of it by the syllabuses—a horrid word, but I shall have to use it. If we look at these syllabuses which have been carefully prepared, it may be by diocesan authorities or by county authorities, we shall find there something which, I believe, nearly every parent, would be glad for their children to learn. I believe Cowper-Templeism may be attacked by a few Plymouth Brethren of the very old school, estimable people not too wide in their views, a few Anglo-Catholics of the new school and those who are inoculated with anti-religious venom that comes from Russia. The rest of the country I believe, parents, teachers, local authorities, would be delighted to teach it.
  One word as to what it is. I will mention three syllabuses, one prepared by the Oxfordshire County Council, one by the Cambridgeshire County Council, and one by a clergyman of the Church of England in the North of England. I am bound, when we hear this talk about this moral monster, to say I believe nearly every parent, every earnest teacher, whatever his views may be desires it, and I hope every candidate for every position will always resent impertinent inquiries as to what his religious beliefs and practice may be. That is an impertinent and irrelevant inquiry. These prospectuses start first and foremost with Biblical instruction. One of our great losses is want of knowledge of style. The Bible is the best example of the highest style in writing. Tell the children the old stories, and let them speak for themselves. Do not criticise them. Let them stand in their own beauty. Old people read them again and again. They attracted them in childhood, and they will attract them still more in old age if they read them without comment. Choose the stories. Tell them as they are. The child itself has wisdom enough to see in what cases they may be taken as literal truth and in what not. Children are a great deal more acute than most of the literary critics. They know what really appeals to them.
  One word more about syllabuses. I will read something about the influence of this kind of religious education. This is the kind of thing which is called a moral monster by certain people. Let
  2414
  us have no more of this talk about Cowper-Templeism being the religion of no one and no religion at all. Take this document sent out to teachers. Here is a suggestion to the teacher's mind:
  "School life. We must ask ourselves whether not only the religious instruction but the ordering of the whole life of the school is in accordance with the Sermon on the Mount."
  That is the sort of thing that is sneered at as a moral monster.
  "Is it arranged so that the stronger and cleverer may be helping the weaker? Is it really based on the fact that it is more blessed to give than to receive? Is there the free quest of truth based on the certainty that if we seek honestly wherever it may be, we shall find it? Is the child doing anything for the school? Is the school doing anything for work outside?"
  That is the spirit which the teacher wants to have. Then there are the common prayers at the opening of the school. There are the hymns. It does not matter a bit if the hymn, if it is high in aspiration and good in form whether it is the work of Roman Catholic cardinal, or a Nonconformist tinker. You do not mind whether it is an Anglican bishop or whether it is the greatest of all of them, I mean the good old Nonconformist, Dr. Watts who wrote it. Whatever may be the religious views in the home, a child able to sing will be wecome. The education it receives in school, in common with others, is a thing which is welcomed as the right thing in the-home. I will not go through the rest of the syllabus. It is honestly adapted for the provided schools, and I am glad to say that is used in some of the county schools. The writers say, quite fairly that you are not to teach in the provided schools any distinctive doctrine of our religious denominations. The ground which is common on these matters is vastly larger than the ground of disagreement. I remember a discussion with one of the greatest men in the Church, the late Bishop Moorhouse, of Manchester. The institution of a perfectly free theological, with no tests for anybody, and he said that if people would but remember how large and important is the area of agreement and how small and unimportant in comparison are the things on which we disagree, how very much better it would be.

  2415
  Finally, I hope that those who want to talk about the moral monster of Templeism will study this kind of prospectus. In this syllabus, which goes out to the county councils and to provided schools, there is also, in different print, a sort of extra teaching which Church schools will welcome and which the county schools will omit. The teacher is told as a matter of honour that this is to be kept for the Church schools. I trust that we shall regard with equal favour and give equal support those schools which are provided and those which are not. The instruction also which has been carefully prepared for those who are more advanced in years is a thing worth noting. The teachers are asked to look at these questions from an historical point of view. Is there anything better for the young boy or girl than the kind of thing that is indicated here? Teach them the history of the great people who have worked in the Church, using the term in the broadest sense, give them stories of the Saints, of the earliest days in England, and then we follow it up with the story of George Fox and what he did.
  It is a very good thing that those children who have been brought up in Quaker or in Baptist homes should know the story of the local Saints, and that the others, whatever homes they come from, should know what it was that inspired George Fox and inspires the Quakers of these days to devote themselves to the service of the community. Beyond that, it is suggested that in the country districts the children should be taught to see the beauty of the country around them. We wish to prevent the horrors to which allusion was made a short time ago. They will care about the country. They come to you and you say, "Look there. Do you know any story about that?" They learn one and are delighted with it. It appeals to the child's growing imagination. The stimulus which comes from the cultivation of imagination—and this is done in the early stages by their learning the history of their own country—will inspire patriotism and teach the children to appreciate the beauties of the country around them.
  Mr. SAVERY: The hon. and learned Member for the Combined Universities
  2416
  (Sir A. Hopkinson) could hardly have chosen a more appropriate theme on which to base that speech which, I am sure all of us deeply regret, is likely to be the last that we shall hear from him in this House. As a certain amount of freedom is allowed in the choice of topics which may be raised to-day, I hope that my hon. and learned Friend will forgive me if I do not follow the line of thought which he has developed so beautifully. I desire with the permission of the House to refer to the subject of agriculture for a few minutes. I do so because in many parts of the country the condition of agriculture is so grave that it deserves the fullest public attention that can be drawn to it. It calls for the widest interchange of views from all parts of the country and from all parties in this House. A report which was issued recently by the Council of the Central Landowners' Association stated that the crisis through which agriculture is now passing is more serious in character and fraught with graver consequences than any period of depression which the industry has, yet encountered. The National Farmers' Union have made it abundantly clear that they share that view. For a long time past they have been agitating earnestly and valiantly on behalf of farming interests, and I think that most people will agree that they have rendered signal services to the community, and to the industry, by impressing upon the minds of the public the national danger that will result from any further decline in agriculture.
  Those of us who represent agricultural constituencies are painfully aware how severe and how deep the depression is. We know that in many places it is only the dogged determination of the average farmer which has enabled him to carry on in spite of losses season after season. If the full facts were known I think no-one would doubt the gravity of the situation or wonder at the outcry. To ensure improvement in the conditions of agriculture is one of the outstanding and most urgent business propositions before the country to-day. Every section of society is concerned in it. I think that it is not an exaggeration to say that the vitality and the stability of the nation are involved. There seems to be no valid reason why a revival in that great industry should not take place. Our soil is for the most part excellent. Our

  2417
  climate is on the whole good for agriculture, and our home market is so valuable that it has stimulated the farming efforts of many countries outside our own.
  Those who are engaged in the industry are unanimous in believing that the postponement of the revival and the present depression are due in no small measure to the influence of legislation. It is, therefore, irritating, and distinctly beside the mark, to tell farmers that the trouble is merely economic and that it is in no sense political. On all hands farmers resent that advice. They look upon it as lacking in sympathy and understanding, and more than that, they regard it as an affront to their intelligence. They maintain very stoutly that on the costing side of their business the problem is essentially political. For many years they have pointed with emphasis, and with reason, to the effect of legislation on the three main costings in arable farming: the statutory insistence on wages fixed by a political Wages Board, the statutory burden of rates and taxes, and the statutory handicap of transport charges. They point to these as definite political influences and the farmer is convinced that they are the chief reasons which prevent him from getting for his own produce a price which is commensurate with the cost of production. If legislation can aggravate the problem it can also relieve it, and the Government are to be congratulated—
  Mr. SPEAKER: I am afraid that the hon. Member must not deal with legislation on the Appropriation Bill.
  7.0 p.m.
  Mr. SAVERY: I bow to your decision, Mr. Speaker. I was only desiring to say that I consider that the prospects of the industry will be greatly improved by what has recently happened, because one of the gravest symptoms that has affected agriculture is the depletion of capital and the high cost of credit. The two sources of capital from which the industry has gained in the past has gradually been drained almost to the dregs. The landowner is withdrawing his capital from the land and investing it more profitably elsewhere, and the tenant farmer has seen his smaller capital gradually absorbed, and steadily reduced, until at last the only chance of saving what is left seems to be to get
  2418
  out of the industry altogether. An industry starved of capital is doomed. If we can attract capital into it, then there is hope of restoration, and I believe that what has happened recently constitutes a good beginning in the process of helping agriculture. It has in view a good end to infuse new health and vigour into the rural life of England. Those of us who are interested in agriculture will devoutly hope that this good beginning and that good end will soon shake hands together.
  Question put, and agreed to.
  Bill accordingly read a Second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.

  DONCASTER AREA DRAINAGE BILL.
  Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendment be considered forthwith," put, and agreed to.—[Sir K. Wood.]
  Lords Amendment considered accordingly, and agreed to.

  RECONSTITUTED CREAM BILL.
  Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendments be considered forthwith," put, and agreed to.—[Sir K. Wood.]
  Lords Amendments considered accordingly.

  RECONSTITUTED CREAM BILL.

    TITLE.
    Lords Amendment:
    In page 4, line 27, leave out "Reconstituted," and insert "Artificial."
    The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of HEALTH (Sir Kingsley Wood): I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
    This is really the principal Amendment which has come down from the other place. There are a number of Amendments following this one, but, except in two other instances, they are not of any substance. The other place has said that instead of the word "re constituted" for this particular substance it would be more correct to use the word "artificial." They think, in the first

    2419
    place, that it would describe more accurately the particular substance, and, secondly, they consider it would give better notice of the particular article to those who desire to purchase it. Those are the reasons why their Lordships desired this Amendment. I do not know if any hon. Members think it of substance whether it is called "artificial" or "reconstituted." I am sure no one wants to impede the progress of this Bill, and, in view of the strong opinion expressed in the other place, I think we would do well to agree with the Amendment.
    Mr. A. V. ALEXANDER: I am sorry to delay the House, but this matter is much more important than appears from what the Parliamentary Secretary has said. As this first Amendment raises the whole principle I would direct the attention of the House to this point. The origin of this Bill was in a private Member's Bill last Session, the title of which covered both reconstituted and synthetic cream. The attitude then of the Ministry of Health was that they did not want the Bill, although they did not actively oppose it. Obviously, they were very concerned as to what the possibilities would be if they dealt with both reconstituted and synthetic cream in the one Amendment. Then, that Bill having dropped, a further Bill was introduced by a private Member to deal with reconstituted cream only, cream which is made, according to the definition at the end of the Bill, entirely from butter and dried milk. When Amendments were moved in the Committee stage in this House and questions were raised about that substance, the promoters of the Bill, doubtless with the consent or advice of the Ministry of Health, said there was no reason to have any other substance provided for, because you could not sell anything as cream which was not actually reconstituted from the same ingredients as cream because of the operations of the Food and Drugs Act. This House took that view, and, accordingly, the Bill went through. Now you have the whole principle raised once again at the very last moment of this Session by an alteration in the Title in another place. I submit, first of all, that this alteration in the title widens completely the scope of the Bill beyond where it left this House.
    2420
    When we come to consider this first Amendment it will be seen that the real reason for amending the Title of the Bill is to prevent another substance quite apart from reconstituted cream being sold. Therefore, it is quite clear that they had designed to extend the scope of the Bill.
    It is also clear from the Debate on Tuesday in another place that the policy desired in another place is to create an absolutely unfair bias in the mind of the public against the article known as reconstituted cream. I said when the Bill was passing through this House, and I repeat it now, that I am very anxious that the public should know exactly what is the commodity they are buying, but to describe this particular commodity as artificial is to mislead the public as to what it really is. It misleads the public just as seriously as to leave the legislation in its present position so that they might be defrauded with regard to the sale of actual natural cream. It is quite unfair from the facts which are known to the Ministry of Health for the Government to accept these Amendments without any reasonable opportunity of the trade being consulted on this very important change, which has been made in this Bill at the last moment of the Session, especially as the Ministry has been kept informed of the actual position with regard to this commodity. Information, I am quite sure, has been communicated to the Ministry about the inquiries and experiments which have been carried out by the London Hospital and at a research laboratory in regard to this commodity which another place now desires to be described as artificial.
    In view of the results of those experiments, it is clear that this is a commodity which is very often more healthy for the public to consume than the actual natural cream. I have papers here showing that a test which was made in a laboratory gave a bacterial count in natural cream of 2,800,000 in a cubic centimetre compared with a very small count indeed in a sample of what this Amendment calls artificial cream. These tests show also by proper research that there was no destruction of essential by-products. The hospitals are using it, and, indeed, the Ministry of Health is using it in its own buffet for the meals provided for its own staff, because it is

    2421
    quite clear from conversations I have had with medical officers at the Ministry that they believe it to be a thoroughly sound, wholesome article, and that they would not prevent it being used in their own culinary department at the Ministry. In circumstances like that is it reasonable or fair that we should be asked at the very last moment to agree to such an Amendment as this which seriously impairs the business prospects of those people who have begun to develop a very large and important business in the sale of this new and important commodity?
    It is, perhaps, to be expected that some kind of action like this should come from another place. It is a place where you have two interests very widely and very efficiently represented, the land interest and the dairy farming interest. Indeed, from the Report of the proceedings there. I find that certain noble Lords were very anxious to speak in the Debate from the points of view of the Landowners' Association and of the Dairy Farmers' Association. We have now whole ranges of business, which were formerly using very large quantities of natural cream, lactic cream, which have been forced by the attitude of the Ministry of Health from another point of view to resort to the use of a sound and wholesome commodity instead of the natural commodity which now cannot be kept for commercial purposes. The Dairy Farmers' Association which has been one of the sponsors of this Amendment in another place, were also very largely responsible for the regulations which led to the decline in the sale of the natural commodity. Having helped to make those regulations and having now seen the decline in the sale of the natural commodity, they want to crab the sale of something which is used in its place. The landowners, of course, naturally stand by them.
    I do not understand the right hon. Gentleman's Department accepting this Amendment after the statements which were made in the Debate in another place, and I wish he would explain this point. When the Amendment was first moved, the Noble Lord in charge of the Bill for the Government, Earl Onslow, stated that, in the view of the Ministry of Health, although it would be difficult to find another term, "reconstituted" was the best term that could be used. Nor can
    2422
    I find in any of the subsequent statements made on behalf of the Ministry in another place that that view was ever changed. I find that the Lord Privy Seal said that this was not a Government Bill. He must have been very ill-informed. He could not have been in recent conversation with the Parliamentary Secretary, or he would have known that the Bill left this House with the Title of "Reconstituted," which was adopted by the Government. Proceeding upon the line that this Bill was not a Government Bill, he gave his blessing to this Amendment, at the eleventh hour, in face of the opinion expressed by the Noble Lord who spoke for the Ministry of Health. Is the House being asked to agree with the Lords' Amendment simply because the Parliamentary Secretary and his chief want to save the face of the Lord Privy Seal, who gave expression to an opinion contrary to the opinion stated by the official representative of the Department? If that is not so, perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary will tell us.
    As far as the trade which has been built up in the last two or three years is concerned, the Parliamentary Secretary knows as well as I do that it is dealing that trade a very severe blow to place this new term on their commodity without their having had an opportunity of consulting the Ministry in the meantime. It is a very severe blow to their invested capital. They were prepared to accept the term "Reconstituted," which had been accepted by the Ministry and was defended by the representative of the Ministry in another place. In spite of these facts, the Parliamentary Secretary now says that we ought to accept this Amendment, at the last moment. It is most inadvisable that at such a stage of the Parliamentary Session the House should accept an Amendment which will have such far-reaching effect upon the trade of many important citizens in this country. I do urge the Parliamentary Secretary to adhere to the view which his Department has always taken, and which was expressed by the Noble Lord the Paymaster-General in another place, and in doing so he will be doing justice to the trade concerned.
    Major COLFOX: The hon. Member for Hillsborough (Mr. Alexander) divides his objection to this proposal under two main heads. He appears to think that it is

    2423
    wrong that Noble Lords in another place should represent the industry of agriculture. If that argument is to have any weight, how does he stand, because he quite frankly acknowledges that he represents the biggest concern, or one of the biggest concerns, of retail grocers in the country. If his argument that Noble Lords, because they are interested in agriculture should not be heard, is to carry weight, then his own argument, since he represents another interest, equally carries no weight. He tells us that this commodity is recognised by the scientific men of various hospitals as a valuable food, and that this legislation should not be carried because it will prejudice the sale of what these scientific men have discovered to be a valuable food. I suggest that if scientific men have arrived at the conclusion that a certain commodity is valuable, they are not likely to alter their opinion in the smallest degree merely because the name of the commodity is changed. They are much more likely to be guided by the intrinsic merits of the article than by the name by which it is sold. I welcome the proposed alteration because I think it is much more likely to achieve one of the main objects of the Bill, and that is to enable the purchasers of this article to know what they are buying and not be deceived into buying something which they do not know is an artificial article. Therefore I strongly urge the Parliamentary Secretary to stick to his position and to support the Amendment made by the Lords.
    Sir WILLIAM WAYLAND: I want to say a few words in reply to the hon. Member for Hillsborough (Mr. Alexander). He speaks on behalf of the sellers and not, I contend, on behalf of the consumers, and certainly not on behalf of the producers of real cream. The laws of this country prohibit the use of the name "butter" on any article that is not butter, or the use of any name approaching butter, and yet in this country for some months there has been sold an article which has been called cream, and which the people who consume it think, quite naturally, is ordinary cream which has been separated from the milk, either in a machine or in a pan. They are being deceived by the sale to them of an article which, analytically, is exactly the
    2424
    same as cream and yet is not the true article. We might just as well say, in answer to the argument adduced in regard to the analysis by London hospital chemists, that milk made from the soya bean which, analytically, is exactly the same as ordinary cow's milk and cannot be detected from cow's milk, should be sold as ordinary milk. We can produce synthetically practically any food, and yet the hon. Member for Hills-borough contends that we should be able to sell it as the true article when, in reality, it is an artificial one.
    Mr. A. V. ALEXANDER: I never argued that. I certainly argued that there should be the right to sell reconstituted cream as reconstituted cream, and I say that we should not use the term "artificial" for something which the hon. Member admits is analytically the same as natural cream.
    Sir W. WAYLAND: I contend there is not one person in 50 who buys cream in a shop, whether it be in a store or in a restaurant, who would know the meaning of "reconstituted" cream. By the word "reconstituted" they would imagine it to be some super-cream, some cream direct from the cow that was even better than ordinary cream. It is a gross deception upon the public to use the word "reconstituted." By the use of the word "artificial" everybody will know-that it is not the real cream, separated directly from the milk given by the cow, but that it is something else which may be analytically the same but is not real cream. That is the contention of the farmers. We want the article bought by the public to be real cream, separated in the dairy, and not something called cream which is made from butter, dried milk and water, beaten up in a machine which, analytically, is the same as cream but in reality is not the cream which the public demand.
    Question put, and agreed to.

    CLAUSE 1.—(Regulation of sale of reconstituted cream.)
    Lords Amendment:
    In page 1, line 6, leave out Subsection (1), and insert:
    "(1) No person shall sell or offer or expose for sale for human consumption under a description or designation including the

    2425
    word 'cream' any substance purporting to be cream or reconstituted cream as defined in this Act unless—

    (a) the substance is cream as defined in this Act, or

    (b) where the substance is reconstituted cream as defined in this Act, the word 'cream' is immediately preceded by the word 'artificial'."

    Sir K. WOOD: I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
    It is true that my Department accepted the word "reconstituted," but we are always open to conviction and persuasion. During the past four and a half years we have certainly tried to be reasonable and to listen to and where possible give effect to the desires of the House. Therefore it ought to be a matter of compliment to us and not of complaint that where arguments have been advanced and we have thought that a particular suggestion was better than the one that we had been able to find ourselves, we accepted it. Probably the word "artificial" is the fairest description of this particular substance and gives a better warning to the public than the word "reconstituted." This Amendment is made in the interests of the consumer and in the interests of agriculture, particularly of the dairy industry. It was once said that agriculture is the spoilt child of the Tory party. We are endeavouring to assist agriculture in this respect.
    Mr. A. V. ALEXANDER: The Parliamentary Secretary has said that on occasion the Government can be convinced, but during the past four and a half years we have observed very closely that they are only convinced when their friends put pressure upon them to do something for them. In this case we have found that they have been convinced by the representatives of the landlords and the dairy farmers. When we brought pressure upon the Government from this side to change their minds and to do something to make better conditions for the miners we did not find them so ready to change their minds. The proposed Amendment is fundamental. It brings into the scope of the Bill substances other than those that were intended by the promoters to be covered by the title "reconstituted." I have not before me the Amendment as finally made, but if I am right in assuming
    2426
    that the Amendment which was adopted in another place was the same as that which was moved on 7th May by Lord Clinton, then I submit that it does alter the whole scope of the Bill. The original Sub-section (1) read:
    "Reconstituted cream shall not be sold or offered or exposed for sale for human consumption under any description or designation including the word 'cream' unless that word is immediately preceded by the word 'reconstituted'."
    The Amendment which has been inserted in another place says:
    "No person shall sell or offer or expose for sale for human consumption under a description or designation including the word 'cream' any substance purporting to be cream or reconstituted cream as defined in this Act."
    Undoubtedly, the whole scope of the Bill has been changed by the Amendments put in in another place both in the Title and in Clause 1. For that to be done this week and for the House to be asked by the Government to accept Amendments of such importance at the eleventh hour, without any reasonable consultation with the trade concerned, ought not to be tolerated.
    Major PRICE: I think the emphasis which the hon. Member for Hillsborough (Mr. Alexander) is putting upon this Amendment is quite unwarranted.
    It being half-past Seven of the Clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the CHAIRMAN OF WAYS AND MEANS under Standing Order No. 8, further Proceeding was postponed without Question put.
    PRIVATE BUSINESS.

  COUNTY OF CORNWALL BILL [Lords].
  Motion made, and Question proposed,
  "That Standing Orders 84, 214, 217, 239, and 242 be suspended, and that the Bill be now taken into consideration, provided amended prints have been previously deposited."—[The Deputy Chairman.]
  Mr. CRAWFURD: Before a decision is taken on this matter the House should realise what it is doing. This is a Private Bill, and in respect of one or two Clauses the Home Office have made certain recommendations. The Local Legislation Committee of this House in spite of those recommendations passed Clauses

  2427
  which appeared in the Bill as it left the Local Legislation Committee. The Home Office brought pressure to bear and the promoters of the Bill have now agreed to waive certain Clauses which were agreed to by the Local Legislation Committee and substitute Clauses imposed upon them by the Home Office. It is in order to do this that we are asked to suspend the Standing Orders. I am not going to recite the Standing Orders but those who have material objections to the Bill—and these Clauses deal with matters of petrol plant and roadside garages—believe that the new Clause as proposed by the Home Office makes a material alteration in the original Clauses which constituted an agreed settlement. The particular Standing Orders referred to are those which give protection to those who object to what they regard as unreasonable provisions in Private Bill legislation, they deal with printing, Private Bill notices, and verbal amendments; and at this late hour a Bill which can be carried on to the next Parliament and carried through by mutual agreement next July the House is being asked to suspend Standing Orders which alone give protection to those people who feel themselves aggrieved by private legislation and to carry an Amendment imposed by a Government Department against the decision of the Local Legislation Committee of this House.
  Question put, and agreed to.
  Bill, as amended, considered accordingly.

  COUNTY OF CORNWALL BILL [Lords].

    NEW CLAUSE 57A.—(Provisions as to petroleum filling stations.)
    "(1) After the commencement of this Act no petroleum filling station shall without the consent of the district council be erected on any land in the county so as to be adjacent to a county road or so that any carriage way forming part of the station communicates directly with such a road, but the district council shall not refuse to give such consent as aforesaid, except for the purpose of preventing obstruction to traffic.
    (2) Any person aggrieved by the refusal of a district council to give their consent under this Section may, within 14 days after the refusal has been communicated to him, appeal to a petty sessional court, and the provisions of Section 8 of the Public Health Act, 1925, shall apply with respect to any such appeal as they apply with respect to appeals under that Act.
    (3) If any person erects, or permits to be erected, any petroleum filling station in
    2428
    contravention of the provisions of this Section, he shall without prejudice to any other proceedings which may be taken against him be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on summary conviction thereof to a penalty not exceeding £5, and any person so convicted shall within such time as the court may allow, do all such things as may be necessary to remove any petroleum filling station erected in contravention of this Section, and if he fails to do so he shall be deemed to commit a continuing offence and shall be liable on summary conviction thereof to a daily penalty not exceeding 40s.
    (4) In this Section the expression 'petroleum filling station' has the same meaning as in the Petroleum (Consolidation) Act, 1928."—[Sir D. Herbert.]
    Brought up, and read the First and Second time.
    Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause be added to the Bill."
    Mr. CRAWFURD: Before we proceed, may we have some explanation from the Home Office?
    The UNDER-SECRETARY of STATE for the HOME DEPARTMENT (Lieut.-Colonel Sir Vivian Henderson): The hon. Member is under a misapprehension in thinking that the Home Office is in any way responsible for the fact that we are discussing this Bill at half-past seven this evening.
    Mr. CRAWFURD: I never suggested that. All I am saying is that the House is being asked to take this course in regard to an Amendment which has been imposed by the Home Office against the considered decision of the Local Legislation Committee.
    Sir V. HENDERSON: There, again, the hon. Member is forgetting that this course has been taken on several occasions even within the short time I have been at the Home Office. I remember that there was a discussion on a Bill dealing with charities. In that matter the Home Office intervened and eventually we had to bring it to the Floor of this House and point out that what the Local Legislation Committee were recommending was not desirable—and the House agreed with the Home Office.
    Mr. CRAWFURD: But the Standing Orders were not suspended.
    Sir V. HENDERSON: The hon. Member is talking about the Standing Orders,

    2429
    I have nothing to do with the Standing Orders. We are perfectly entitled to bring before the House, and, in fact, it is our duty to do so, any proposal of the Local Legislation Committee which we consider is contrary to general legislation. Two Clauses in the Bill, Clauses 58 and 59, were objected to originally by the Automobile Association and certain garage proprietors because they considered they went further than was reasonable. The Home Office objected to them for another reason, and that was that they brought county councils and district councils into cross-purposes with each other. I do not know if the hon. Member is a member of the Local Legislation Committee, but that was the difficulty there.
    Certain Amendments were made and, as a consequence, the opposition of the Automobile Association and the motor garage proprietors was withdrawn, but when the Bill reached this House objection was taken by the Urban District Councils' Association, an objection in which the Home Office concurred, that the proposals would cause overlapping jurisdiction between the urban councils and the county councils. The House will remember that the authority under the Petroleum (Consolidation) Act, 1928, is the urban district council, which a county council by a private Bill proposed to amend. That is highly improper. In view of this objection the promoters substituted the district councils as the authority in place of the county council. Clause 58 was allowed, but the Committee deleted Clause 59 in the form in which it was put forward and instead allowed Clause 59 as it now appears in the Bill, which contains a provision designed to secure that garages erected within 100 yards of a road junction should be set back from the road. Clause 58 as it appeared in the Bill cut across the powers possessed by local authorities in the Petroleum Act, 1928, and the Home Office considered it a matter of importance because the Home Secretary is the appellate authority under that Act. It seemed to the Department that it was desirable that these two Clauses should be deleted as they appeared in the Bill, and that the new Clause should be substituted. The Clause which has been substituted gives the local authority power, subject to a
    2430
    right of appeal which was not in the original Clause, to refuse its consent to the erection of a filling station adjacent to a county road if its erection would cause obstruction to traffic. That provision is not in the Petroleum Act, and, therefore, it does not cut across the Petroleum (Consolidation) Act in that respect. The hon. Member suggested that this Clause goes much further than the two original Clauses.
    Mr. CRAWFURD: I am not in the least arguing the merits of the Amendment. What I am saying is that by the procedure we are adopting we are preventing those who oppose the Bill coming to any arrangement with the promoters on these disputed points.
    Sir V. HENDERSON: There, again, the hon. Member is referring to something which has nothing to do with me. He said that the Clause on the Order Paper went much further than the two Clauses in the Bill. May I point out that the new clause is not limited to garage junctions, as was the original Clause, but that there was in the original Clause a provision dealing with petrol pumps on the roadside. That Clause has disappeared, and it is not reasonable to say that the new Clause really is much wider seeing that under modem conditions you would not have any garage without a petrol pump. By running the two Clauses into one we have not really done what objectors to the Bill think we have. I cannot conceive any modern garage without a petrol pump. I hope that with this explanation the hon. Member will not press the matter, because it is an agreed Bill as between the Home Office and the promoters. Everyone will agree that we should not allow Private Bill legislation to cut across Acts of Parliament, and seeing that we passed the Petroleum Act only 12 months ago, it is unreasonable to allow any local authority to amend that Act in a particular Bill.
    Question, "That the Clause be added to the Bill," put, and agreed to.
    Further Amendments made.
    Ordered,
    "That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended and that the Bill be now read the Third time."—[The Deputy Chairman.]
    Prince of Wales's Consent signified; Bill read the Third time, and passed with Amendments.

  GALLOWAY WATER POWER BILL [Lords],
  Motion made, and Question proposed,
  "That Standing Orders 84, 214, 215, and 239 be suspended, and that the Bill be now taken into consideration, provided amended prints shall have been previously deposited."—[The Deputy Chairman.]
  Lieut.-Colonel MOORE: It will be within the recollection of the House that some of my hon. Friends and myself opposed the Second Reading of this Bill on certain definite grounds, and as a result the Bill was sent to a Committee presided over by the hon. Member for Central Wandsworth (Sir H. Jackson). Certain additions and amendments were made, which to a large extent have met our objections. One serious objection was that the hydro-electric scheme would receive an unfair subsidy as compared with coal produced electrically, and the 5¾ per cent. subsidy granted to the promoters of this Measure has been reduced to 4¾ per cent. I am informed that, comparing the hydroelectric station under this scheme with a steam station of similar value, the hydro-electric station will be paying in rates something like £4,000 more than the steam station. In these circumstances, we feel that further opposition on that point would be unfair. There is another point. The Secretary of State for Scotland has undertaken to have a revision every 10 years of this rating relief. The effect will be that we shall have an impartial review of the situation every 10 years, and, if the Secretary of State finds that an unfair subsidy is being given, to the advantage of the hydro-electric scheme, he will have it in his power to alter that rating relief.
  I also pointed out that several owners of property along the River Doon would be seriously inconvenienced, and would have the value of their property lowered by the diminution in the flow of the river. That point has been met by an amenity Clause, which says that owners of property affected will be compensated by a cash payment. The salmon fishing industry was also seriously affected and the promoters have undertaken to make a cash compensation in that case also, and to extend the compensation for loss from five years to 10 years. On the question of unemployment we made a very strong
  2432
  point that the scheme would result in 400 or 500 miners in Ayrshire not getting the employment which is their right in producing coal for electricity, if this scheme were adopted. This afternoon I received an agreement in writing from the promoters that every Employment Exchange in Ayrshire will be exhausted before any outside labour is employed on this great scheme. That being so, and as we understand that the scheme will involve, the employment of 4,000 or 5,000 men in the vicinity for three or four years, I feel that, in the general interests of the unemployed in Ayrshire and in the interests of progress, for which this Bill undoubtedly stands, we ought to withdraw our further opposition.
  Question put, and agreed to.
  Bill, as amended, considered accordingly.
  Ordered,
  "That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time."—[The Deputy Chairman.]
  King's Consent signified: Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

  RECONSTITUTED CREAM BILL.
  Postponed Proceeding resumed on Consideration of Lords Amendment in page 1, line 6.
  Question, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment" put, and agreed to.
  Subsequent Lords Amendments to page 1, line 14, agreed to.

  RECONSTITUTED CREAM BILL.

    CLAUSE 2: (Registration of premises where reconstituted cream is manufactured or sold.)
    Lords Amendments to page 2, line 10, agreed to.
    Lords Amendment:
    In page 2, line 11, leave out:
    "sold or exposed or kept for sale or consumption on those premises only or is."
    Sir K. WOOD: I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
    The Bill as it left this House required the registration of restaurants only if artificial cream was manufactured there.

    2433
    As now amended it, requires the registration of restaurants where artificial cream is sold, whether it is manufactured there or on other premises.
    Mr. A. V. ALEXANDER: This Amendment raises a much wider question affecting restaurateurs who are unable to obtain sufficient supplies of fresh cream because of the operation of the Preservatives Measure. Does the Amendment mean that the restaurant keeper is liable for every small portion of cream served in a restaurant—either separately or in connection with some other article of food?
    Sir K. WOOD: The Amendment only affects registration.
    Mr. ALEXANDER: What will be the effect of registration in regard to the restaurant keeper from that point of view?
    Sir K. WOOD: If an occasion arises on which it is found that a restaurant is not complying with the law, the necessary steps will have to be taken. The restaurant will be put in the same position in this respect as any other place.
    Question put, and agreed to.
    Subsequent Lords Amendments to page 3, line 33, agreed to.

    CLAUSE 6.—(Definitions.)
    Lords Amendment:
    In page 4, line 5, after "of" insert "natural."
    Sir K. WOOD: I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
    This is in the nature of a drafting Amendment. I think the insertion of the word "natural" is an improvement in the definition of cream for the purposes of this Measure.
    Question put, and agreed to.
    Subsequent Lords Amendment, in page 4, line 8, agreed to.
    Lords Amendment:
    In page 4, line 11, at the end, insert "by virtue of the proviso to Sub-section 2 of Section 2 of the Food and Drugs (Adulteration) Act."
    Sir K. WOOD: I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
    This is a drafting Amendment for the purpose of referring to the conditions under which cream may lawfully contain some additional substance not derived from milk. It was inserted in order that the word "lawful" might be further defined by reference to the Food and Drugs (Adulteration) Act.
    Question put, and agreed to.
    Remaining Lords Amendments agreed to.

    ADJOURNMENT.
    Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Sir V. Warrender.]
    Adjourned accordingly at Five Minutes before Eight o'Clock.

TRADE AND COMMERCE.
  PACKING AND WRAPPING PAPERS.
  PACKING AND WRAPPING PAPERS.
  FOREIGN STEEL (ROYALTIES).
  FOREIGN STEEL (ROYALTIES).
  CARPETS (IMPORTS).
  CARPETS (IMPORTS).
  MERCHANDISE MARKS ACT, 1926.
  MERCHANDISE MARKS ACT, 1926.
  MOTOR BOATS (LICENCES AND SPEED LIMITS).
  MOTOR BOATS (LICENCES AND SPEED LIMITS).
  PLYMOUTH HARBOUR (NAVIGATION).
  PLYMOUTH HARBOUR (NAVIGATION).
  CONTRIBUTORY PENSIONS ACT.
  CONTRIBUTORY PENSIONS ACT.
PUBLIC HEALTH.
  CHILD WELFARE (MILK).
  CHILD WELFARE (MILK).
  BRITISH HOSPITALS ASSOCIATION (RADIUM TREATMENT).
  BRITISH HOSPITALS ASSOCIATION (RADIUM TREATMENT).
  VACCINATION (STATISTICS).
  VACCINATION (STATISTICS).
  HOUSING (PUBLIC INQUIRIES).
  HOUSING (PUBLIC INQUIRIES).
  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.
  NAVAL AND MILITARY PENSIONS AND GRANTS.
BRITISH ARMY.
  PAY AND PENSIONS (OFFICERS).
  PAY AND PENSIONS (OFFICERS).
  CANTEENS (FAIR CONTRACTS CLAUSE).
  CANTEENS (FAIR CONTRACTS CLAUSE).
ROYAL NAVY.
  INJURY ALLOWANCE (F. WENHAM).
  INJURY ALLOWANCE (F. WENHAM).
  CANTEENS (FAIR CONTRACT CLAUSE).
  CANTEENS (FAIR CONTRACT CLAUSE).
  AIR SERVICE (AFRICA).
  AIR SERVICE (AFRICA).
  HYDE PARK (PROSECUTIONS).
  HYDE PARK (PROSECUTIONS).
  PIT PONIES.
  PIT PONIES.
  SMALL-POX.
  SMALL-POX.
UNEMPLOYMENT.
  RELIEF SCHEMES.
  RELIEF SCHEMES.
  DEVONPORT AND PLYMOUTH.
  DEVONPORT AND PLYMOUTH.
  TRAINING AND TRANSFERS.
  TRAINING AND TRANSFERS.
  CONTRIBUTIONS AND BENEFITS.
  CONTRIBUTIONS AND BENEFITS.
  STOCKTON AND THORNABY.
  STOCKTON AND THORNABY.
  MEN OF 65 YEARS.
  MEN OF 65 YEARS.
  TRADE BOARDS.
  TRADE BOARDS.
  INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES.
  INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES.
  EMPIRE SETTLEMENT (CANADA).
  EMPIRE SETTLEMENT (CANADA).
  WEST AFRICA (LIQUOR IMPORTS).
  WEST AFRICA (LIQUOR IMPORTS).
  CROWN AGENT FOR THE COLONIES (EXPENDITURE).
  CROWN AGENT FOR THE COLONIES (EXPENDITURE).
TRANSPORT.
  RAILWAYS RECONSTRUCTION (PASSENGER DUTY).
  RAILWAYS RECONSTRUCTION (PASSENGER DUTY).
  ARTERIAL ROADS (COST).
  ARTERIAL ROADS (COST).
  BLACKPOOL (ROAD CONGESTION).
  BLACKPOOL (ROAD CONGESTION).
  WOLVERHAMPTON-BIRMINGHAM ROAD.
  WOLVERHAMPTON-BIRMINGHAM ROAD.
  ELECTRICITY SUPPLY (BATTERSEA POWER STATION).
  ELECTRICITY SUPPLY (BATTERSEA POWER STATION).
CHINA.
  BRITISH SUBJECTS.
  BRITISH SUBJECTS.
  EXTRA-TERRITORIALITY.
  EXTRA-TERRITORIALITY.
  TURKEY (REPARATIONS).
  TURKEY (REPARATIONS).
  ENTERTAINMENTS DUTY.
  ENTERTAINMENTS DUTY.
  OLD AGE PENSIONS.
  OLD AGE PENSIONS.
  BRITISH MUSEUM (PROVINCIAL NEWSPAPERS).
  BRITISH MUSEUM (PROVINCIAL NEWSPAPERS).
AGRICULTURE.
  MERCHANDISE MARKS ACT, 1926.
  MERCHANDISE MARKS ACT, 1926.
  LAND DRAINAGE.
  LAND DRAINAGE.

Preamble
The House met at a quarter past four of the clock, The LORD CHANCELLOR on the Woolsack.
The Lord Foxford (E. Limerick).—Sat first in Parliament after the death of his half-brother.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY): My Lords, it probably would be for the convenience of your Lordships if I suggested that we should meet to-morrow at eleven o'clock in order that the Royal Commission should take place at half-past eleven. It appears that that suits another place and, with your Lordships' consent, I shall propose to act upon that assumption.

PRIVATE AND PROVISIONAL ORDER CONFIRMATION BILLS.
THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES (THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE): My Lords, I move the somewhat lengthy Motion that appears on the Paper in my name. This is the usual Motion before a Dissolution. It is not word for word as your Lordships passed it four years ago. There are two points which are varied in wording; but I think I can certify to your Lordships that the constitutional principle is maintained as it always has been. Unless, therefore, any of your Lordships desire any further explanation I will move that this Motion be agreed to.
Moved to resolve, That the promoters of every Private or Provisional Order Confirmation Bill which shall have been introduced into this House in the present Session of Parliament, and which shall have passed this House and been sent to the House of Commons, or which shall be pending in this House, shall have leave to introduce the same in the next Session of Parliament, provided that notice of their intention to do so be lodged in the Private Bill Office not later than noon on the last sitting day of the present Session; and provided that all fees due by them thereon, up to that period, be paid;
That an alphabetical list of all such Bills, with a statement of the stages at which they shall have arrived, shall be prepared in the Private Bill Office, and printed;
That every such Bill which has originated in this House shall be deposited in the Private Bill Office not later than three o'clock on or before the third day on which the House shall sit after the next meeting of Parliament for business other than judicial business, with a declaration annexed thereto, signed in the case of a Private Bill by the Agent, and in the case of a Provisional Order Confirmation Bill by an officer of the Department by which the Orders to be confirmed by such Bill are made, stating that the Bill is the same in every respect as the Bill at the last stage of the proceedings thereon in this House in the present Session, and where any sum of money has been deposited, as required by Standing Order No. 57, that such deposit has not been withdrawn, together with a certificate of that fact, from the proper officer of the Court in which such money was deposited;
That in case any such Bill brought from the House of Commons in the present Session, upon which the proceedings shall have been suspended in this House, shall be brought from the House of Commons in the next Session of Parliament, the Agent for such Bill, or an officer of the Department, as the case may be, shall deposit in the Private Bill Office after the Bill shall have passed the House of Commons and prior to the First Reading thereof in this House, a declaration stating that the Bill is the same, in every respect, as the Bill at the last stage of the proceedings thereon in this House in the present Session; and, where any sum of money has been deposited, that such deposit has not been withdrawn, together with a certificate of that fact from the proper officer;
That the proceedings on such Bills shall be pro formâ only in regard to every stage through which the same shall have passed in the present Session; and that no new fees be charged in regard to such stages;
That the Standing Orders by which the proceedings on Bills are regulated shall not apply to any Private or Provisional Order Confirmation Bill which shall have originated in this House or been brought

491
up from the House of Commons in the present Session, in regard to any of the stages through which the same shall have passed;
That every certificate from the Examiners of Standing Orders for Private Bills given in respect of any Private or Provisional Order Confirmation Bill originating in the House of Commons, upon which the proceedings shall have been suspended in that House in the present Session, shall be deemed to have been given in respect of such Bill, if the same shall be brought from the House of Commons in the next Session of Parliament, and any notices published and served, and any deposits made in respect of such Bill, in respect of the present Session shall be held to have been published, served and made respectively for the Bill so brought from the House of Commons in the next Session of Parliament;
That all Petitions presented in this Session relating to any Private Bill shall, if necessary, be referred to the Committee on the Bill in the next Session;
That no Petitioners shall be heard before the Committee on any Bill unless their Petition shall have been presented within the time limited in the present Session, unless that time shall not have expired before it closes, in which case, in order to be heard, their Petition shall be presented not later than the fourth day on which the House shall sit for business other than judicial business in the next Session.—(The Earl of Donoughmore.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and ordered accordingly: And Message sent to the Commons to acquaint them therewith.

MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (YEOVIL EXTENSION AND WATER) BILL.
Read 2a.

MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 4) BILL.
Proceedings of yesterday with regard to the Report from the Committee and the re-commitment of the Bill to a Committee of the Whole House, vacated: Bill reported without amendment and re-committed to a Committee of the Whole House forthwith.
House in Committee (according to Order) on recommitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.

MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDER (No. 5) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 6) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a and passed.

DONCASTER CORPORATION (TROLLEY VEHICLES) PROVISIONAL ORDER BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

SOUTHEND-ON-SEA CORPORATION (TROLLEY VEHICLES) PROVISIONAL ORDER BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order) on re-commitment of the Bill: Bill reported without amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

LONDON AND NORTH EASTERN RAILWAY ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.
DYSART CORPORATION ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3a (according to Order), and passed.

ARTIFICIAL CREAM BILL.
FORMERLY
RECONSTITUTED CREAM BILL.
Amendments reported (according to Order).
Clause 1:
Regulation of sale of artificial cream.
1.—(1) No person shall sell or offer or expose for sale for human consumption under a description or designation including the word "cream" any substance purporting to be cream or artificial cream as defined in this Act unless—

(a) the substance is cream as defined in this Act, or

(b) where the substance is artificial cream as defined in this Act, the word "cream" is immediately preceded by the word "artificial."

THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY OF THE MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES (THE EARL OF STRAD-BROKE)THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY OF THE MINISTRY OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES (THE EARL OF STRAD-BROKE) moved to leave out subsection (1) and to insert:—
"(1) Artificial cream as defined in this Act shall not be sold or offered or exposed for sale for human consumption under any description or designation including the word 'cream' unless that word is immediately preceded by the word 'artificial'."
The noble Earl said: My Lords, I am moving this Amendment in the absence of my noble friend Lord Onslow. It is really a drafting Amendment, and restores the original wording of the subsection with the substitution of the words "artificial cream as defined in this Act" for "reconstituted cream." Apart from the desirability of making the minimum of verbal alterations for the consideration of the House of Commons, the Amendment is necessary in order to remove ambiguities and to make the Bill workable. The clause as it stands at present is open to criticism on two grounds. One is that it might possibly be contended that it would prohibit the sale of Articles of food under such designations as "ice cream" or "chocolate cream." This interpretation was certainly not intended, and it would be far beyond the object of the Bill which is to regulate the sale and manufacture of "artificial cream." Further, the effect of the words "purporting to be" is not quite clear. In the event of a prosecution it would be much more difficult to prove what the article purported to be than to prove what it
494
actually was. On those grounds I beg to move the Amendment.
Amendment moved—
Page 1, line 6, leave out subsection (1) and insert the said new subsection.—(The Earl of Stradbroke.)
LORD O'HAGAN: My Lords, before the House decides this point, I wish to say that in the event of the House accepting the Amendment I should propose to move as an Amendment to it part of the Amendment which is down on the Paper in the name of the noble Lord, Lord Strachie, and myself, so that it would read at the commencement: "Artificial cream as defined in this Act shall only be sold or offered or exposed for sale under the name lactine, or under some other name approved of by the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries."
THE EARL OF CRANBROOK: My Lords, this is merely a drafting Amendment, and I am prepared to accept the decision of the Department. The Bill as amended in this way would be less ambiguous than it is at the moment, and I hope your Lordships will accept this Amendment.
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (LORD HAILSHAM): I shall only put the first portion of the Amendment in order to save the Amendment which the noble Lord, Lord O'Hagan, has intimated he intends to move.
LORD CLINTON: My Lords, the noble Earl, Lord Stradbroke, in moving this Amendment, and the noble Earl, Lord Cranbrook, in accepting it, have, I think, been a great deal too moderate in their description of what this Amendment is. Both noble Lords have described it as a drafting Amendment; it is more than that. It cuts out, in my opinion, an important part of the clause which your Lordships put into the Bill on the Committee stage. One of the objects in moving that new clause into the Bill then was to make it quite certain that nothing should be sold under the name of cream which was not a natural product, and I still think it is wise specially to mention the fact that the purchaser is not to be induced to purchase anything under the name of cream unless it is actually what is defined in the measure. I am not quite clear what is the object of putting a definition of cream into the measure at all unless you link it up with something in the Bill itself.

495
There is, I think, a further objection. Under the Food and Drugs Act the view might be taken that a man was not prejudiced because he purchased an article which contained some perfectly harmless addition to a substance which partook of the nature of cream. If a trader could evade the definition of artificial cream in this Bill by adding such a substance I doubt if he could be prosecuted either under the Food and Drugs Act or under this Bill. It seems to make a very considerable alteration in the Bill itself. The noble Earl has told us that unless these words are taken out such substances as ice cream and chocolate cream, may come within the purview of the Bill, which, of course, is not intended. I should have thought there could be no possibility of any doubt as to what those substances are that are sold under the name of ice cream or chocolate cream. The noble Earl may be advised that that is the case, but I think that this Amendment is something much more than drafting and does affect the meaning of the clause as decided at the Committee stage.
LORD DANESFORT: My Lords, I confess I prefer the words of my noble friend behind me, Lord Clinton. I think they would be much more protection both to the purchaser and to the farmer. The purchaser would know that he was purchasing something which was either cream itself as defined by the Bill, in which case of course it would be all right, or something called artificial cream which is not cream but is something defined by the Bill. Therefore, as regards the purchaser, I think the protection would be better. I should like, in two or three words, to meet the objections to the clause which have been raised toy the noble Earl. He suggested that the sale of ice cream or chocolate cream would be prohibited under the clause as it stands. I do not think that is so, because the provision is against the selling of a substance purporting to be cream or artificial cream as defined by the Bill. Ice cream certainly is not cream as defined by the Bill. It does not purport to be cream. Therefore there is no question of the sale of ice cream being affected. Precisely the same is true of chocolate cream. It does not purport to be cream and does not fall into the defini-
496
tion in the Bill of cream or artificial cream. These two articles are entirely outside the purview of the Bill and I think no Court could interfere with their sale under this Bill. The other objection raised by the noble Earl is that the clause as it stand is ambiguous. I have looked carefully into it to see if there is any ambiguity either latent or patent, and I cannot find any ambiguity whatever. I think the noble Earl, if he sits (as he may) on a bench of justices, would not have the slightest difficulty in construing the Bill. It is because I think that the words in the Bill are really better for the protection which we all want to afford, on the one hand to the farmer and on the other hand to the purchaser, that I hope your Lordships will leave the clause as it stands.
LORD DYNEVOR: My Lords, I agree with my noble friend Lord Clinton that it is not advisable to put this Amendment in the Bill. I do not want to repeat the arguments he used, which are all good; but I hope your Lordships will think twice before accepting this Amendment.
THE MARQUESS OF READING: My Lords, I cannot but think that there is a mistake with regard to the apprehensions put forward by the noble Earl. There really is no difficulty in construing the clause as it stands. It seems to me that it carries out exactly the intention that was arrived at after considerable discussion. The point is that you must not have the sale of cream or any substance purporting to be artificial cream unless it comes within the purview of this Bill. That is precisely what is done. Ice cream and chocolate cream would not come within the definition at all. I think the clause as it stands does carry out what your Lordships intended after the very considerable discussion we had two days ago. My recollection is that we debated this phraseology and came to the conclusion that we should incorporate it in the Bill, partly to get away from the difficulty that was felt by a number of your Lordships that the word "cream." should not be used at all. In order to meet that objection we decided on this clause so that a purchaser who bought cream should know that it was artificial cream as distinct from natural cream.
On Question, Amendment negatived.
LORD O'HAGAN LORD O'HAGAN moved, after Clause 1, to insert as a new clause:—
Name under which artificial cream to be sold.
".Artificial cream shall only be sold, offered or exposed for sale under the name lactine, or under some other name approved of by the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries."
The noble Lord said: My Lords, I take it that what has now happened is that Clause 1 has been approved and in that case I beg to move the insertion after that clause of the new clause standing in my name. Your Lordships will recollect the discussion which took place only two days ago. I will not weary you by reiterating what was said then, but I venture to say that there was a considerable consensus of opinion that what was desirable in this Bill, or in any measure similar to this Bill, was that it should be made abundantly clear that this new substance was not cream. Speaking as Chairman of the Central Chamber of Agriculture I can say that it is the view of that body that for the safeguarding of the producer without losing sight of the interests of the consumer the use of the word "cream" is to be deprecated. For this reason I propose the insertion of the clause which stands in my name on the Paper. The wording is based partly on the precedent to be found in the Food and Drugs (Adulteration of Food) Act, 1928, Clause 23 of which gives, discretion to the Minister of Agriculture in the manner suggested in this clause. I suggest that in the interests of the farming community of this country it is of real importance that a definite word, different from any phrase embodying the word "cream, "should be employed as a label for this composition, manufactured or produced, which is being sold to the public. On this account I beg to move the clause standing in my name.
Amendment moved—
Page 1, line 23, at end insert the said new clause.—(Lord O'Hagan.)
VISCOUNT BERTIE OF THAME: My Lords, I have just been looking up the meaning of this word "lactine." In Murray's English Dictionary I find that the proper word is "lactin." The word is the same as lactose. It is defined as "a saccharine substance present in milk commonly called sugar of milk." I
498
think, therefore, that this is a most unsuitable word to propose.
THE EARL OF CRANBROOK: My Lords, I hope that your Lordships will not accept the Amendment moved by the noble Lord, Lord O'Hagan, because I do not think it is at all necessary to the Bill. We discusssd this matter at great length on Tuesday and then your Lordships came to the almost unanimous conclusion that "artificial cream" was the best name for this substance. I feel that it is only fair to the producer that we should leave the word "cream" in the Bill. As your Lordships have been told this substance is cream in its composition, and passes the test of chemical analysis. It has the same properties as cream, and I am informed that it has the same amount of vitamins in it as natural cream, if not more. I do not believe that the British public are so stupid as the noble Lord seems to think. I am quite certain that nobody is going to buy a substance labelled "artificial cream" and think that he is buying natural cream. Accordingly I do not think that this proposed word, whether it means artificial cream or some obscure form of sugar, is at all necessary. I hope, therefore, that your Lordships will not accept this Amendment.
LORD BLEDISLOE: My Lords, for my part I rather regret that we should have to retain the word "cream" in the Bill. On the other hand, I am not at all satisfied that any such substitute as is now being suggested will properly meet the case. First of all, I am not at all convinced that the word "lactine" suggests cream at all. If it suggests anything, it suggests something made of milk, and milk is in many respects essentially different from cream. It is perfectly true that cream does possess a certain amount of lactose and milk sugar, but it is such a very small percentage as to be really almost negligible. I must join issue with the noble Earl who has so ably submitted this Bill to your Lordships' House in his argument about vitamins. There may be vitamins of a certain character—A, B, C, or D—but I am quite certain that there is not the same amount of vitamins, appropriately proportioned as nature has allotted them, as is to be found in either milk or cream. I think that on the whole we had better be satisfied with the term "artificial cream." I am not quite sure who are the people who are deliberately

499
going to purchase artificial cream with any great gusto for the delectation either of themselves or of their guests, and I should have thought that we had provided a sufficient deterrent in the language to which your Lordships have agreed, without carrying the matter further.
THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: My Lords, I do not pretend to be a very adequate draftsman, but I really think, apart from the arguments submitted by my noble friend who has just sat down and by Lord Clinton, that to insert this Amendment here would be to make nonsense of the Bill—I say it with great submission—because your Lordships have already decided that the term "artificial cream" shall be used, and in fact have directed absolutely that whenever this substance is sold the word "artificial" shall be put in front of the word "cream." We cannot go on altering the name. If this substance is always to be called "artificial cream, "to introduce a new name would not be consistent. It would be an absolute contradiction in terms. I suggest that my noble friend would do well not to press this Amendment. I do not attempt to deal with it upon other grounds.
LORD STRACHIE: My Lords, the noble Marquess who leads the House has objected to this Amendment as inconsistent, but I would remind him that, owing to the way in which this Bill has been rushed through, we have had no real opportunity of considering our Amendments. What has happened with regard to this Bill? It comes to us on Report after being considerably amended in Committee. That amended Bill was not circulated with the Votes yesterday morning in the usual way. It did not arrive at noble Lords' houses in London until night, and noble Lords living in the country cannot have got it until this morning. That shows the state of things. I understand that after the Report stage it is proposed, following the suspension of Standing Order No. XXXIX, to rush the Bill through its remaining stages. This is not the fault of those who have opposed the Bill, but—I venture to say this with all respect to the noble Marquess—of those who try, at the end of a Session, to force upon the unwilling agriculturists a Bill to which they object entirely without giving an opportunity
500
for full and adequate discussion. I am rather surprised at the attitude of the noble Marquess, because he has always been one of the first to insist that, in the interests of the functions and dignity of this House, we should have full opportunity of discussing and revising Bills. I am sure that the noble Marquess cannot contradict me when I say that we have not had proper opportunity of considering and revising this Bill.
I have already quoted agricultural opinion in opposition to the statement of the noble Earl that this Bill is introduced in the interests of the producer. Perhaps the noble Earl will be surprised when I tell him that only yesterday the Council of the Royal Agricultural Society, of which so many of your Lordships are members, unanimously accepted the report of its Dairies Committee in which it was declared that the word "cream" ought not to be used in respect of artificial cream or reconstituted cream. That is the expressed opinion of the most influential body of agriculturists in this country, and I venture to oppose it to the noble Earl's claim regarding the interests of the producer. Another very important body, so far as the dairy interest is concerned, is the Council of the British Dairy Farmers' Association, of which several noble Lords whom I see present have been President. At a very large meeting of the Council of that body yesterday they unanimously passed the following resolution:—
"That in the opinion of the Council of the British Dairy Farmers' Association the word 'cream' should not be allowed in any description of artificial cream and this should be called 'lactine' or by any other name approved of by the Minister of Agriculture."
Two noble Lords have taken objection to the word "lactine." They seem to think that if the word is put into the Bill it will have to be used, but this Amendment very carefully safeguards that point by referring to "some other name approved of by the Minister."
What is the reason for the insertion of those words on the part of my noble friend and myself? We were following the precedent created under the Margarine Act, 1887. That Act was repealed, but the form of words is found again in Section 23 of the Food and Drugs Act, 1928, providing in exactly the same way that margarine is to be called by

501
some name approved of by the Minister of Agriculture. When I had the honour of representing the Ministry of Agriculture in another place we had constantly to consider names sent up to us and to make sure that none of these names had anything to do with butter. I think I have shown that there can be no objection on the score of the unsuitability of the word "lactine," and this seems to me to remove the difficulty entirely. I have also been informed that there are other kinds of artificial cream to which special names have been given. There is one that is sold very largely at present, of which 50 per cent. is fat. This has some resemblance to cream and is sold under the name of "malga." We on this side of the House have no objection to this cream being sold, so long as it is not described as cream. We do not want to interfere with the sale of a cheap substitute for cream, any more than we wish to interfere with the Bale of margarine, which is cheaper than butter; but I venture to say that agriculturists are bitterly opposed to the proposal that this substance should be sold under the name of cream when it is not cream at all, but only a manufactured article. I hope that my noble friend will press this Amendment, because I am quite certain that he will have all the great agricultural bodies at his back.
EARL BUXTON: My Lords, as one who proposes to vote for this Amendment, I have to admit that it is somewhat inconsistent with what your Lordships did the other day in Committee. It is a little difficult to defend a clause which, when this material is called "artificial cream" in one place, proposes that it should be called something else in another. But with regard to the Bill as a whole, many of us—I believe the majority of the House—would have thrown it out on Second Reading if the noble Marquess the Leader of the House had not made an appeal to us to allow it to go to Committee. The Bill went through Second Reading, and then we were informed that unless the word "cream" was somewhere in the Bill, this reconstituted cream, as it was called, would continue to be sold and could not be prohibited under the Food and Drugs Act—that unless the word "cream" appeared in the Bill the article could continue to be sold as reconstituted cream, and all the evils to
502
which we object would continue as before. That was the reason why, upon a general discussion as to low this substance should be defined, we came to the conclusion that it should be called "artificial cream." As far as the consumer and the farmer are concerned that is not sufficient protection for either of them, because although it is admitted that this article is not cream in any sense of the term, it can continue to be sold under that name.
The object of this Amendment, as I understand from my noble friend Lord O'Hagan, is to define it further and to prohibit the use of the word "cream." I admit that that is inconsistent with what is already in the Bill; but that is not really the fault of my noble friend: it is due to your Lordships having accepted the Second Reading. It is essential to take care that the name "artificial cream" is further qualified by some such term as "lactine." The same thing occurred with regard to margarine. It was first sold under the name of "butterine," but that was found to be inexpedient from the point of view of the farmer and the consumer, and an Act of Parliament was passed requiring it to be called "margarine." Surely, that is a very good precedent. I do not know whether the term "lactine" is a proper description or not, but that, at, any rate, can be altered by the Minister of Agriculture after the Bill has passed. What we want to do is to prevent the consumer being induced to buy an article because he thinks it has some element of cream in it, and to prevent the farmer also being injured by an article being sold as cream which is not cream. It is really not the fault of my noble friend that we are in this difficulty: it is really due to your Lordships allowing the Second Reading to pass.
THE MARQUESS OF READING: My Lords, may I ask whether we are to take the Amendment as it stands on the Paper? If so, the proposal will be on page 1, line 23, at end, to insert the words as printed as a new clause. I am as jealous as anybody of the reputation of this House, and I cannot be a party to passing a measure which in itself would make nonsense. Just look at the Bill as it stands; and see what will be the effect if your Lordships pass this Amendment. I would far rather that the Bill be thrown out on Third Read-

503
ing than pass an Amendment which makes nonsense of what your Lordships have already done. Clause 1 provides for the regulation of the sale of artificial cream, and the substance is defined later. Then the second subsection of Clause 1 provides that:
"Every receptacle used for the conveyance of artificial cream for sale for human consumption, or containing artificial cream at any time when it is exposed for such sale, shall have the words 'artificial cream' printed in large and legible type either on the receptacle itself or on a label securely attached thereto."
Having provided that you can never expose for sale or sell this substance unless you label it "artificial cream," the Bill goes on to provide a penalty for any offence against this provision. Then you come to the Amendment, which says that:
"Artificial cream shall only be sold, offered or exposed for sale under the name lactine."
Whatever may be the intention of the mover of the Amendment, your Lordships cannot pass an Amendment which would make nonsense of all that the House has done before.
On Question, Amendment negatived.
Clause 6:
Definitions.
6.In this Act—
"Food and Drugs Authority" has the same meaning as in the Food and Drugs (Adulteration) Act, 1928;
"Cream" means that portion of natural milk rich in milk fat which has been separated by skimming or otherwise;
"Artificial cream" means an article of food resembling cream and containing no ingredient which is not derived from milk except water or any ingredient or material which may lawfully be contained in an article sold as cream.
THE EARL OF STRADBROKE THE EARL OF STRADBROKE moved, in the last paragraph, after the second "which," to insert "by virtue of the proviso to subsection (2) of Section two of the Food and Drugs (Adulteration) Act, 1928." The noble Earl said: My Lords, this is a drafting Amendment for the purpose of clearing up the doubts which were raised in Committee as to the purpose of the words "or any ingredient or material which may lawfully be contained in an article sold as cream." The proviso referred to enacts that an offence is not deemed to be committed—
504
" (a) where any ingredient or material not injurious to health has been added to the article of food…because it is required for the production or preparation thereof as an article of commerce…and not fraudulently to increase the bulk, weight or measure…or to conceal the inferior quality thereof,
(c) where the food…is unavoidably mixed with some extraneous matter in the process of collection or preparation."
Amendment moved—
Page 4, line 11, at end insert (" by virtue of the proviso to subsection (2) of Section two of the Food and Drugs (Adulteration) Act, 1928 ").—(The Earl of Stradbroke.)
LORD BLEDISLOE: My Lords, I should like to ask a question for my own information. I have no doubt this Amendment is desirable, but I am not quite sure whether it would affect a, matter which I raised with some doubt on the Committee stage, as to whether the term "milk"—which appears in the Bill immediately before this—without any qualifying word at all can be milk which is not of animal origin, because it is only fair to the vendors and manufacturers of this article that the term "artificial cream" should not be allowed to refer to some fat that is removed from some product which is not the produce of a cow, or possibly of an ass or a goat. I am not quite sure, however, whether this particular Amendment covers it. I only received the amended Bill last night. But it does occur to me that if in the previous definition you have used the words "natural milk," you ought surely in fairness in this definition to use a similar term, or at least indicate that the milk is derived from an animal and not from a vegetable product, like a cocoanut or soya bean. There are all sort of products known as milk. There is, for example, one most excellent one, sold in the West of England under the name of Bristol milk.
THE EARL OF CRANBROOK: I am informed that the word "milk" is used in the Food and Drugs Act without any qualification, and that it can be used here equally well. This Amendment is merely to satisfy the doubts raised by my noble friend Lord Clinton, and I hope your Lordships will accept it.
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, it was moved, That the Bill be now read 3a.—(The Earl of Cranbrook.)
LORD STRACHIE: My Lords, if this Bill is thrown out now I am sure it would give the greatest satisfaction to the agricultural bodies, although some noble Lords seem to think that they are of no importance at all. I may point out that if this Bill is thrown out now it would not have the usual effect of preventing early legislation upon the subject, because, as we all know, this Parliament comes to an end to-morrow. Parliament will meet again in June, and then it will be perfectly possible for another Bill to be brought in, which can be properly and adequately discussed. It has been generally admitted on all sides, and by the noble Marquess the Leader of the House as well, that we nave not had proper time for its consideration. I shall certainly oppose the Third Reading, and I understand that my noble friend who temporarily leads us on this side of the House will support that Motion, although he was not willing to support me just now, as regards the question of cream. We are going to take a Division on a very clear point indeed—namely, whether it is desirable to have this Bill at all.
May I say, as a matter of personal explanation, that I have had a letter from Mr. Everard, who fathered this Bill in another place, who tells me that the reason why he was absent from the Standing Committee was that he was then laid up with influenza. I was not objecting to Mr. Everard not being present at the Standing Committee; the only reason why I mentioned him was to emphasise the fact that at the time of the Standing Committee the Minister of Health had practically taken charge of the Bill, and I had not seen that Mr. Everard had taken any part in it. I am very glad to say at once, however, as he asked me to say so, that the only reason why he was not at the Standing Committee was that he was laid up with influenza.
LORD CLINTON: My Lords, the noble Lord opposite, started with the assertion that the agricultural societies of the Kingdom will be delighted if this Bill is thrown out on Third Reading. I doubt very much whether he has any ground
506
whatever for making that assertion. There are, I know, quite a number of bodies and of individual farmers who are of opinion that during the passage of the Bill through this House a very great improvement has been made in it. Many of them, I know, were opposed to the Bill in the form in which it was introduced into your Lordships' House, but they recognised that the alterations that have been made in it have rendered it effective in the interests of the farmers, and they will regret exceedingly if your Lordships reject it now.
LORD BLEDISLOE: My Lords, as one who was in considerable doubt on the Second Reading as to which Lobby he should go into, for or against the Bill, I should like to say that not only do I feel now that personally I shall be justified in supporting the Third Reading, but I really believe that in doing so I may be instrumental with others in affording some satisfaction to the farming community. In fact, I should really like to congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Strachie. I always admire his persistence and courage and enterprise in the matter of legislation affecting the farming community, and I have a sort of idea that, even if he does go into the Lobby against this Bill, the Bill will be registered to his credit among the members of the agricultural community for all time. It is very largely, if not mainly, due to his extraordinary activity in the matter of this so-called reconstituted cream that a Bill was framed and brought before Parliament at all, and I am quite satisfied that, even in these expiring days of the Parliament we have done good work in protecting, and I believe effectively protecting, the farming community against the foisting upon the public of something that is not their own product. My only disappointment in connection with this interesting discussion, which has produced a remarkable capacity for coalition on the part of at least two Parties in the State as represented here, is the amazing emptiness of the Labour Benches during the discussion of this matter, which is so vitally important to the agricultural industry. But for the tacit, but none the less substantial support of my noble friend, Lord Muir Mackenzie, demonstrating some interest on his part in agricultural matters, one might almost imagine that agricultural interests were

507
not duly husbanded by the Leaders of the official Opposition and those who claim support for the Labour Party in this country.
LORD GAINFORD: My Lords, in this discussion we have heard much about the views of the producers and the agriculturists, but we have been rather forgetting the interests of the consumer. On the Second Reading debate it was from that side of the House more than from this side that objections were offered to the Bill on the ground that any article sold as cream, however described, would deceive the public, and I still feel that, although we have inserted the word "artificial," a great number of people will nevertheless buy this substance believing it to be cream of equal value with the real product, although it is artificial. It is because I think we have been rushed in connection with the procedure on this Bill, and because I think that the Bill might be revised and brought in hereafter in another place, that I shall support my noble friends if they go to a Division. If the Bill is passed in its present form I think the purchaser will be deceived in connection with the product which will be sold.
LORD O'HAGAN: My Lords, notwithstanding the respect I have for the position and knowledge of my noble friends Lord Clinton and Lord Bledisloe, I venture to intervene again in the debate. I should not like it to be supposed that a large body of dairy and other farmers in the country would view with approval the passage of this Bill even in its present form. Indeed, from the information I have received from communications that have been sent to me regarding this matter and dealing with the very-question, but from the other angle, which has been dealt with by the noble Lord, Lord Gainford, I venture to think that the agricultural community would
deplore its passage even in its present form. I have, therefore, no alternative but to oppose the Bill.
THE EARL OF CRANBROOK: My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Strachie, informed the House that various agricultural societies had told him that they dislike the presence of the word "cream" in the Bill. I have not brought into the discussion in your Lordships' House a single word that I have had from any agricultural society; but I feel confident that your Lordships, as a body which, I suppose, has in it more agricultural experts than any other body in the world, are capable of judging of the merits of this Bill. It was opposed by all the agricultural experts in your Lordships' House on Second Reading. We have now had two of the biggest experts in agriculture approving of it. From what I know of agriculture, which is very little, I approve of it myself, and I hope that your Lordships will give it a Third Reading because I am convinced that it will do an enormous amount of good to the dairy farmers of this country. I am convinced also that it will save the public at large from buying something which they think is something else. It is almost inconceivable that any man or woman outside a lunatic asylum could buy a substance labelled "artificial cream" and still think it was natural cream. One sees young girls buying artificial silk stockings every day and I am perfectly certain that they know what they are buying. The public also will know what they are buying when they purchase artificial cream.
On Question, Whether the Bill shall be now read a third time?—
Their Lordships divided: Contents, 22; Not-Contents, 12.

CONTENTS.

Dufferin and Ava, M.

Bertie of Thame, V.

Danesfort, L.

Churchill, V.

Desborough, L.

Bradford, E.

Hutchinson, V. (E. Donoughmore.)

Dynevor, L.

Cranbrook, E. [Teller.]

Hay, L. (E. Kinnoull.)

Iddesleigh, E.

Kylsant, L.

Lindsay, E.

Lincoln, L. Bp.

Meldrum, L. (M. Huntly.)

Lucan, E.

Monk Bretton, L.

Stradbroke, E.

Bledisloe, L.

Templemore, L.

Vane, E. (M. Londonderry.)

Clinton, L. [Teller.]

NOT-CONTENTS.

Reading, M.

Gainford, L.

Shandon, L.

Hemphill, L.

Stanmore, L.

Buxton, E.

Middleton, L.

Strachie, L. [Teller.]

Muir-Mackenzie, L.

Wharton, L.

Clwyd, L.

O'Hagan, L. [Teller.]

On Question, Amendment agreed to.

Resolved in the affirmative, Bill read 3a accordingly, with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.

DONCASTER AREA DRAINAGE BILL.
Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee read.
Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.—(The Earl of Stradbroke.)
House in Committee accordingly:
[The EARL OF DONOUGHMORE in the Chair.]
Clause 1 agreed to.
Clause 2:
Transfer to Central Board of functions of county councils with respect to land drainage.
2.—(1) All powers, duties and obligations with respect to the drainage of land which, by virtue of the Land Drainage Act, 1926, are vested in or required to be performed by the council of any county or county borough any part of the area of which is comprised in the Doncaster district, but excluding any power to levy any rate other than a drainage rate and any power to borrow money, shall, by virtue of this Act, so far as they relate to land within the Doncaster district, be transferred to and become powers, duties and obligations of the Central Board:
Provided that, any expense which the Central Board may incur, by reason of the exercise by the Board of any powers conferred by such subsection 1 (1) (a) of the Land Drainage Act, 1926, with respect to any drainage work under the control and jurisdiction of any district drainage board, may at the option of the Central Board be recovered direct from the district board as a civil debt.
THE EARL OF STRADBROKE THE EARL OF STRADBROKE moved, in the proviso in subsection (1), to leave out "such subsection 1 (1) (a)" and insert "subsection (1) (a) of Section one". The noble Earl said: I ought to point out to your Lordships that on the Paper issued this morning there is a printer's error. After subsection in the words I propose to insert there is the figure 1 not in brackets which ought to come out. It will then read "subsection (1) (a) of Section one." I beg to move.
Amendment moved—
Page 3, line 7, leave out ("such subsection 1 (1) (a)") and insert ("subsection (1) (a) of Section one").—(The Earl of Stradbroke.)
Clause 2, as amended, agreed to.
THE LORD CHAIRMAN: I suggest we might take all the remaining clauses unless any of your Lordships desire to take any point upon them.
Remaining clauses agreed to.
Schedule agreed to.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Amendment reported: Bill read 3a, and passed, and returned to the Commons.

SALMON AND FRESHWATER FISHERIES (AMENDMENT) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order): Bill reported without Amendment.
Then, Standing Order No. XXXIX having been suspended, Bill read 3a, and passed.

  GRANTS TO THE ISLAND OF LEWIS.
  GRANTS TO THE ISLAND OF LEWIS.
SMETHWICK CORPORATION BILL.
Returned from the Commons, with the Amendment, agreed to.
AGRICULTURAL RATES BILL.
Returned from the Commons, with the Amendments, agreed to.
CHESTER CORPORATION BILL.
Returned from the Commons, with the Amendments, agreed to.
METROPOLITAN RAILWAY BILL.
Returned from the Commons, with the Amendments, agreed to.
IMPERIAL CONTINENTAL GAS ASSOCIATION BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments: The said Amendments considered, and agreed to.

PRIVATE AND PROVISIONAL ORDER CONFIRMATION BILLS.
Message from the Commons to acquaint this House that they have come to the following Resolutions—
That the Promoters of every Private Bill or Bill to confirm any Provisional Order or Certificate which shall have originated in this House or been brought from the House of Lords in the present Session of Parliament shall have leave to suspend any further proceeding thereon in order to proceed with the same, if they shall think fit, in the next Session of Parliament, provided that notice of their intention to do so be given in the Committee and Private Bill Office not later than the day before the close of the present Session, and that all fees thereon due up to that period be paid.
That not later than live o'clock on the third day on which the House shall sit after the next meeting of Parliament, every such Bill which has originated in this House shall be deposited in the Committee and Private Bill Office, with a declaration annexed thereto, signed in the case of a Private Bill by the Agent, and in the case of a Provisional Order Bill by an officer of the Department by which the Orders to be confirmed by such Bill were made, stating that the Bill is the same, in every respect, as the Bill with respect to which proceedings have been so suspended at the last stage of its proceeding in this House in the present Session; and, where any sum of money has been deposited, that such deposit has not been withdrawn, together with a certificate of that fact from the proper officer of the Court in which such money is deposited; and, as soon as conveniently may be in the next Session of Parliament, every such Bill shall be laid by one of the Clerks in the Committee and Private Bill Office upon the Table of the House.
That every Bill so laid upon the Table shall be deemed to have been read the first time; and shall be read a second time if such Bill shall have been read a second time previously to its being suspended; and, if such Bill shall have been reported by any Committee in the present Session, the Committee stage shall be dispensed with and the Bill ordered to lie upon the Table, or to be read the third time, as the case may be.
That in case any Bill brought from the House of Lords in the present Session, upon which the proceedings shall have been suspended in this House, shall be brought from the House of Lords in the next Session of Parliament, a declaration signed as aforesaid stating that the Bill is the same in every respect as the Bill which was brought from the House of Lords in the present Session, and, where any sum of money has been deposited, that such deposit has mot been withdrawn, together with a certificate of that fact from the proper officer, shall be deposited in the Committee and Private Bill Office before the First Reading of such Bill; and, provided that such deposit has been duly made, such Bill

515
shall be read the first time and be further proceeded with in the same manner as Bills introduced into this House during the present Session, with this modification, that if any such Bill shall have been amended in this House in the present Session, such Amendments shall be deemed to have been made in Committee and the Bill, as amended, shall be ordered to lie upon the Table or, if the Bill shall have been ordered to be read the third time in the present Session, to be read the third time.
That the Standing Orders by which the proceedings on Bills are regulated shall not apply to any such Bill in regard to any of the stages through which the same shall have passed during the present Session, and that no further fees be charged in respect of such stages.
That all Petitions presented in the present Session against any such Bill which stood referred to the Committee on the Bill shall stand referred to the Committee on the same Bill in the next Session of Parliament; and that all notices and grounds of objection to the right of Petitioners to be heard within the time prescribed by the Rules of the Referees relating to such notices shall be held applicable in the next Session of Parliament.
That no Petitioners shall be heard before the Committee on such Bills unless their Petition shall have been presented within the time limited in the present Session.
That, in case the time limited for presenting Petitions against any such Bill shall not have expired at the close of the present Session, Petitioners may be heard before the Committee on such Bill, provided their Petition be presented previous to or not later than seven clear days after the next meeting of Parliament.
That all Instructions to Committees on Private Bills in the present Session, which shall be suspended previously to their being reported by any Committee, be Instructions to the Committee on the same Bills in the next Session.
That any Standing Orders complied with in respect of any Private Bill or
516
Bill to confirm any Provisional Order or Certificate, originating in the House of Lords, upon which the proceedings shall have been suspended in that House, shall be deemed to have been complied with in respect of such Bill, if the same shall be brought from the House of Lords in the next Session of Parliament, and any notices published and served, and any deposits made in respect of such Bill for the present Session shall be held to have been published, served and made, respectively, for the Bill so brought from the House of Lords in the next Session of Parliament.
That all Standing Orders complied with in respect of any Public Bill introduced, or intended to be introduced, during the present Session shall be held applicable to any Bill for the same objects introduced in the next Session, and where the Examiner has already reported upon the compliance with the Standing Orders in respect of any such Bill he shall only report in the next Session whether any further Standing Orders are applicable.
That the said Orders be Standing Orders of the House.

DUMFRIESSHIRE (GRETNA AND DORNOCK) ELECTRICITY ORDER, 1929.
HOPE (DERBYSHIRE) AND DISTRICT ELECTRICITY ORDER, 1929.
Report from the Special Orders Committee, That no Petition has been presented praying to be heard against the Special Orders, and that there is nothing in these Orders to which they think it necessary to call the attention of the House: Read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (YEOVIL EXTENSION AND WATER) BILL.
Committed: The Committee to meet forthwith.
Reported without amendment, and recommitted to a Committee of the Whole House to-morrow.